^MOFPRI«^ 


as 


THE  HISTORICAL  NEW  TESTAMENT 


/ 

THE    HISTORICAL 

NEW    TESTAMENT 

BEING  THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT  ARRANGED  IN  THE  ORDER 
OF  ITS  LITERARY  GROWTH  AND  ACCORD- 
ING TO  THE  DATES  OF  THE  DOCUMENTS 


EDITED    WITH  PROLEGOMENA,    HISTORICAL    TABLES, 
CRITICAL    NOTES,    AND    AN  APPENDIX, 

BY 

JAMES     MOFFATT,     B.D. 


NEW    YORK 
CHARLES     SCRIBNER'S     SONS 

EDINBURGH:    T.    &    T.  CLARK,    38    GEORGE    STREET 
19OI 


The  historical  rather  than  the  dogmatic  character  of  Christianity,  its  trans- 
mission at  least  to  us  in  an  historical  form,  is  becoming  more  and  more  evident. 
If  this  be  so,  how  are  we  to  make  it  yield  its  voice  to  the  human  conscience  and 
to  human  hopes  ?  AVe  cannot  use  it  as  an  oracle.  We  must  take  possession  of 
it  as  a  history,  before  we  can  construct  it  as  a  system.  Thus  to  pass  behind  the 
veil  of  antiquity  is  the  only  method  of  rising  to  a  genuine  ajipreciation  of  the 
mind  of  Christ,  or  of  attaining  a  clear  vision  of  the  perfect  religion  which  it 
enshrines. — Martineau. 

Chaque  livre  de  la  Bible,  appele  a  son  tour,  devra  niarquer  sa  place  dans 
I'histoire  et  r^v^ler  a  la  conscience  spirituelle  son  degre  de  I'inspiration. 
Suivant  les  reponses  qu'il  aura  faites,  une  part  plus  ou  moins  directe  lui  sera 
d^volue  dans  I'ceuvre  de  reconstruction  du  fait  de  la  revelation,  a  I'aide  des 
sources  historiques  du  canon.  Et  c'est  alors,  niais  alors  seulement,  que  Ton 
pourra  tenter,  avec  quelque  chance  de  succes,  d'ecrire  sur  la  doctrine  chr^tienne 
un  livre  qui  r^ponde  a  la  realite. — Westphal. 

Ich  bin  tiberzeugt,  dass  die  Bibel  immer  schciuer  wird,  je  mehr  man  sie 
versteht,  d.li.  je  mehr  man  einsieht  und  anschaut,  dass  jedes  Wort,  das  wir 
allgemein  auffassen  und  im  besondern  auf  uns  anwenden,  nach  gewissen 
Umstanden,  nach  Zeit-  und  Ortsverhiiltnissen  eiuen  eigenen,  besondern, 
unmittelbar  Individ uellen  Bezug  gehabt  hat. — Goethe. 


TO 

MY   FATHER  and   MY   MOTHER 

I\     GRATITUDE     AND     LOVE     AND     REVERENCE 

I   DEDICATE 

WHATEVER   OF   MY   OWN   WITHIN   THESE   PAGES   MAY   BE   TRUE   AND   WISE 

FOR   IT    IS   THEIRS 


Autrcment  on  I'accu.se  de  ne  lieii  dire  de  nouvean.  Mais  si  le.s  niatiires 
qu'il  traite  ne  sont  pas  nouvelles,  la  disposition  en  est  nouvclle.  Quand 
on  jone  a  la  panme,  c'est  nne  nienie  balle  doiit  on  joue  I'nn  et  I'autre  ;  niais 
I'un  la  place  mieiix. — Pascal. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

PllEFACE  .........  xiii 

Principal  Abbiieviations  employed  .....  xxv 

Peolegomena — 

The  idea  of  the  present  edition         .....  3 

The  "  historical  "  method  :  its  double  bearing         ...  3 

The  NT  literature  to  be  re-arranged  in  the  order  of  its  growth        .  4 

Twofold  need  for  this  ;  in —  .             .             .             .             .             .  4  f . 

(i.)  general  nature  and  requirements  of  liistoriual  study            .  5 

(ii.)  special  nature  of  NT  canon  .             ....  5 

I.  Significance  of  interval  between  the  dates  of  a  narrative's  subject 

and  of  its  composition     .....  6 

The  meaning  of  a  "  contemporary  "  document          ...  7 

Instances  from  OT    ,             .             .             .             .             .             .  8  f . 

Bearing  of  this  upon  the  apostolic  age  and  our  knowledge  of  Jesus  9 
Every  narrative  contains  a  standijoint  as  well  as  a  subject — "the 

contemporary  equation "               ....  9 

Any    period    and    its    literature    mutually   illuminating  —  retlcx 

influence .  .  .  .  .  .  .10 

The  question  raised  primarily  in  relation  to  the  gospels       .             .  11 
Origin  and  function  of  gospels — lapse  of  time  between  the  life 

of  Jesus  and  their  composition   .  .  .  .12 

This   interval   inevitable  —  its   significance   for   character    of 

gospels :  advantages  and  drawbacks        .             .             .  13  f. 

■    Gospels  not  chronicles — their  selective,  interpretative  element  19 

Coloured  by  contemporary  tendencies   ....  20 

Witness  indirectly  to  beliefs  and  feelings  of  apostolic  age          .  21 

Their  variations  and  idiosyncrasies        .             .             .             .  22  f. 

Their  personal  element  and  didactic  aim  .  .  .25  f. 

Historical  narratives  are  thus  a  double  witness,  to  past  and  present, 

e.g.  the  fourth  gospel       .             .             .             .             .  31  f. 

The  gospels  and  the  epistles  :  their  rise  and  mutual  relations          .  39 

The  fact  of  distance  an  axiom  of  research  to  be  recognised,  for —     .  44 

{a)  sense  of  order  and  progress  in  age  ....  45 

[h]  intelligibility  of  literature    .             .             .             .             .  46 


CONTENTS 


Use  and  limitations  of  this  method  for  and  with  the  historical 
imagination   .  ..... 

The  NT  literature  to  be  taken  in  its  sei|uence 

Resultant  insiglit  into  early  Christian  modes  of  thought  and  li 

II.  Canonical  order  of  NT  varying  and  unchronological 
Its  object  usually  practical  and  devotional 
Apt  to  mislead  and  hinder  historical  research  . 
Its  inadequacy  for  strict  investigation  . 
Need  of  a  fresli  arrangement  of  the  literature  on  a  different 
principle  ...... 

III.   Explanation  of  present  edition  :  its  objects,  limitations,  ]iossibility 
Does  not  imply —  ..... 

(a)  organic   relations   necessarily   between   certain   docu 
ments,  e.g.  gospels  and  Pauline  epistles    . 
literary  dependence  in  relation  to  chronology  of 
documents         .... 

the  place  of  Paulinism  in  early  Christian  develop 
ment      ..... 

{b)  dogmatic  purpose  .... 

or  orderly  development — 

the  deceptiveuess  and  inadequacy  of  chronology 
(c)  undue  literary  prominence  of  Pauline  epistles — 
two  considerations  :  (i.)  early  Christian  letters 

and      evangelic      collections 
jirevious  to  70  A.D.  . 
(ii.)  unrecorded  life,  contemporary 
with  Paul     . 
Limitations  of  this  edition    ..... 

Tlie  in-eliminary  character  of  a  chronological  arrangement— what 

a  "date"  ?. 
Tlie    possibility  of  such  an  atteuipt  in   tlic  present  state  of  N 
criticism      ...... 

Tlie  general  legitimacy  of  NT  criticism 

Hi.sToracAL  Tahles— 

I.  The  NT  in  its  historical  and  literary  environment :—     . 
Table      I.  180  B.C.-30  a.d.  .... 
II.     30  A.D.-IOO  A.ll. 
,,        III.    100A.D.-190  A.D. 

,,    lllc.  Outline  of  the  Asmonean  and  Herodian  dynasties 
,,     III^.  A  historical  map  of  early  Christian  literature 

II.  The  NT  in  its  order  of  growth  and  sources  :  —    . 
Table   IV.   A  genealogy  of  the  NT  literature 

,,         V.  A   diagram   and   genealogy  of    early   Clu'istian 

literature  .... 

,,      VI.  The  sources  of  the  NT  literature 


CONTENTS 


III.  The  NT  in  its  canonical  arrangements 
Table  VII.  Four  catalogues   . 
,,    VIII.  Versions  . 
,,       IX.  MSS. 
,,         X.  Eastern  church     . 
,,       XI.  Western  church  . 
,,     XII.  Some  later  catalogues 


107  f. 

109  f. 

lllf. 

113  f. 
116 
117 


Corinthians 


Text  and  Notes— 

The  epistles  of  Paul :  general  note    . 

r  I  •  text 
To  the  Thessaloniansi     ""       ^         ,, 

ur.:  note  and  tox 

,,     ,,    Galatians :  text. 

f  I. :  text     . 
An  intermediate  letter  (ii 
and  text 
'^  II.  (1-9,  1.31^-1=')  :  text 

,,     ,,    Romans  (1-15,  le^i--"?)  :  text 

,,   Ephesus  (Ro  16^"^°)  :  note  and  text 

,,  the  Colossians  :  note  and  text 

,,   Philemon  :  text 

,,  the  "  Ephesians  "  :  note  and  text 

,,     ,,    Philippiaus :  text 
The  epistle  of  Peter  (i.)  :  note  and  text 
The  synoptic  gospels  :  general  note 

Mark  (I-IG^) :  text 

Matthew  :  text  . 
The  epistle  to  "the  Hebrews  "  :  note  and  text 

Luke  :  text 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  :  note  and  text 
The  apocalypse  of  John  :  note  and  text 
The  fourth  gospel  (1-20)  :  note  and  text 

an  appendix  (21) :  text 
The  epistles  of  John  :  general  note   . 
I.  John  :  text  . 
II.  John  :  text  . 

III.  John  :  text  . 
An  evangelic  fragment  [Mk  16""-"] :  note  and  text 
The  "  pastoral  "  epistles  :  general  note 

II.  Timotheus  :  text 

Titus:  text 

I.  Timotheus  :  text 
The  epistle  of  James  :  note  and  text 
The  epistle  of  Judas  :  note  and  text 
The  epistle  of  Peter  (11.)  :  note  and  text 


10-131" 


)  :  note 


121  f. 
138  f. 
142  f. 
150  f. 
156  f. 

174  f. 
184  f. 
192  f. 
209  f. 
214  f. 
223  f. 
225  f. 
237  f. 
242  f. 
258  f. 
275  f. 
300  f. 
344  f. 
367  f. 
412  f. 
459  f. 
491  f. 
532  f. 
534  f. 
539  f. 
546  f. 
548  f. 
550  f. 
556  f. 
564  f. 
568  f. 
571  f. 
576  f. 
589  f. 
596  f. 


Appendix:    "On  the   hypotheses  of  interpolation,   compilation,  and 

pseudonymity,  in  relation  to  the  NT  literature  "  .  .  •     603  f. 


CONTENTS 


Addenda  ........  709 

Index  :  {a)  Subjects  and  Contents  .....  711 

{h)  References  and  Authorities  ....  714 

(c)  Passages  cited  from  OT  and  NT      ....  721 

{d)  Jewish,  Early  Christian,  and  Classical  Citations    .  .  725 


PREFACE 


CORRIGENDA. 


Page 


line    4  from  foot 


102, 
414, 
215, 
240, 
249, 
259, 
263, 
266, 
272, 
335, 
362, 
445, 
446, 
580, 
596, 
608, 
635, 
701, 
725, 


„  2 

„  16 

„  22 

„  8 

„  4 

„  1" 

„  8 

„  11 

„  27 

„  24 

„  10 

„  2 

„  1 

„  21 

„  20 

„  30 

„  11 

„  17 

after  " 


top 


foot 


top 


foot 
top 


for  "  principle  "  read  "  principles." 

"  Auschauungen  "  read  "Anschauungen. '' 

"  interpretation  "  read  "  interpolation." 
„    (2nd)  "  in  "  read  "  on." 
"  have  "  read  "  has." 
"Aoyor  .  .  .  evyJA."  read  "X0701'  .  .  .  e/i\|/-.' 

"  Roehricht "  read  "  Roehrich." 

"  IVeberl."  read  "  Ueberl." 
"  days "  read  "  days ! " 
delete  "it." 


^S  for  [[.  .  .]]  read  [.  .  .]. 

„   "  manifestion "  read  "manifestation." 
after  "reproduced"  add  "and." 
„      "  appendix  "  add  a  comma, 
for  "  (ivdpmnos  "  read  "  civdpcoTros." 
„    "  reconstrustion  "  read  "  reconstruction. 
Esther,' Addit.  Ipn"  add  "p.  686." 


1  When  my  work  was  almost  completed,  I  came  across  the  follo^v•.ng 
sentence  quoted  by  Dr.  Walter  Lock  from  a  friend's  letter  {The  Exegesis  of  fhe 
\T  1896  p  19)-  "You  don't  want  to  know  about  animals  and  plants  and 
mus'ical  instruments  ;  the  real  Bible  is  overlaid  and  smothered  by  all  this  .  .  . 
I  should  like  to  see  an  English  NT  with  the  contents  m  a  diflerent,  v.c.  a 
chronological  order," 


CONTENTS 


Addenda 


Index  :  (a)  Subjects  and  Contents  .....  711 

(h)  References  and  Authorities  ....  714 

(c)  Passages  cited  from  OT  and  NT      ....  721 

(d)  Jewish,  Early  Christian,  and  Chissical  Citations    .  .  725 


PREFACE 


Apart  from  the  translation,  the  main  feature  of  originality 
within  these  pages  consists  of  the  leading  idea  which  domin- 
ates the  volume,  and  of  the  way  in  which  this  idea  has  been 
executed.  The  critical  materials  constitute  what  either  are 
or  ought  to  be  more  or  less  familiar  positions  upon  the  lines 
of  modern  NT  research  ;  but  they  are  grouped  under  a  scheme 
which,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  is  quite  unique.^  Briefly  put, 
the  design  is  to  arrange  that  selection  of  early  Christian 
literature  which  is  known  as  the  "  New  Testament "  in  the 
order  of  its  literary  growth,  and  at  the  same  time  to  indicate 
the  chief  grounds  upon  which  such  an  order  may  be  deter- 
mined or  disputed.  This  aim,  with  its  difficulties,  utility, 
and  limitations,  I  have  discussed  in  the  Prolegomena. 

The  Historical  Tables  will  explain  themselves.  Most  of 
them  represent  an  endeavour  to  further  one  of  the  subsidiary 
objects  for  which  this  edition  has  been  prepared,  namely, 
the  need  of  seeing  and  setting  the  NT  writings  in  vital 
connection  with  one  another  and  with  the  main  currents  of  con- 
temporary thought  and  history.  Occasionally  this  connection 
becomes  obvious  at  a  glance.  Sometimes  it  is  indirect.  Often 
it  may  be  a  matter  of  interest  rather  than  of  relevance.      But 

^  AVhen  my  work  was  almost  completed,  I  came  across  the  following 
sentence  quoted  by  Dr.  Walter  Lock  from  a  friend's  letter  {The  Exegesis  of  the 
NT,  1896,  p.  19)  :  "You  don't  want  to  know  about  animals  and  plants  and 
musical  instruments  ;  the  real  Bible  is  overlaid  and  smothered  by  all  this  .  .  . 
I  should  like  to  see  an  English  NT  with  the  contents  in  a  diflerent,  i.e.  u 
chronological  order." 

xiji 


XIV  PREFACE 

upon  the  whole  the  significance  of  a  NT  writing  is  never 
reduced — now  and  then  it  is  immensely  heightened — by 
juxtaposition  with  its  antecedents  and  context,  even  in 
the  outlying  history  and  literature  which  are  lightly  named 
"  pagan "  and  untruly  judged  as  alien.  To  approach  and 
analyse  the  NT  in  the  sphere  of  the  unconditioned,  is  an 
indefensible  mistake :  unfortunately  it  is  a  mistake  which 
has  been  hitherto  confessed  rather  than  avoided  in  several 
schools  of  criticism.  The  NT  may  stand  by  itself ;  but  the 
full  secret  of  its  genius  will  be  yielded  only  to  the  research 
which  goes  patiently  behind  and  outside  the  limits  of  the 
canonical  collection.  Of  all  unhistorical  or  semi-historical 
methods,  none  has  operated  so  disastrously  upon  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  NT  as  the  tendency  to  insulate  its  form 
and  contents  ;  and  it  is  to  supply  some  materials  for  a  mental 
impression  that  may  counteract  such  an  error,  that  these 
Tables  have  been  compiled.  In  the  Jewish  and  early 
Christian  literature  (it  is  only  fair  to  add),  while  the  various 
documents  have  been  dated  in  view  of  the  most  recent  and 
reliable  criticism,  one  cannot  hope  to  assign  much  more  than 
an  approximately  accurate  position  to  a  number  of  the 
records,  where  so  considerable  a  portion  of  the  field  is  dis- 
putable and  disputed. 

As  the  printing  of  the  NT  text  has  reduced  the  avail- 
able space,  I  have  been  obliged  substantially  to  cut  out  a 
Historical  Introduction  written  to  accompany  the  Tables,  in 
which  the  origin  and  development  of  the  NT  literature 
was  sketched  from  30  to  150  A.D.,  in  relation  to  the 
external  context  of  the  Roman  Empire  as  well  as  to  the 
inner  forces  at  work  within  the  Christian  Communities. 
Some  paragraphs  from  this  have  been  incorporated  in  the 
Prolegomena  and  Notes,  and  its  outlines  are  reflected  through- 
out the  volume.  But  1  wisli  to  take  tliis  o])])ortunity  of 
reiterating  the  need  for  treating  these  sul)jocts  in  connection 


PREFACE  XV 

with  each  other,  since  the  impression  often  left  upon  most 
people's  minds  by  the  average  NT  Introduction  is  that  the 
literature  in  question  lies  unrelated  and  accidental,  resembling 
either 

A  lonely  mountain  tarn, 

Unvisited  by  any  streams, 

or  a  series  of  deep  scattered  pools,  one  book  or  group  of  books 
coming  after  the  other  in  a  more  or  less  haphazard  fashion. 
Such  a  dead  and  spiritless  disconnection  is  to  be  strenuously 
repudiated.  It  is  essential  for  the  modern  reader  to  detect  the 
running  stream  of  life  that  winds,  for  all  its  eddies  and  back- 
waters, steadily  between  and  through  these  varied  writings. 
They  possess  remarkable  cohesion.  But  it  is  a  cohesion 
which  is  either  misinterpreted  or  wholly  invisible  until  you 
stand  beside  the  life  they  presuppose,  and  out  of  which  they 
rise.  In  fact,  NT  Introduction  and  the  History  of  early 
Christianity  are  two  departments  of  research  which  cannot 
be  prosecuted  with  entire  success,  so  long  as  they  are  held 
apart.      Each  gains  in  vitality  as  it  approaches  the  other. 

For  similar  reasons  of  brevity,  the  critical  Notes  are 
limited  to  what  is  practically  a  condensed  statement  of 
results.  Anything  like  a  detailed  or  continuous  account  of 
the  processes  of  argument  which  lead  up  to  the  conclusions 
underlying  the  printed  text,  has  been  impracticable.  I  have 
merely  attempted  to  collate  some  of  the  chief  results  of 
modern  research  upon  the  NT  along  its  literary  and 
historical  sides  ;  although  even  there  many  details  have  been 
left  unelaborated,  and  some  almost  untouched.  At  one  or 
two  points,  I  am  afraid,  this  lack  of  space  and  scope  in  which 
to  deploy  argument  ^  has  given  an  appearance  of  summary 

^  The  compression  Avill  be  felt  most  ■where  affinities  of  language  and  style 
come  up  for  discussion.  These  factors  often  contain  important  criteria  for 
dating  or  placing  a  given  document,  and  their  evidence  is  repeatedly  used 
throughout  the  Notes.  But  the  complete  grounds  for  one's  judgment  in  this 
class  of  problems  are  so  delicate  and  various  that  they  cannot  be  stated,  much 


XVI  PREFACE 

treatment  or  of  arbitrariness ;  but  in  order  to  partially 
obviate  this  defect,  the  Notes  have  been  drawn  up  in  such  a 
way  as  to  include  copious  references  to  the  bibliography  of 
recent  criticism.  What  is  offered  is  no  catena  or  inventory 
of  opinions.  It  is  merely  a  conspectus  of  relevant  authorities, 
together  with  a  note  of  the  main  arguments  in  support  of  each 
position.  One  hopes  thus  to  be  able  to  take  a  line  of  one's 
own,  without  producing  an  unfair  impression  or  incurring 
censures  like  that  once  passed  by  Bacon  upon  tradition 
and  knowledge  "  which  is  for  the  most  part  magistral  and 
peremptory,  and  not  ingenious  and  faithful ;  in  a  sort  as  may 
be  soonest  believed,  and  not  easiliest  examined."  Whereas, 
he  rightly  proceeded,  "  in  the  true  handling  of  knowledge  men 
ought  to  propound  things  sincerely  with  more  or  less  assevera- 
tion, as  they  stand  in  a  man's  judgment  proved  more  or  less." 
My  plan,  then,  in  the  Notes  has  been  to  indicate  in  a  handful 
of  sentences  the  leading  data  for  each  book's  origin  and 
object,  the  division  and  preponderance  of  authorities  upon  the 
question,  and  finally — by  means  of  sifted  references — the 
select  literature.  The  latter  includes  for  the  most  part  what 
has  proved  of  chief  service  in  my  own  work  ;  but  the  plan 
also  involves  a  series  of  references,  as  any  trained  observer 
will  detect,  to  some  works  which  are  to  be  regarded  in 
the  main  as  landmarks  and  beacons  for  progressive  study. 
The  wealth  and  the  complexity  of  modern  literature  upon  the 
NT  make  selection  and  economy  imperative  in  drawing  up 
Notes  of  this  kind.  But  although  the  method  becomes  now 
and    then   depress! ngly    utilitarian,  it   will   always    serve    to 

less  discussed,  except  at  a  leiicjth  which  woidd  unduly  distend  the  volume. 
The  result  is,  one  has  had  to  rest  content  with  merely  indicating  the  more 
salient  linguistic  parallels  ujjon  which  the  iiosition  adopted  in  the  text 
depends.  The  whole  argument  from  such  parallels  and  affinities  in  regard  to 
the  filiation  of  early  Christian  literature  is  one  of  several  problems  that  still 
await  discriminating  treatment.  Hitherto  its  use  has  been  mainly  character- 
ised by  arbitrariness  and  artificiality,  and  in  this  respect  the  critical  and  the 
conservative  wings  of  scholarshi})  are  e<pially  to  blame. 


PREFACE  Xvii 

furnish  materials  by  which  the  view  adopted  in  the  text  may- 
be corroborated  or  modified  or  refused.  Both  in  the  Notes 
and  in  the  Appendix  one  has  constantly  felt,  indeed,  as  the 
translators  of  the  AV  put  it  in  their  shrewd  and  neglected 
Preface,  liable  "  to  weary  the  unlearned,  who  need  not  know 
so  much,  and  trouble  the  learned,  who  know  it  already."  As 
it  is  never  easy  to  know  how  far  an  acquaintance  or  sympathy 
with  the  subject  can  be  presupposed,  and  to  what  extent 
critical  processes  in  this  particular  department  are  as  yet 
naturalised,  it  is  hard  to  judge  what  materials  should  be 
inserted  or  omitted.  However,  it  is  annoying  to  find  that 
authoritative  references  are  sometimes  as  inaccessible  as  the 
accessible  are  unauthoritative,  and  I  have  therefore  chosen  in 
the  bibliography  to  err  upon  the  side  of  fulness  ;  all  the  more  so, 
seeing  that  the  present  state  of  NT  criticism  in  this  country  is 
still  marked  by  immaturity  in  many  vital  sections.  Not  a  few 
of  the  arguments  in  this  volume,  and  indeed  whole  pages  of  it, 
would  have  been  gladly  omitted,  had  there  been  (for  example) 
any  modern  and  thorough  NT  Introduction  to  which  an 
Enghsh  student  could  be  referred  with  safety  or  satisfaction. 
The  lack  of  such  a  volume  is  only  one  of  many  desiderata  felt 
at  every  turn  by  the  English  worker  in  NT  research.  Here, 
perhaps  more  than  in  most  branches  of  historical  science, 
investigation  continues  to  be  hampered  by  the  resurrection  of 
the  obsolete,  the  survival  of  the  unfit,  and  the  prominence 
of  the  irrelevant ;  as  if  the  subject  itself  did  not  bring  with 
it  sufficient  obstacles  and  problems.  It  is  devoutly  to  be 
hoped  that  in  the  next  century  some  of  the  enterprise 
and  enthusiasm  which  have  made  the  OT  blossom  like  the 
rose  during  the  past  fifty  years,  may  be  spared  by  English 
scholarship  to  the  task  of  handling  with  truer  reverence  and 
courage  the  more  central  problems  raised  by  the  NT  litera- 
ture. Few  of  these  are  solved ;  some  are  scarcely  stated  yet 
in  proper  form.      Indeed,  for  some  time  to  come  it  is  to  be 


XVlll  PREFACE 

feared  that  the  prospects  of  free  and  full  NT  criticism  in 
this  country  will  be  hampered  by  the  fact  that  not  all  the 
results  already  gained  seem  to  have  been  perfectly  assimilated, 
while  the  very  methods  by  which  alone  conclusions  can  be 
formed  or  adequately  tested  are  often  misunderstood  or  sadly 
misapplied. 

Conditions  such  as  these,  to  say  nothing  of  the  movements 
within  criticism  itself,  make  any  enterprise  like  the  present 
extremely  tentative.  But  I  believe  it  is  timely.  Unpre- 
judiced treatment  of  the  historical  element  in  Christianity  is 
one  of  the  most  immediate  needs  for  faith  and  truth  alike. 
Por  if  holiness  has  not  its  sources  in  history,  the  supreme 
expression  of  religious  thouglit  and  conduct  has  come  to  us 
in  a  historical  form,  and  any  intellectual  neglect  of  that  form 
is  an  error  which  cannot  long  be  harboured  with  impunity. 

More  things  than  wisdom  are  best  left  to  be  justified  by 
their  works,  if  they  are  to  be  justified  at  all.  But  a  word 
must  be  added  here  upon  the  translation ;  especially  as  that 
has  been  an  after -thought,  or  rather  an  after-necessity. 
Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  securing  permission  to  reprint  the 
KV,  the  only  practicable  course  was  evidently  to  under- 
take the  preparation  of  an  independent  version,  and  it  is  the 
result  of  this  difficult  and  audacious  attempt  whicli  is  now 
offered  to  the  reader,  with  extreme  diffidence.  It  is  neither  a 
revision  nor  an  adaptation  of  any  previous  translation,  but 
has  been  made  directly  from  a  critical  study  of  the  literature 
itself.  The  task  originally  lay  as  far  outside  my  plan  as  it 
has  proved  beyond  my  powers.  Still,  I  am  in  hopes  that, 
despite  its  many  drawbacks,  tlie  present  rendering  will  con- 
tribute something  to  that  mental  impression  of  change  and 
progress  in  the  NT  literature  which  it  is  the  aim  of  the 
whole  edition  to  accentuate.  Translation,  like  peace-making, 
is  always  a  delicate  and  often  an  ungrateful  business.  The 
translator    pleases  nobody,  not  even   himself.      But   liis   task 


PREFACE  XIX 

in  Biblical  literature  is  additionally  severe,  as  three-fourths  of 
his  readers  instinctively  compare  his  version,  not  with  the 
original,  but  with  an  English  classic  which  has  unrivalled  asso- 
ciations of  literary  rhythm  and  of  religious  experience.  The 
one  claim  of  the  present  version  is  faithfulness.  I  have  tried 
to  make  it  accurate  and  idiomatic,  besides  presenting,  to  some 
extent,  the  nuances  of  individual  writers.  At  the  same  time, 
I  see  very  little  literary  or  religious  gain  in  making  a  fetish 
of  over-precision  in  the  verbal  reproduction  of  the  original. 
There  is  no  obvious  reason  why  the  translator  should  not  be 
allowed  to  exercise  his  right  of  inheritance  to  something  of 
the  same  freedom  that  would  be  granted  him  if  he  were  deal- 
ing with  a  Grreek  classic.  Accordingly,  while  I  admit  that 
any  version  of  the  NT  must  incline  to  be  literal,  the  follow- 
ing pages  are  not  intended  for  the  purists  who  expect  to  find 
in  a  translation  those  complete  materials  for  stylistic  and 
grammatical  research  which  only  a  lexicon  can  properly 
afford.  If  a  translator's  first  duty  is  to  reproduce  his  text  as 
exactly  as  possible,  his  final  duty  is  to  write  English.  As  I 
conceive  it,  he  is  not  bound  to  dislocate  style  in  the  pedantic 
attempt  to  eschew  a  reasonable  use  of  English  synonyms,  or 
to  rehearse  at  any  cost  Oriental  and  Hellenistic  idioms  that 
come  uncouthly  to  the  modern  ear.  Transliteration  is  not 
translation  ;  nor  is  a  paraphrase.  The  latter  tends  to  loose- 
ness and  weakness,  while  an  absolutely  literal  version  is  often 
the  most  inaccurate,  as  it  is  sometimes  the  most  hideous  thing 
in  the  world.  To  be  crabbed  is  the  temptation  of  the  one ; 
to  be  diluted,  of  the  other.  If  I  have  in  any  degree  attained 
the  ideal  of  my  conception,  it  has  been  by  steering  between 
these  two  shoals.  Attention  has  been  carefully  paid  to  the 
more  recent  investigations  by  Hatch,  Kennedy,  and  Deissmann 
into  the  linguistic  features  of  the  kolvt},  as  well  as  to  a  series 
of  grammatical  studies  in  Hellenistic  Greek  by  Viteau,  Blass, 
Jannaris,  and  Schmiedel.      I   have   further  attempted,   with 


XX  PREFACE 

some  hesitation,  to  reproduce,  so  far  as  that  is  possible  or 
desirable  in  a  translation,  one  or  two  of  the  rhythmical  and 
rhetorical  features  (a-^rj/xaTa)  that  mark  the  structure  of  the 
NT  literature.  These  are  due,  in  the  main,  to  either  of  two 
influences.  One  is  the  gnomic  method  of  parallelism,  anti- 
thesis, and  climax,  pervading  the  older  Semitic  poetry,  and 
especially  the  Wisdom-literature,  upon  which  the  NT  writers, 
in  company,  e.g.,  with  the  author  of  4th  Esdras,  have  drawn  in 
form  and  spirit  to  a  much  larger  degree  than  is  commonly 
suspected.  Along  with  this  influence  (discussed  by  Jebb  and 
Wilke)  another  falls  to  be  placed,  due  to  the  rhetorical  and 
artistic  spirit  of  the  later  Greek  and  Roman  prose,  which 
had  a  vogue  not  merely  in  oratory  but  in  the  philosopliical 
compositions  of  the  period  (Norden,  Die  Antike  Kunstfvosa, 
1898,  Anhang  I.,  "  XJeber  die  Geschichte  des  Eeims";  and 
Wendland,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  clcr  Griechischen  Philosophic 
u.  Religion,  1895),  where,  as  in  the  older  Hebrew  literature, 
poetry  never  lay  far  from  what  we  should  to-day  distinguish 
as  prose.  It  would  be  artificial,  indeed,  to  rigidly  reproduce 
all  these  strophic  features  in  print.  Some,  like  assonance, 
live  only  in  the  original.  Some  have  to  be  felt  rather  than 
exhibited.  Others  again  appeal  to  the  ear  more  subtly  than 
to  the  eye.  Still  quite  a  number  of  them  are  obvious,  as 
Heinrici,  Blass,  and  J.  Weiss  have  seen  in  Paul,  D.  H.  Mliller 
{Die  Propheten  in  ihrer  urspriing.  Form,  1896, 1,  p.  216  f.),  and 
Briggs  (Expositor g  Times,  viii.  pp.  393  f.,  452  f.,  493  f.,  ix.  p. 
69  f.)  in  the  gospels;  these  it  is  well  to  mark,  so  far  as  is 
legitimate,  in  order  to  preserve  the  freshness  of  their  literary 
charm,  no  less  than  for  the  sake  of  their  occasional  bearing 
upon  the  larger  questions  of  exegesis  and  interpretation. 

The  translation  is  sul^stantially  based  upon  the  critical 
text  which  Professor  Eberhard  Nestle  has  recently  edited 
with  accuracy  and  success  (Novum  Testamentum  Graece  cum 
apparntu  critico  ex  cditionibus  ct    lihris  manu  scrij)tis  collccio, 


PREFACE  XXI 

Stuttgart,  1898;  Ztveite  Auflagc,  1900).  Wherever  I  have 
been  obliged  to  adopt  a  different  reading,  the  departure  is 
noted  at  the  foot  of  the  page.  I  am  also  responsible 
myself  for  the  arrangement  and  punctuation  of  the  text. 
Passages  within  brackets  denote  either  displaced  sections  or 
interpolations  belonging  to  a  date  subsequent  to  that  of 
the  writing  as  a  whole.  Single  brackets  imply  that  there 
is  no  MS  evidence  for  the  interpolation,  while  double  brackets 
are  used  when  such  external  evidence  does  exist.  Darker 
type  denotes  a  passage  incorporated  from  some  earlier 
source,  and  phrases  or  quotations  from  the  OT  are 
printed  throughout  in  italics,  although  it  is  rather  difficult 
in  many  cases  to  ascertain  whether  the  use  of  OT 
language  is  due  to  direct  reminiscence,  to  indirect  allusion, 
or  merely  to  the  current  religious  vocabulary  of  the  age. 
For  the  evidence  upon  most  of  the  bracketted  passages, 
as  well  as  for  a  discussion  of  some  critical  points  raised 
throughout  the  Notes,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  Appendix. 
The  plan  of  the  edition  has  not  permitted  any  statement 
of  the  grounds  upon  w^hich  the  Greek  text  has  been 
determined. 

As  I  have  explained  in  the  Prolegomena,  one  is  extremely 
conscious  of  the  limitations  which  beset  a  pioneering  edition  like 
the  present,  both  in  idea  and  in  execution,  particularly  when 
it  has  to  be  done  practically  single-handed.  At  point  after 
point  one  has  felt  the  lack  of  that  width  of  survey,  that  minute- 
ness of  research,  that  balance  of  judgment,  which  are  essential 
to  any  valid  advance  in  a  subject  so  wide  and  complex.  Most 
of  the  volume  also  has  been  written  and  re-written  at  some 
distance  from  libraries,  and  apart  from  errors  it  is  more  than 
possible  that  some  important  literature  has  slipped  through 
the  editorial  meshes,  just  as  some  has  unfortunately  proved 
inaccessible.      I  hope  that  such  gaps  or  slips  will  not  seriously 


XXll  PREFACE 

interfere  with  the  utility  and  use  of  the  vohime.^  Under  the 
Spartan  maxim,  Tout  Men  ou  rien,  it  could  not  have  been  pro- 
duced. But  I  am  confident  that  it  is  upon  the  right  lines  at 
any  rate,  and  that  its  general  plan  will  be  serviceable  even  to 
those  who  may  dislike  its  presuppositions  or  dispute  several 
of  its  particular  results.  Such  as  it  is,  it  is  offered  as  a 
secondary  aid  to  the  more  exact  appreciation  of  that  early 
Christian  literature,  the  study  of  which  is  bound  up  with  so 
many  vital  problems  in  our  modern  faith. 

My  warmest  thanks  are  due  to  those  who  have  aided 
me  during  the  preparation  of  this  book  with  literature  or 
suggestions.  I  wish  particularly  to  thank  the  following 
scholars  who  have  revised  different  parts  of  my  translation : 
Professor  Denney  and  Dr.  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy,  who  have  read 
over  the  Pauline  epistles  (with  the  exception  of  1  Corinthians, 
which  has  been  undertaken  by  Eev.  David  Smith,  M.A.) ;  Dr. 
Marcus  Dods  (Hebrews  and  the  Catholic  epistles)  ;  Ptev.  Canon 
I.  Gregory  Smith  (Mark) ;  Ptev.  E.  F.  Scott,  B.A.  (Matthew) ; 
Ptev.  LI.  M.  J.  Bebb  (Luke  and  Acts) ;  Dr.  George  Eeith  (the 
Johannine  literature) ;  and  Professor  Walter  Lock  (Pastoral 
epistles).  To  these  scholars  I  am  indebted  for  the  time  and 
care  they  liave  generously  bestowed  upon  another  man's 
work.  It  is  only  right  to  add  that  they  are  not  to  be  held 
responsible  for  any  opinion  or  position  expressed  through- 
out the  course  of  the  volume,  or  even  for  the  final  shape 
in  which  the  translation  now  appears.  Mr.  Scott  and  Dr. 
Eeith  have  done  me  the  further  service  of  reading  most  of 
the  proof-sheets. 

1  I  specially  regret  that  my  edition  has  to  appear  before  the  completion  of 
such  important  critical  enterprises  as  Dr.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
the  Ennjclopaedia  Bihlica,  edited  by  Dr.  Sutherland  Black  and  Professor  Cheyne, 
and  the  Eo-jiositor'' s  Greek  Testament.  For  some  literature  which  has  come  to 
hand  or  appeared  during  the  printing  of  this  volume,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
the  Addenda  on  pp.  709-710. 


PREFACE  XXlll 

I  should  not  like  these  pages  to  appear  without  also 
acknowledging  how  much  they  owe  to  the  late  Professor 
A,  B.  Bruce,  without  whose  impulse  and  direction  they  would 
hardly  have  been  written.  Some  years  ago  he  was  kind 
enough  to  look  over  the  sheets  and  give  me  the  benefit  of 
his  advice  as  the  MS  began  to  take  shape.  But  one  is 
indebted  to  him  for  much  more  than  even  the  characteristic 
generosity  which  he  showed  to  his  old  pupils  and  the 
demands  for  work  with  which  he  honoured  them.  His 
abiding  service  was  one  of  stimulus  :  he  naturalised  critical 
processes,  and  with  singular  open-mindedness  resisted  tradition 
and  intellectual  torpor  in  handling  the  NT  as  a  subject 
either  for  writing  or  for  preaching.  Few  of  us  can  take 
many  steps  in  this  department  of  study  without  realising 
more  and  more  keenly  that  the  very  possibility  of  such  an 
advance  in  this  country  is  largely  due  to  the  work  done  by 
our  old  master  upon  these  lines.  Where  he  ventured,  others 
follow.  Both  by  teaching  and  example  he  has  rendered  to 
many  in  this  generation  a  timely  service  of  liberation  not 
unlike  that  which  in  another  sphere  America  is  said  by 
liOwell  to  have  gained  from  Emerson :  "  He  cut  the  cable 
and  gave  us  a  chance  at  the  dangers  and  the  glories  of 
blue  water."  Dr.  Bruce's  work  thrust  his  students  upon 
the  responsibilities  of  freedom.  It  awakened  them  especially 
to  the  subtle  and  comfortable  peril  of  antiquarianism  in 
dealing  with  the  Christian  facts,  while  at  the  same  time 
it  steadied  them  on  the  conviction  that  no  genuine  faith  had 
ultimately  anything  to  fear  from  strict  and  fair  enquiry. 
This  was  conspicuously  brought  out  in  his  treatment  of  the 
historical  basis  and  element  in  early  Christianity ;  within 
that  department  of  theology,  those  who  remember  his  un- 
sparing methods  of  research  will  be  the  first  to  feel  that 
the  truest  loyalty  to  their  distinguished  teacher  lies  not  in 
the  slavish  repetition  of  his  own  ideas  or  in  the  reassertion 


XXIV  PREFACE 

of  his  own  positions — little  he  cared  for  echoes,  and  least 
of  all  for  echoes  of  himself — but  in  continuing  to  employ 
those  methods  with  something  of  his  spirit,  sharing  his 
reverent  and  brave  conviction  that  even  the  faults  and 
mistakes  of  candid  enquiry  somehow  work  together  for  the 
truth,  that  truth  is  the  surest  defence  of  faith,  and  that 
faith  is  the  justification  as  it  is  the  germ  of  real  criticism. 
Historical  truth  and  genuine  religion  were  to  Dr.  Bruce 
inseparable  allies.  He  wrought  this  vital  conception  into 
his  pupils,  with  the  result  that  any  effort  upon  their  part 
to  carry  out  this  principle  in  its  details  is  naturally  felt  by 
them  to  be  primarily  derived  from  his  instruction  and  in- 
centive. Certainly  none  of  them  can  prosecute  enquiries 
into  the  development  of  early  Christianity  without  being 
sensible  of  a  recurring  debt  of  gratitude,  not  so  much  for 
the  actual  results  of  their  master's  criticism,  though  these 
were  often  fresh  and  independent,  as  for  the  spirit  which 
he  habitually  inculcated  in  dealing  with  that  period  and  with 
its  literature.  Under  such  obligations  to  him,  personal  and 
general,  this  volume  lies.  Yet,  after  all,  they  form  but  a 
single  item  in  the  long  fragrant  debt  which,  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  his  pupils  and  those  wider  circles  who  knew 
him  mainly  as  an  author,  one  is  conscious  that  one  owes  to 
the  personality  of  a  great  Christian  scholar,  who  has  done 
more  than  almost  anyone  throughout  this  country  during  the 
last  quarter  of  the  present  century  to  make  the  knowledge  of 
Jesus  and  his  Christianity  welcome  and  ricli  and  reasonable. 

A  te  princijiiuin,  tihi  desinet ! 

JAMES    MOFFATT. 

DUNDONALD,    AYRSHIRE, 

December  1900. 


PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS   EMPLOYED 


AA   .     .     .  Ilisiorij   of    the   A2wstolic 
Aye— 
McGittert,      A      Histoj-y 
of  Christianity  in   the 
Ajwstolic  A(jc  (1897). 
Weizsricker,    Eng.    tr.    of 
Das  Apostolische  Zcit- 
alter    der    Christlichen 
Kirche  (2iid  ed.)- 
J.    Vernon   Bartlet,    The 
Apostolic  Age,  its  Life, 
Doctrine,  Worship,  and 
Polity  (1900). 

AJT  .  .  The  American  Journal 
of  Theology. 

BI  .  .  .  A  Biblical  Introduction 
(1899).  The  NT  sec- 
tion, p.  275  ff.  by  Prof. 
W.  F.  Adeney. 

GGT .  .  .  The  Cambridge  Greek 
Testament  for  Schools 
and  Colleges. 

Chron  .  .  W.  Bruckner,  Die  chrono- 
logische  Reihenfolge  in 
welcher  die  Briefe  des 
NTverfasst  sind{imO). 
Clemen,  Die  Chronologic 
der  PauUnischen  Briefe 
(1894). 
Harnack,  Geschichte  der 
altchristlichen  Littera- 
tur  bis  Eusebius.Zwciter 
Theil :  die  Chrono- 
logie  der  Literatur  his 
Irenaeus  (1897). 

Class.  Rev.  .   The  Classical  Pevieiv. 

CM  .  .  .  The  Critical  Review  (ed. 
Principal  Salmond). 

CRE.  .  .  Prof.  W.  M.  Ramsay, 
TJic  Church  in  the 
Roman  Empire  (5th  ed. 
1897). 


DB    .     .     .   A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible 

(1898-1901),     ed.    Dr. 

Hastings. 
Einf .     .     .   Eivfuhrung  in  das  Grie- 

chische     N'T    (Zweite, 

vermelirte  und  verbes- 

serte      Auflage     1899), 

by         Professor         E. 

Nestle. 
EB     .     .     .   Encyclopaedia  Britaniiica 

(9th  ed.). 
EBi  .     .     .  Encyclopaedia        Biblica 

(1899-         ),       ed.      J. 

S.    Black    and  T.    K. 

Cheyne. 
Einl.       .     .  Einleitung    in    das   jYcuc 

Testament — 
Hilgenfeld  (1875). 
Mangold-Bleek  (ISSd). 
Holtzmann,    H.    J.    (3i'd 

ed.  1892). 
Julicher,     A.     (2nd     ed. 

1894). 
Zahn,  Th.  (1897-1899). 
Trenkle,  F.  S.  (1897). 
Schiifer,  Aloys  (1898). 
ElVK   .     .  Ersch  und  Griiber,  ^%e- 

meine  Encyklopddie  der 

Wissenschaften        und 

Kiinste. 
ExGT    .     .   The      Expositors      Greek 

Testament  (1897-        ). 
Exp  .     .     .   The    Expositor    (ed.    Dr. 

NicoU.    Small  superior 

numbers  ->  ^'  ^'  ''j  "  refer 

to  the  series). 
ExpT    .     .   The  Expository  Times  {ed. 

Dr.  Hastings). 
GGA      .     .   Gottingische  GelehHe  An- 

zeigen. 
GK    .     .     .   Geschichte  des  NT  Kanons 

(Zahn),  1888- 


PRINCIPAL    ABBREVIATIONS    EMPLOYED 


Hausratli  .  Hausrath's  Ncvtestamenf- 
licheZeUrjeschichte{Eng. 
tr.  of  2nd  ed.  1895  : 
"The  Time  of  the 
Apostles  "). 

HC  .  .  .  Hand  -  Commentar  zum 
Neucn  Testament  (H.  J. 
Holtzmann,  Schmiedel, 
Lipsius,  and  vou  Soden). 

HD  .  .  .  History  of  Doyma,  Eng. 
tr.  of  Harnack's  Dog- 
meiigeschicJite,  (1894- 
1899). 

HJF.  .  .  Eng.  tr.  of  Schtirer's 
Geschichtc  des  j  iidische  n 
Volkes  im  Zeitalter  Jesu 
ChristV'  (1886-1890), 
entitled,  "A  History 
of  the  Jewish  People 
in  the  Time  of  Jesus 
Christ." 

ICC  .  .  .  The  International  Critical 
Commentary. 

IH  .  .  .  Internatioiial  Handhoohs 
to  the  NT  (ed.  Dr. 
OrelloCone),    1900-     . 

INT .     .     .  Introduction   to   the  Nciv 

Testament. 

Weiss    B.    (Eng.    tr.    of 

Einleitung  in  das  Neue 

Testament,'^  1886). 

Davidson     S.     (3rd     ed. 

1894). 
Salmon  G.  (8th  ed.  1897). 
Godet,  Introduction  au 
Nouveau  Testament— 1. 
Les  fyltres  de  S.  Paul 
(1893).  Eng.  tr.  1894. 
II.  (div.  1)  1899. 

JpTh  .  .  Jahrhucherfilrjyrolestant. 
Theolocjie. 

JTS  .  .  .  Journal  of  Theological 
Studies. 

KAP  .  .  Die  Apokryphen  v. 
Pseudejngraphen  d. 
Alien  Testaments,  ed. 
Kautzsch  (1898-1899). 

Keim(i.-vi.)  Eng.  tr.  of  Geschichtc 
Jesu  von  Nazara. 

Laurent  .  NeutestamentlicheStudien 
(1866),  by  J.  C.  M. 
I^aurent. 

LC  .  .  .  Literarischcs  Ccntralblatt 
(ed.  E.  Zarncke). 

-Jleyer  .  .  Meyer's  Commentar  zuvi 
NT  (latest  editions). 

NTTh  .  .  New  Testament  Theo- 
logy— 


NTTh    .     .  AVeiss,    Eng.    tr.    of   3rd 
ed.  (1888). 
Bovon,  Theologie  dii  NT 

(1893)  :  deux  tomes. 
Beyschlag,  Eng.tr.  (1896). 
Holtzmann,        LrJirbuch 
der  Neutestamentlichcn 
Theologie  (1896). 
Stevens  (1899),   Internat. 
Theol.  Library. 

PG  .  .  .  Philology  of  the  Gospels, 
Blass  (1898). 

PM  .  .  .  Protestantische  Monatsliefte 
(1897-    ,  ed.  Websky). 

Reuss  .  .  E.  Reuss,  Geschichtc  der 
heiligcn  Schriften  NT 
(Eng.  tr.  of  5th  ed. 
1884). 

Reville  .  .  A.  Reville,  Jesxis  de 
Nazareth :  etudes  cri- 
tiques sur  les  anticM^nts 
de  Vhistoire  ivangiliqne 
et  la  vie  de  Jesus  (1897, 
deux  tomes). 

RLA  .  .  Prof.  E.  de  W.  Burton, 
Records  aivd  Letters  of 
the  Apiostolic  Age  (1895). 

Pi,TK  .  .  B,eal-Eneyklopddic  fi'ir 
protestantische  Theologie 
mid  Kirche  (ed.  Hauck) 
1896-     . 

SBBA  .  .  Sitzungsberichte  derkonig- 
lich  ptreussischen  Akad- 
emie  der  Wissen- 
schaften  zu  Berlin. 

SK  .  .  .  Studien  und  Kritiken 
(ed.  Kostlin  and 
Kautzsch). 

SPT .  .  .  Prof.  W.  M.  Ramsay,  St. 
Paul  the  Traveller  and 
the  Roman,  Citizen 
(1895). 

Syr-Sin  .  .  The  Four  Gospels  trans- 
lated from  the  Syriac 
of  the  Sinaitic  ]ialim- 
psest  (Lewis,  1894). 

TQ  .  .  .  Throloqische  Quartal- 
schrlft. 

TR  .  .  .  Theologisch''  Rundschau 
(ed.  Bousset). 

TU  .  .  .  TexteundUntersuchungen, 
zur  Geschichtc  der  alt- 
christlichen  Literatnr 
(ed.  Harnack  and  Geb- 
hardt). 

ThA .  .  .  Theologischc  Abhand- 
lungen  C.  iwi  IFciz- 
sackcr  gcwidmct  (1892). 


PRINCIPAL    ABBREVIATIONS    EMPLOYED 


XXVH 


ThLz  . 

ThS  .  . 

Urc   .  . 

U'H .  . 


Thcologische  Literatur- 
zcitung  (ed.  Harnack 
and  Schiirer). 

Thcologische  Stiidien 

Herrn  Prof.  D.  Bern- 
hard  Weiss  dargehracht 
(1897). 

Das  Urchristentkum — 

Pfleiderer,  Das  Urchris- 
tcnthuin  (1887). 

S pitta,  Zur  Geschichte  u. 
Litte7-atur  d.  Urchristcn- 
thums  (1893-1896). 

The  New  Testament  in 
Greek,  Westcott  and 
Hort. 


ZKWL  .  .  Zeitschrift  fur  Kirchliche 
Wissenschaft  undKirch  - 
liches  Leben  (ed.  Luth- 
ardt). 

ZN]V  .  .  Zeitschrift  fiir  die  neu- 
tcstamcntlichc  Wissen- 
schaft und  die  Kunde 
des  Urchristcntums  (ed. 
Preuscheu). 

ZSchz  .  .  Thcologische  Zeitschrift 
cms  der  Schiceiz  (ed. 
Meili). 

ZTliK  .  .  Zeitschrift  fiir  Theologie 
und  Kirche. 

Zv:Th  .  .  Zeitschrift  fur  ivissen- 
schaftliche  Theologie 
(ed.  Hilgenfeld). 


The  otlier  abbreviations  employed  throughout  the  volume  are  either 
obvious  or  familiar.  In  addition  to  what  has  been  already  said,  however,  upon 
the  types  employed  in  the  translation  (p.  xxi),  the  reader  is  requested  to 
observe  that  where  OT  quotations  occur  in  the  body  of  an  earlier  source  [e.g. 
pp.  189,  295),  they  are  always  printed  in  italics,  as  elsewhere  throughout  the 
volume,  although  they  must  in  these  cases  be  strictly  regarded  as  part  and 
parcel  of  the  darker  type  which  forms  their  immediate  context.  Also,  in 
Tables  IV.-V.  the  straight  lines  represent  more  or  less  direct  literary  filiation, 
wliile  mere  affinities  or  indirect  influences  are  marked  by  means  of  dotted 
lines. 


PROLEGOMENA 


It  may  be  said  of  all  that  is  told  of  Jesus  Christ,  that  it  is  written  as  a 
lesson  for  us.  That  is  a  consideration  which  in  our  controversies  is  often  unduly 
overlooked  ;  but  it  is  in  keejjing  with  the  object  of  the  oldest  writers,  and  the 
practice  of  tlie  oldest  teachers.  In  matters  of  religious  tradition  it  is  the 
peculiarity  of  much  that  passes  for  historical,  that  the  spiritual  meaning  to  be 
found  in  it  is  its  most  important  feature.  Where  something  is  maintained  as 
an  historical  fact,  it  is  more  often  than  not  a  defence  of  the  article  of  faith 
bound  up  with  it. — Harnack. 

Just  as  the  mind  which  comes  to  the  Xew  Testament  has  grown  historical, 
it  has  become  more  historical  to  the  mind,  i.e.  the  mind  has  been  able  to 
discover  a  more  historical  character  in  the  literature. — A.  M.  Fairbairn. 

Criticism  is  part  of  historical  exegesis.  Criticism  is  the  efifort  of  exegesis  to 
be  historical.  The  effort  can  never  be  more  than  partially  successful.  But 
though  there  may  be  many  failures,  the  idea  of  historical  exegesis  is  valuable, 
because  it  gives  us  the  right  idea  of  Scripture,  which  is  the  reflection  of  the 
presence  of  the  living  God  in  human  history. — A.  B.   Davidson. 


PROLEGOMENA 

This  edition  of  the  NT  literature  has  been  planned  with 
the  single  purpose  of  exhibiting  the  documents  in  a  special 
arrangement,  which  may  be  called  "  historical."  The  term 
is  slightly  ambiguous,  but  it  has  been  chosen  in  default  of 
one  more  suitable.  As  employed  in  the  title  it  bears  upon 
the  order  of  the  writings,  not  of  the  events,  and  in  this  way 
comes  to  possess  a  double  reference.  Primarily  it  denotes 
that  one  after  another  the  books  are  consistently  arranged  as 
they  were  composed.  In  this  aspect  "  historical "  becomes 
practically  equivalent  to  "  chronological,"  when  that  term  is 
taken  in  a  literary  sense ;  so  that  a  "  historical "  order 
amounts  to  the  same  thing  as  the  successive  and  natural 
order  of  the  writings,  when  these  are  considered  as  literary 
products.  Such  a  principle  has  its  own  value  and  interest. 
But  from  it  flows  a  further  inference.  Writings  thus 
arranged  seriatim  reveal  themselves  more  vividly  than  before 
as  expressions  of  a  contemporary  and  continuous  movement 
in  thought,  action,  and  feeling,  for  which  again  they  furnish 
indirectly  much  evidence.  Now  in  this  sense  also  the 
"  historical "  principle  has  helped  to  determine  the  present 
edition.  Here  the  NT  writings  are  viewed  and  sorted  in 
their  original  sequence  as  a  collection  of  evidence  for  the 
history  of  early  Christian  reflection  and  experience.  Take 
any  writing  as  a  historical  document  in  this  light,  and  three 
elements  have  to  be  adjusted — (a)  the  directly  retrospective 
reference  of  the  book  to  the  period  of  which  ostensibly  it 
treats  ;  (h)  the  semi-retrospective  reference,  which  it  implicitly 


4  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

contains,  to  changes  in  the  social  and  inward  situation  of  things 
between  that  period  and  the  date  of  the  book's  composition, 
along  with  (c)  the  contemporary  reference  of  the  writing — 
always  indirect  but  often  of  supreme  value — which  helps  to 
expose  its  own  surroundings,  authorship,  and  motives.  The 
last  -  named  is  the  starting  -  point  of  historical  research. 
Criticism  always  requires  to  have  access  to  this  standpoint 
as  a  subsidiary  base,  and  it  is  partly  in  order  to  facilitate 
such  access  that  the  present  arrangement  of  the  literature 
has  been  compiled.  "  Historical  "  study  in  this,  no  less  than 
in  the  other,  sense  of  the  term  has  been  intended  and  in- 
cluded in  the  following  pages. 

The  special  advantage  which  is  claimed  for  this  principle 
of  arrangement,  is  that  it  preserves  one  of  the  vitally  signi- 
ficant features  in  a  NT  writing,  namely,  its  witness  to  the 
period  and  situation  at  which  it  happened  to  be  composed, 
and  into  which  it  is  able,  when  properly  interpreted,  to  throw 
some  rays  of  light.  This  correspondence  of  book  and  period 
requires  to  be  emphasised  in  historical  research,  particularly 
as  neither  the  devotional  nor  the  dogmatic  use  of  the  NT 
suggests  it,  although  in  reality  both  rest  upon  it.  The 
historical  spirit  has  this  task  placed  before  it  in  the  field 
of  the  NT  literature,  to  examine  and  determine  the  success- 
ive forms  of  the  Christian  consciousness  with  their  change 
and  flow  and  sequence,  so  far  as  these  are  consecutively  pre- 
served by  the  extant  records,  in  order  that  through  the 
literature,  as  Mommsen  somewhere  remarks  upon  the  evidence 
for  the  provincial  life  of  the  early  Eoman  Empire,  one  may 
"  work  out  by  means  of  the  imagination — which  is  the 
author  of  all  history  as  of  all  poetry — if  not  a  comi)lete 
picture,  at  any  rate  a  substitute  for  it." 

Hence  tlie  project  of  presenting  the  NT  ^  literature  as 
far  as  possible  simply  in  the  order  of   its  literary  growth, 

1  "New  Testament,"  of  course,  is  a  phrase  which  rises  out  of  a  later 
ecclesiastical  teriiiinology  not  long  before  the  age  of  Tertullian.  Strictly  speak- 
ing, one  has  no  right  to  use  it  in  a  historical  discussion  of  the  writings  in 
question,  especially  as  it  is  associated  with  ideas  of  formality  and  exclusivcncss 
which  are  foreign  to  the  literature  grouped  under  its  title.  Still  the  term  may 
be  retained,  like   "gospel,"  for  the  sake  of  practical  convenience.     It  must 


PROLEGOMENA  5 

any  given  book  being  placed  not  according  to  the  time  of 
the  event  which  it  records,  but  purely  with  reference  to  the 
date  at  which  that  record  is  known  to  have  been  substantially 
or  finally  composed.  Chronology  of  documents  is  the  leading 
concern.  Each  writing  is  allowed  to  lie  in  its  locality,  or  as 
close  to  its  original  venue  as  can  be  ascertained  from  the 
extant  data.  This  order  of  the  books  in  point  of  composition 
furnishes,  I  believe,  a  fairly  good  order  for  not  a  few  purposes 
of  study,  and  the  practical  compensations  of  naturalness  and 
reality  must  be  allowed  to  outweigh  the  loss  of  elegance  and 
symmetry.  The  idea  is  to  set  out  the  various  strata  of  the 
literature  as  these  indicate  themselves  to  have  been  laid 
down.  One  after  another,  as  the  history  proceeds,  the 
records  are  found  to  have  been  deposited  in  a  certain 
structural  order,  neither  uniform  nor — as  we  handle  them 
usually — undisturbed  from  their  original  position,  but  show- 
ing traces  of  process  and  accumulation.  This  is  acknow- 
ledged upon  all  hands.  Why  should  it  not  be  expressed  ? 
To  some  degree  the  very  fragmentariness  which  occurs  in 
the  geological  record  of  organic  life  is  paralleled  by  gaps  and 
fractures  in  the  extant  expression  of  early  Christian  thought 
and  feeling ;  but  it  is  common  sense  to  recognise  at  any  rate 
what  may  be  described  as  the  stratified  character  of  the 
latter,  admitting,  e.g.,  that  the  Galatian  epistle  precedes  that 
to  the  Colossians,  and  Colossians  again  the  fourth  gospel,  just 
as  one  places  the  Cambrian  formation  below  the  Devonian, 
the  Devonian  under  the  Cretaceous,  and  the  Pliocene  over 
all  three. 

Some  such  rearrangement,  it  has  been  felt,  is  among  the 
present  desiderata  of  NT  study.  The  practical  necessity  for 
it  rests  upon  two  grounds :  the  general  considerations  in- 
volved in  historical  research,  as  well  as  the  special  character 
of    the    ordinary    canonical    collection    of     the    writings     in 

remain  one  of  the  paradoxes  in  this  subject,  that  the  age  commonly  named 
"the  New  Testament  times"  is  precisely  the  age  in  -which  no  New  Testament 
existed.  A  similar  proviso  attaches  to  the  employment  of  "Mark,"  "Matthew," 
"Luke,"  "John,"  throughout  the  following  pages.  They  are  used  merely  as 
convenient  titles  for  the  canonical  gospels,  and  have  no  reference  to  the  supposed 
authors  or  compilers  of  these  books. 


b        .  HISTORICAL    NEW    TP:STAMENT 

question.  These  requirements  now  fall  to  be  successively 
discussed.^ 

I. 

In  common  with  any  other  period,  the  apostolic  age  calls 
into  play  that  faculty  of  sympathetic  judgment,  comparative 
analysis,  and  historical  appreciation,  by  the  exercise  of  which 
the  relevant  literary  expression  and  evidence  ^  become  trans- 
formed into  an  uncoloured  window  looking  out  directly  upon 
the  actual  field  and  horizon  of  the  time.  One  primary 
principle  of  such  research  is  a  careful  and  clear  recognition 
of  the  difference  which  may  exist  between  the  literary  date  of 
a  writing  and  the  period  of  time  to  which  its  contents 
principally  refer.  The  two  certainly  reflect  upon  each  other. 
Not  infrequently  their  positions  are  determined  through  a 
comparison  of  their  relative  aspects.  But  initially  and 
ideally  they  must  be  held  separate.  Any  document  may  be 
avowedly  a  witness  to  previous  facts  and  feelings.  Uncon- 
sciously and  as  really,  however,  it  carries  now  and  then  traces 
of  its  immediate  environment  ;  and  it  is  with  this  latter, 
secondary,  and  indirect  relationship  that  historical  criticism 
has  to  begin  its  work.  In  some  cases  a  NT  writing  is  almost 
exactly  contemporaneous  with  the  period  of  which  it  treats : 
the  epistle    to  the  Galatians   and  that  to    Philippi  are  ex- 

1  111  a  recent  novel  (of  all  places!)  by  Thomas  Hardy,  the  idea  has  been 
curiously  and  roughly  anticipated.  "Jude,  will  you  let  me  make  you  a  new 
New  Testament,  like  the  one  I  made  for  myself  at  Christminster  ? "  "Oh  yes. 
How  was  that  made?"  "I  altered  my  old  one  by  cutting  up  all  the  epistles 
and  gospels  into  separate  brocJmres,  and  rearranging  them  in  chronological 
order,  as  written,  beginning  the  book  with  Romans,  following  on  with  the  early 
epistles,  and  putting  the  gospels  much  further  on.     My  University  friend,  Mr. 

,  said  it  was  an  excellent  idea.     I  know  that  reading  it  afterwards  made  it 

twice  as  interesting  as  before,  and  twice  as  understandable  "  {Jude  the  Obscure, 
p.  187). 

^  Heinrici,  Thcologuchc  Encyldopadic  (1893),  pp.  hl-hi.  On  the  use  of 
historical  method  in  relation  to  documents,  sec  Hatch,  Organimtion  of  Early 
Chridian  Churches  (1882),  pp.  2-17  ;  and,  for  the  ini[)ortance  of  source- 
criticism  in  modern  research,  Professor  J.  B.  Bury's  edition  of  Gibbon,  vol.  i.  pp. 
xlv,  xlvi.  "  We  have  lived  to  see  an  age  of  source-criticism,"  says  Preuschen, 
referring  to  NT  research,  "which  can  onlj'- be  compared  to  the  morphological 
and  biological  investigations  of  natural  science"  {ZJVJF,  1900,  p.  3). 


PROLEGOMENA  7 

cellent  instances.  Indeed,  taking  the  word  in  a  fair  although 
somewhat  loose  sense,  we  may  argue  that  all  the  epistles,  as 
well  as  the  sources  which  underlie  the  synoptic  gospels  and 
the  Acts,  are  "  contemporary."  ^  In  this  respect  they  com- 
pare not  unfavourably  even  with  most  ancient  histories,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  appended  table,  which  roughly  gives 
some  instances  of  the  relative  distance  between  events  and 
their  record  in  the  older  Jewish  and  classical  literatures. 
In  fact,  judged  by  ordinary  standards,  the  bulk  of  the  NT 


Book. 

Date  of 
Composition. 

Interval. 

Main  Period  of 
Reference. 

Thueydides,     . 

403-396  B.C.  (?) 

32-15  years 

435-409  B.C. 

1  Maccabees,    . 

90  B.C.  + 

8.5-45     ,, 

175-135  B.C. 

2  Maccabees,    . 

c.  80  B.C. 

95-80     „ 

175-161  B.C. 

Joseplius,  "  Wara" 

(bks.  2-7),    . 

75-79  A.I). 

10-5       ,, 

66-71  A.D. 

260  years  and 

-161  B.C.  (bks. 

upwards 

1-12) 

,,    "Antiquities," 

93-94  A.D. 

260-100  years 

161  B.C.-6A.D. 

(bks.  13-17) 

100-28       ,, 

6   A.D.-66  A.D. 

(bks.  18-20) 

Tacitus,  "Annals," 

115-117  A.D. 

(published) 

130-50       ,, 

14  B.C. -68  A.D. 

,,        "History," 

103-106  A.D. 

35-10 

69-96  A.D. 

„        "Agricola," 

97  A.D. 

57-3 

40-94  A.D. 

Suetonius,  "  Vit£e 

XII.  Imperatorum, " 

C.   120  A.D. 

180-24       ,, 

60  B.C.-96  A.D. 

Mark,      . 

65-75  A.D. 

45-40 

26-29  A.D. 

Matthew, 

75-90  A.D. 

80-60 

6  B.C. -29  A.D. 

Luke, 

80-90  A.D. 

90-60 

.1            >) 

Acts, 

90-100  A.D. 

65-35 

29  a'.d.-62  A.D. 

Fourth  gospel, 

95-115  A.D. 

85-80 

26-29  A.D. 

literature  affords  a  fairly  direct  and  clear  witness  to  its 
period.  Still,  even  here,  with  so  remarkable  a  measure  of 
historic  credibility  (though  trustworthiness  does  not  necessarily 
increase   as    the   gap    between  fact  and   writing   duninishes), 

1  In  a  note  to  chap.  iii.  book  iv.  of  his  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Peru, 
Prescott  incidentally  defines  "contemporary"  evidence.  Sjieaking  of  Herrera, 
the  author  of  Hlstoria  General  tie  las  Indias,  he  points  out  that  this  Spaniard's 
evidence  is  "little  short  of  that  of  a  contemporary,  since  it  was  derived  from 
the  correspondence  of  the  Conquerors,  and  the  accounts  given  him  by  their 
own  sons." 


O  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

between  the  period  recorded  and  the  recording  literature 
some  space  does  intervene,  varying  from  a  few  years  up  to 
nearly  a  century.  Any  of  the  historical  writings,  then,  may 
be  considered  with  some  reason  to  represent  a  more  or  less 
extended  period  which  has  elapsed  between  the  time  of  its 
historical  reference  and  the  date  of  its  composition.  This 
factor  of  distance  between  the  life  and  the  corresponding 
literature  is  cardinal,  and  it  is  necessary  to  get  a  sight  and 
sense  of  it.  The  difference  of  time  is  always  significant,  though 
not  always  to  the  same  degree :  it  demands  in  any  case  to  be 
estimated  and  weighed.  By  all  scientific  research,  indeed, 
this  feature  is  steadily  presupposed,  while  its  consequences  and 
bearings  upon  questions  of  accuracy,  historicity,  subjective 
characteristics,  and  the  like,  are  paramount  and  abundantly 
obvious. 

It  is  worth  while  to  start  from  the  very  clear  and 
accepted  instances  of  this  principle  offered  by  OT  criticism. 
To  take  an  extreme  case,  the  books  of  Chronicles  are  signi- 
ficant, not  merely  for  the  period  of  the  monarchy,  but  also  and 
especially  as  witnesses  to  certain  ideas  and  feelings  in  regard 
to  the  law  and  history  of  Israel  current  some  five  or  six 
hundred  years  later  in  the  age  between  the  Eeturn  and  the  Mac- 
cabeau  Revolution.  In  P,  the  priestly  document  of  the  Hexa- 
teuch,  we  obtain  not  (some  would  prefer  to  say  "  not  only  ")  a 
record  of  primitive  history,  but,  to  some  degree,  the  hopes  and 
religious  emotions  of  an  author  who  wrote  in  the  later 
monarchy  or  under  the  actual  shadows  of  exile  and  captivity. 
Similarly  the  book  of  the  Judges,  as  we  have  it,  presents  a 
conglomerate  of  narratives  which  have  been  finally  recast  in 
the  Deuteronomic  spirit  fully  six  or  seven  centuries  subse- 
quent to  the  date  of  the  events  which  it  professes  to  record. 
The  period  of  the  NT  is  considerably  smaller  than  that 
covered  by  the  OT,  barely  extending  beyond  a  century  and 
a  quarter  at  the  most.  But  its  phases,  none  the  less,  are 
varied  and  successive ;  and  if  they  are  to  be  defined  with  any 
historical  lucidity,  the  above-noted  principle  must  be  carried 
into  the  criticism  of  the  NT  literature  and  fairly  tested  there. 
This  need  is  patent   at   tlie  very  outset.      To  the  historical 


PROLEGOMENA  9 

student  who  is  engaged  in  working  back,  by  aid  of  sources,  to 
the  facts,  the  Christ  of  the  apostles  is  the  forerunner  to  the 
Jesus  of  history.  Through  the  witness  of  the  one  we  reach 
the  presence  of  the  other.  Even  with  the  help  of  the  vivid 
emotion  and  imagination  current  in  the  apostolic  age,  we  see 
the  central  figure  as  through  a  glass  darkly ;  but  without 
that  age  and  its  memorials  we  would  not  see  him  at  all. 
Certainly  the  primary  question  in  regard  to  early  Christianity 
is  not  what  the  early  Christians  believed  about  Jesus,  but 
what  Jesus  himself  beheved.  His  faith,  not  faith  in  him, 
forms  the  spring  of  his  religion  as  a  historical  force  (Meyer, 
Die  moderne  Forschung  ii.  d.  Geschichte  des  Urc.  1898,  p.  1  f.). 
Yet  for  the  investigator  the  faith  of  Jesus  is  only  accessible 
through  a  preliminary  survey  of  the  faith  which  others  had 
in  him.  Personally  he  left  no  written  statement  or  expres- 
sion of  his  views  and  deeds.  For  these,  as  well  as  for  the 
sense  of  his  personality,  we  are  absolutely  dependent  upon  the 
reminiscences  of  an  after-age,  together  with  the  impression 
produced  by  him  on  one  or  two  men  of  exceptional  ability 
who  subsequently  joined  his  cause.  Jesus  is  the  author  and 
finisher  of  the  faith.  But  to  arrive  at  any  historical  estimate 
of  his  conceptions  and  character,  the  inquirer  must  first  of 
all  be  prepared  to  spend  no  slight  research  upon  the 
materials  furnished  by  the  writings  of  the  apostolic  age. 
These  are  the  indispensable  record  of  the  ways  by  which 
the  early  Christian  faith  was  formed,  transformed,  expressed, 
and  propagated. 

The  sense  of  confusion,  which  commonly  rises  in  this 
mental  passage  from  the  naive  to  the  scientific  conception 
of  the  NT  writings,  is  due  for  the  most  part  not  to  the 
discipline  itself  so  much  as  to  the  fact  that  it  is  a  com- 
paratively unpalatable  and  unfamiliar  task  for  us  to  take  into 
account  this  very  factor  of  retrospective  reference.  Each 
document,  we  now  discover,  contains  a  standpoint  as  well  as 
a  subject.  In  using  the  records,  one  has  to  keep  oneself  alive 
to  that,  and  to  be  ready  to  make  allowance  for  what  may 
be  termed  "  the  contemporary  equation."  The  trial-task  of 
criticism  is  in  fact  to  comprise  not  only  the  direct  reference 


10  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

of  a  book  to  some  previous  period,  l)ut  also  such  delicate  and 
elusive,  though  not  unsubstantial,  considerations  as  those  of 
the  place  and  time  in  which,  the  motives  for  which,  and  the 
author  by  whom,  it  was  composed.  For  the  sake  of  book  and 
period  alike,  a  just  estimate  refuses  to  leave  out  of  account 
these  contemporary  tendencies  and  conditions.  Historical 
inquiry  seeks,  often  and  chiefly  from  the  data  of  the  book 
itself,  to  determine  the  precise  extent  and  unravel  the  actual 
character  of  the  influence  exerted  by  any  particular  period 
upon  its  literary  products.  By  this  means  it  is  enabled  to 
work  back  to  some  keener  insight  into  the  period  itself,  while 
at  the  same  time  it  becomes  competent  to  estimate  with  finer 
accuracy  the  varying  value  of  the  evidence  which  the  writing 
in  question  offers  with  regard  to  the  earlier  period  of  which 
it  treats.  This  procedure  is  legitimate,  healthy,  and  remunerat- 
ive. Tendency-criticism  has  become  a  detected  idol.  It 
stands  exposed  as  a  fanciful  and  arbitrary  method  of  research. 
But  it  is  quite  another  thing  to  ascertain  the  mental  and 
social  latitudes  in  which  an  author  seems  to  have  written,  to 
use  his  work  in  common  with  other  aids  for  the  discovery 
and  illustration  of  these  latitudes,  and  again  to  use  these  for 
the  elucidation  of  the  book  itself.  This  reflex  method  of 
study  forms  a  delicate  and  necessary  practice.  Between  a  writ- 
ing of  the  NT  and  the  period  at  which  it  was  finally  composed 
there  exists  a  more  or  less  direct  correspondence.  To  some 
extent  any  writing  is  moved  by  its  atmosphere,  while  the 
period  in  its  turn  is  set  off  and  indicated  by  the  contemporary 
writing — 

"Like  as  tlie  wind  doth  beautify  a  sail, 
And  as  a  sail  becomes  the  unseen  wind." 

The  classic  and  abused  instance  of  this  relationship  has  been 
the  book  of  Acts ;  but  when  fairly  employed  the  principle 
touches  almost  the  whole  collection.  Paul's  writings  are  the 
most  objective.  Their  standpoint  and  subject  are  practically 
one,  and  the  date  of  their  composition  falls  not  far  from  the 
period  of  their  historical  reference.  All  that  needs  to  be 
done,  as  a  rule,  is  to  put  them  in  chronological  order.  That 
determined,  they   lie  actually  ])arallel  to  the  life  whicli   thus 


PROLEGOMENA  11 

tells  its  own  tale.  On  the  other  hand,  the  more  historical 
narratives  point  often  this  way  and  that ;  their  standpoint 
is  considerably  later  than  their  subject,  and  sometimes  different 
from  it.  In  the  criticism  of  these  books — more  especially  of 
the  synoptic  gospels — the  real  problem  is  raised.  Each  falls 
to  be  read  in  its  own  character  and  circumstances ;  and  the 
consequence  is  that  as  books  they  have  all  to  be  placed  far 
down  the  history,  considerably  later  than  the  events  which 
they  discuss  and  narrate,  subsequent  even  to  the  Pauline 
letters.  The  best  defence  of  this  arrangement  is  an  explana- 
tion of  its  significance  for  the  study  either  of  the  literature 
itself  or  of  the  age,  along  with  some  account,  given  in 
suggestion  rather  than  in  detail,  of  the  character  and  functions 
which  actually  beloug  to  the  gospels  as  historical  records  of 
the  NT. 

The  conception  of  Jesus  in  the  gospels  represents  not 
only  the  historical  likeness  so  far  as  its  traits  were  preserved 
in  the  primitive  evangelic  tradition,  but  also  the  religious 
interests  of  the  age  in  which  and  for  which  these  narratives 
were  originally  drawn  up.  It  is  in  the  balance  and  adjust- 
ment of  these  two  elements  that  one  real  problem  of  NT 
criticism  will  always  lie.  For  while  such  interests  were  in 
part  created  by  the  original  and  impressive  personality  of 
Jesus  as  his  spirit  continued  to  work  upon  receptive  natures 
in  the  church  ("  ut  quisque  meminerat,  et  ut  cuique  cordi 
erat,"  Augustine),  some  of  them  (and  in  particular  the 
Messianic  idea)  are  also  to  be  viewed  as  later  and  partially 
independent  reflections ;  for  all  their  filiation  to,  or  sympathy 
with,  the  primitive  Christian  consciousness,  these  cannot  have 
exactly  corresponded  to  it  in  every  feature,  and  therefore  may 
be  conjectured  to  have  inevitably  coloured  in  some  degree  the 
delineation  of  its  contents.  Year  by  year  the  spirit  of  the 
historical  Jesus  went  on  quickening  his  receptive  followers, 
and  shaping  ^  in  them  a  life  of  wider  and  wider  capacities. 

^  This  obvious  and  practical  interest  prompted  the  compositiou  of  early  notes 
which  contained  sayings  or  deeds  of  the  Master.  But  there  is  no  evidence  to 
prove  any  similar  interest  in  the  primitive  apostolic  deeds  and  speeches.  These 
were  occasional,    not   authoritative,    and    had    no   special  importance   at   the 


12  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

They  remembered  him,  and  they  awaited  him.  Tradition 
was  the  main  channel  through  which  this  force  came  to  be 
transmitted.  Christ's  words  were  a  law,  his  service  and 
reign  a  life.  The  disciples,  realising  more  freshly  and  fully 
than  ever  as  the  years  passed,  the  contents  of  their  original 
faith  in  him,  turned  ultimately  back  to  reflect  with  increas- 
ing solicitude  upon  the  facts  of  its  historic  origin.  The 
reflection  had  to  be  put  into  writing.  To  preserve  these 
recollections  was  quite  a  spontaneous  form  of  literature, 
and  it  was  from  such  rudimentary  sketches  and  reminiscences 
that  the  first  gospels  germinated  by  a  process  whose  inter- 
mediate stages  are  no  longer  articulate.  "  La  plus  belle 
chose  du  monde  est  ainsi  sortie  d'une  elaboration  obscure 
et  completement  populaire."  Dr.  Abbott  {Common  Tra- 
dition of  the  Synoptic  Gospels,  p.  xi)  suggests  an  interesting 
parallel  in  the  oral  tradition  of  the  Mishna,  whose  contents 
have  been  handed  down  in  a  concise  and  even  elliptical  form, 
obscure  through  its  very  brevity.  If  the  original  evangelic 
tradition  was  transmitted  by  notes  compiled  in  so  condensed 
a  fashion,  and  occasionally  requiring  some  expansion  to 
render  them  intelligible,  a  clue  might  be  got  to  explain  the 
divergent  interpretations  of  the  same  incident  or  saying  in  the 
synoptists.  Some  passages,  at  least,  are  cleared  up  in  this 
way  {op.  cit.  pp.  xxvii-xxxix).  And  in  any  case  the  Mishna 
throws  light  upon  two  facts — {a)  the  retentiveness  of 
memory,  and  {h)  the  persistence  of  oral  tradition,  among 
the  contemporaries  of  the  evangelists.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  steps,  however,  in  the  process  of  this  literary 
evolution  whose  results  lie  before  us  in  the  synoptic  gospels, 
the  point  is  that  its  motives  and  surroundings  differed 
seriously  from  those  which  would  have  belonged  to  the 
environment  of  a  similar  attempt  some  thirty  or  forty 
years  earlier.      It  stands  to  reason  that  the  outcome  of  the 

moment  for  their  contemporaries.  Consequently  one  must  differentiate  be- 
tween the  disciples'  careful  memory  for  Jesus  and  the  subsidiary  interest 
and  impression  produced  by  the  early  disciples  themselves  upon  one  another. 
That  is  to  say,  one  cannot  fairly  argue  from  the  early  composition  of 
"logia"  to  the  equally  early  composition  of  notes  and  reminiscences  like 
Ac  1-5  (IG). 


PROLEGOMENA  1 3 

apostolic  age  did  not  take  the  form  of  what  a  diary  com- 
posed by  a  contemporary  and  companion  of  Jesus  would 
have  been.  Yet  at  the  same  time  this  difference  is  not 
necessarily  a  drawback.  For  in  observing  the  lineaments 
of  Jesus,  the  right  focus  was  given  not  by  his  death  nor 
even  by  his  departure,  but  in  the  subsequent  discipline  of 
memory  and  obedience  among  his  followers.  Their  increas- 
ing distance  from  the  object  tended  in  some  degree  to  correct 
earlier  mistakes  of  judgment  in  the  direction  of  exaggeration 
or  of  undervaluing ;  by  removing  certain  obscurities  the  very 
lapse  of  time  helped  to  purify  and  widen  in  the  Christian 
community  the  powers  of  accurate  appreciation.  Hence  the 
character  and  date  of  our  extant  gospels.  Just  as  the  full 
significance  of  the  traits  and  issues  bound  up  in  the  faith  of 
Jesus  could  not  be  grasped  by  his  original  disciples  until 
he  ceased  to  move  beside  them  —  he  left  them  and  they 
knew  him — so  it  proved  practically  an  impossibility  for 
them,  even  after  their  subsequent  experience  of  reflection 
and  reminiscence,  to  achieve  the  task  of  creating  a  final 
and  adequate  record.  For  that  they  could  merely  supply 
materials.  It  was  enough  in  this  for  the  disciples  to  be 
as  their  Master.  Like  Sokrates  and  Epiktetus,  he.  was  no 
author.  He  wrote  once — and  that  upon  the  dust.  His  real 
epistles  were  to  be  found  in  the  character  and  experience  of 
his  followers  (2  Co  3^).  Nor  was  it  otherwise  with  them. 
For  other  hands  than  theirs  the  work  of  evangelic  composition 
was  reserved.  It  was  completed,  as  perhaps  it  only  could 
have  been,  by  the  epigoni.  Even  those  who  had  received 
the  tradition  of  the  historical  Jesus,  KaTo.  adpKa,  from  his 
personal  companions,  found  that  his  life  in  subsequent  years 
opened  out  for  them  (Jo  12i«  14-«  IG^^);  it 

"Orbed  into  the  perfect  star 
They  knew  not,  when  they  moved  therein." 

But  this  insight  of  a  second  generation  was  not  necessarily 
inferior  at  all  points.  On  the  contrary,  it  had  some  in- 
valuable advantages.  In  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  the 
gospels  are  not  contemporary  records.      Even  the  earliest  of 


14  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT 

them  implies  an  interval  between  the  facts  and  their  record 
— bridged  though  that  interval  may  be  by  continuous  tradi- 
tion and  surviving  witnesses.  But  so  far  from  this  distance 
being  an  altogether  regrettable  defect,  it  is  in  some  aspects  a 
profit.  Until  development  has  reached  a  certain  stage, 
analysis  will  always  remain  inadequate ;  indeed,  it  is  hardly 
possible  for  it  to  exist.  Lapse  of  time  is  essential  to  a  real 
conception  of  this  as  of  any  other  history,  for  it  is  only  after 
such  an  interval  of  experience  and  reflection  that  the  mean- 
ing and  bearings  of  the  life  in  question  come  out  in  their  true 
and  sure  significance.  Interpretation  is  not  bound  fast  to  the 
contemporary  standpoint.  It  requires  facts,  but  it  requires 
them  in  perspective.  The  gospels  in  reality  do  more  for  us, 
written  between  65  ap.d  105,  than  they  would  have  done  if 
composed  before  35.  '  Drawn  up  after  at  least  one  generation 
had  passed  away,  and  written  in  a  world  rich  with  religious 
passion,  speculation,  and  achievement,  these  writings  give  a 
wider  and  deeper  account  of  their  subject  than  any  that  would 
have  been  afforded  by  records  composed  in  the  morning  of  the 
Christian  religion.  During  the  actual  lifetime  of  Jesus,  or 
even  immediately  after  his  death,  the  vital  principle  of  the 
Life  was  not  to  be  grasped  in  its  real  unity  and  relationships. 
Paul  understood  the  secret  of  Jesus  more  thoroughly  than 
many  who  had  trodden  the  roads  of  Galilee  in  his  company, 
and  listened  to  his  arguments  and  teaching  in  the  syna- 
gogues ;  and  the  writers  of  the  Christian  biography  were  not 
necessarily  placed  at  any  serious  disadvantage  for  their  task 
and  mission  by  the  fact  that  their  vision  was  one  not  of  sight 
but  of  insight,  not  of  memory  but  of  sympathy.  "  The  living 
do  not  give  up  their  secrets  with  the  candour  of  the  dead ; 
one  key  is  always  excepted,  and  a  generation  passes  before 
we  can  ensure  accuracy."^  That  canon  applies  most  forcibly 
to    the  synoptic    gospels,'-^  and    their    subject.       Their     best 

^  Lord  Acton,  The  Study  of  History  (1895),  p.  4  ;  cp.  Caird's  Ecohdion  of 
Religion,  vol.  ii.  pp.  215-228. 

^  If  we  qualify  its  second  statement,  Keini's  remark  apropos  of  Matthew  (in 
his  view,  the  earliest  gospel)  holds  true  of  all  the  three  synoptists  :  "The 
interval  was  too  sliort  really  to  sweep  away  a  historical  life,  the  circles  of 
Judaism  and  Christianity  were  too  disciplined  and  sober  to  replace  facts  hy 


PROLEGOMENA  15 

purposes  were  excellently  served  by  this  interval  of  years ;  in 
fact,  it  was  essential  to  their  value.  Letters  are  immediate 
and  contemporary ;  they  touch  directly  the  things  of  the  day. 
Histories  can  only  be  written  from  materials  gathered  close 
to  the  period  and  subject,  but  they  cannot  be  written  imtil 
after  the  lapse  of  years,  during  which  the  past  has  come  to 
be  seen  in  its  true  bearings  and  intelligently  construed. 
Thus,  while  the  materials  for  this  history  consist  in  part  of 
contemporary  evidence,  furnished  by  the  quick  and  eager 
memory  of  the  church,^  the  handling  of  them  belongs  to  later 
days.  Working  with  a  sympathetic  conscience  and  a  religious 
aim,  this  age  could  best  produce  due  records  of  the  earlier 
period.  They  are  not  primitive,  indeed,  but  they  are  primary. 
In  their  present  form  the  synoptic  gospels  are  not  the  work 
of  men  who  were  originally  disciples  of  Jesus.  The  latter, 
with  their  Jewish  habits  and  Christian  hopes,  were  evidently 
ill  adapted  for  a  task  which  rightly  fell  to  the  activity  and 
insight  of  a  later  generation,  whose  very  position  of  remote- 
ness turned  out  to  be  in  some  respects  a  vantage-ground  for 
appraising  the  great  Past.  Upon  the  whole  the  age  of  Jesus 
was  understood,  its  essence  grasped,  its  significance  reached 
by  means  of  the  refracted  light  thrown  by  its  issues  and 
expression  across  the  institutions  and  character  of  rising 
Christianity,  more  adequately  than  it  would  have  been  at  a 
time  when  its  inner  nature  had  only  the  promise  and  rudi- 
ments of  life  in  which  to  reveal  its  inner  self.  Had  it  not 
been    for    the  experience   of    the   church ,2   the    character  of 

dreams,  an  Eastern  memory  was  naturally  too  tenacious,  and,  moreover,  witnesses 
of  the  life  of  Christ  still  lived"  (i.  78).  R^ville's  discussion  is  in  the  main 
quite  fair  and  accurate  (i.  p.  255  f.). 

^  Cp.  Zahn  on  "the  unwritten  gospel"  [Einl.  ii.  pp.  158-172).  The 
allusion  "to  this  day"  (Mt  11^-  27^  28^^)  betrays  accidentally,  as  in  the  case 
of  Deuteronomy  (2^-,  etc.),  the  lapse  of  time  between  the  period  and  its  record  in 
literature. 

-  This  general  atmosphere  of  early  Christian  experience  is  as  important  for 
the  criticism  of  the  gospels  as  are  the  idiosyncrasies  of  the  individual  evan- 
gelists. Even  were  the  personalities  of  the  latter  better  known  than  they  are, 
the  transmission  of  Christ's  words  and  deeds,  upon  which  they  all  depend,  is 
affected  in  the  first  instance  by  the  experience,  needs,  and  aims  of  the  apostolic 
communities  rather  than  by  the  special  cast  and  colour  of  particular  reporters. 


16  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

Jesus,  we  may  say,  would  not  have  been  portrayed  with  such 
sympathy  and  understanding.  It  needed  the  four  decades 
between  30  and  70  to  render  the  period  before  30  luminous. 
Facere  cclebranda  and  celebrare  facta  are  two  different  forms  of 
human  energy.  It  is  not  often  given  to  one  age  to  accomplish 
both,  and  certainly  it  was  not  given  to  the  first  three  decades 
of  our  era. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  possibility  of  such  an  interval 
developing  less  desirable  qualities  in  the  tradition  (Ireu.  iii. 
2.  2,  12.  12)  must  also  be  admitted.  For  example,  the  two 
main  requirements  for  the  genesis  of  what  is  supposed  to  have 
been  the  mythical  process,  are  (a)  the  Messianic  and  miracu- 
lous ^  conceptions  of  the  early  Christians,  and  (b)  a  certain 
time  to  allow  of  these  ideas  passing  -  into  concrete  form  as 
incidents  and  stories  (for  a  list  of  passages,  cp.  Stanton,  Jewish 

Indeed,  the  position  of  the  gospels  as  compositions  in  and  for  the  apostolic  age 
supplies  one  of  the  most  valid  criteria  for  distinguishing  the  words  of  Jesus 
from  those  of  his  reporters.  That  the  latter  have  given  a  trustworthy  and 
accurate  impression  of  his  life  is  outside  reasonable  doubt.  But  the  large 
amount  of  material  which  authenticates  itself  as  genuine  is  bound  up  with 
materials  which  are  as  patently  evidence  for  the  mental  and  moral  inferiority  of 
Christ's  reporters  to  himself.  Such  inferiority  occasionally  has  caused  mis- 
apprehension in  the  record,  but  on  the  whole  it  ensured  a  good  report,  better 
perhaps  than  would  have  come  from  men  less  impressed  by  their  own  subordin- 
ate ability,  and  therefore  more  apt  to  have  given  rein  to  the  activity  and 
inventiveness  of  their  imagination.  The  profile  of  Jesus  is  clear  in  the  gospels, 
chiefly  because  the  writers  were  content  to  view  it  from  below. 

^  The  supernatural  excitement  of  the  first  century  seems  to  have  made  the 
rabbis  who  lived  towards  its  close  extremely  shy  of  miracles  as  a  religious 
proof  {vide  Schechter's  Studies  in  Judaism,  p.  230  f. ). 

-  On  the  quick  transformation  of  fact  in  Eastern  popular  tradition,  and  the 
bearing  of  this  upon  the  historicity  of  the  NT,  Professor  Ramsay  has  a  good 
statement  {SPT,  pp.  368-370).  The  miracles  of  Thomas  a  Becket  are  a 
suggestive  illustration  of  this  rapid  growth  under  different  conditions.  Some 
of  these  miracles,  as  Freeman  has  shown,  were  chronicled  at  the  very  moment 
of  their  occurrence,  several  within  half  a  dozen  years  after  liis  death.  For  a 
recent  discussion  of  this  quick  legendary  growth  in  its  relation  to  historic 
testimony,  esi)ccially  upon  the  NT,  see  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott's  Kernel  and  Husk, 
pp.  158-224,  and  his  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  (1S98) ;  also  Mackintosh's 
Natural  IHstonj  of  Christian  Religion  (1894),  chaps,  xi-xiii,  and  Rt'ville's, 
chapter  ii.  pp.  61-85.  More  conservative  statements  upon  the  miraculous 
elements  in  the  woof  of  the  gospels  are  given  by  Bruce,  Miracidous  Element  in 
GosiieW^  (1890),  pp.  79-153,  and  Steude,  Dcr  Beweis  d.  Glaubens  (1897),  pp. 
89  f.,  138  f.,  189  f. 


PROLEGOMENA  17 

and  Christian  Messiah,  pp.  368—370).  "  The  simple  historical 
structure  of  the  life  of  Jesus,"  wrote  Strauss,  "  was  hung  with 
the  most  varied  aud  suggestive  tapestry  of  devout  reflections 
and  fancies,  all  the  ideas  entertained  by  primitive  Christianity 
relative  to  its  lost  Master  being  transformed  into  facts  and 
woven  into  the  course  of  his  life.  The  imperceptible  growth 
of  a  joint  creative  work  of  this  kind  is  made  possible  by  oral 
tradition  being  the  medium  of  communication."  The  modicum 
of  truth  which  underlies  this  exaggerated  estimate  is  not 
visible  until  the  age  and  conditions  of  the  gospels  are  under- 
stood. It  was  not  a  pre-dogmatic  age.  The  Jews  brought 
many  dogmas  into  the  Church,  including  scenic,  semi-material, 
Messianic  categories,  and  the  evidence  shows  us  how  much 
activity  in  primitive  Christianity  was  devoted  to  fixing  the 
relations  between  the  old  dogmas  and  the  new  experience  (cp. 
Cone,  The  Gospel  and  its  hitei-pretations,  1893,  pp.  138-151). 
The  fresh  movement  triumphed  by  mastering  its  inheritance 
and  developing  original  forms  for  itself  under  the  limitations 
of  that  inheritance.  For  the  nascent  religion  had  to  formu- 
late itself.  Intuition  turned  to  reflect  and  justify  itself,  and 
by  the  time  that  the  gospels  and  even  the  Pauline  letters 
were  composed  this  tendency  had  been  widely  felt  in  most 
quarters  of  Christendom.  So  with  the  didactic  aim.  This 
again  did  not  necessarily  involve  any  deliberate  looseness  in 
reporting  facts  of  history ;  but  it  seems  to  have  fostered 
methods  of  adapting  or  creating  ^  narrative,  according  to  the 

^  "Can  we  conceive  of  an  evangelist  stepping  out  of  tlie  actual  into  the 
possible,  in  order  that  he  might  have  ampler  scope  for  the  embodiment  of  his 
conception  of  Jesus  than  the  grudging  data  of  reality  supplied,  especially  in 
the  case  of  a  life  of  so  short  duration  ?  .  .  .  Viewing  the  matter  in  the  abstract, 
we  are  not  perhaps  entitled  to  negative  dogmatically  as  inadmissible  such  use 
of  ideal  situations  for  evangelic  purposes"  (Bruce,  Apologetics,  pp.  459,  460). 
The  question  is  one  of  the  subtlest  problems  in  NT  criticism,  either  as  an 
inquiry  into  the  deliberate  aims  of  the  evangelists  or  as  an  analysis  of  the 
unconscious  tendencies  under  which  they  worked.  Upon  the  intellectual 
temper  in  these  days  and  its  relation  to  religious  truth,  see  Dr.  Percy  Gardner's 
Exploratio  Evangelica,  pp.  148-158  ;  also,  for  the  influence  of  subsequent  ideas 
upon  the  narration  of  facts  and  events.  Dr.  A.  B.  Davidson  in  Ex^).^  i.  p.  16  f. 
The  Alexandrian  temper  and  spirit  probably  aifected  even  the  earliest  synoptic 
tradition  to  a  larger  extent  than  is  commonly  suspected  or  admitted.  The 
2 


18  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

predominating  tendency  of  the  Oriental  mind  to  cast  argu- 
ment and  counsel  in  the  form  of  stories.  The  extent,  nature, 
and  limits  of  this  feature  belong  to  the  inner  criticism  of  the 
gospels  (see  Carpenter's  First  Three  Gospels,  chaps,  v.,  vi.,  an 
outline  of  competent  and  serious  treatment ;  also  Dr.  G.  L. 
Gary,  in  IH,  i.  pp.  74-77).  It  embraces  the  origin  of  the 
"  doublets  " — one  incident  existing  in  two  slightly  different 
forms,  and  finally  shaped  into  two  separate  events — the 
phenomena  upon  which  the  mythical  hypothesis  rests,  and 
also  the  three  verce  causce  which,  as  even  Dr.  Sanday  allows 
{DB,  ii.  625),  were  "to  some  extent  really  at  work"  in 
shaping  the  mifaculous  narratives :  (a)  the  influence  of 
similar  OT  stories  which  naturally  prompted  the  disciples 
to  imitate  them  as  they  recorded  the  life  and  wonders  of 
Jesus ;  {h)  the  translation  of  metaphor  into  fact,  or  of 
parable  into  the  clothing  of  external  reality,  by  which 
misunderstandings    of    language    are    the    origin    of    certain 

synoptic  account  of  the  baptism  of  Jesus  is  a  case  in  point.  Here  the  endow- 
ment of  Jesus  with  spiritual  power  at  this  initial  crisis  of  his  career  is  ex- 
plained pictorially  by  the  descent  of  the  holy  Spirit  in  the  form  of  a  dove.  So 
naive  a  way  of  representing  a  religious  experience  was  more  than  a  popular 
conception  ;  it  formed  an  accepted  category  of  thought  in  current  Hellenistic 
and  Rabbinical  Judaism,  where,  as  in  Philo  (Usener,  Eeligionsgcscliichtc,  i.  p. 
50  f.  ;  Holtzmann,  HG,  i.  pp.  62,  63;  Conybeare,  Exp^  ix.  pp.  451-158; 
Dr.  G.  L.  Gary,  IH,  i.  59,  60)  wisdom  or  the  divine  spirit  {\6yos)  was 
symbolised  by  a  dove.  In  the  third  gospel  the  metaphor  is  more  pointedly 
transmuted  into  fact.  But  evidently  the  process  had  already  begun  before  the 
evangelic  tradition  acquired  its  most  primitive  form  (Mk)  ;  whicli  is  an  instruct- 
ive piece  of  evidence  for  the  mental  atmosphere  in  which  the  sources  and 
traditions  of  the  gospels,  no  less  than  the  gospels  themselves,  germinated.  This 
method  of  representation,  however,  is  analogous  to  the  Eastern  love  of  an 
apologue,  witli  its  circumstantial  narrative,  as  the  most  suitable  means  of  con- 
veying instruction.  To  present  the  idea  is  the  main  point.  "The  Rabbi 
embodies  his  lesson  in  a  story,  whether  parable  or  allegory  or  seeming  historical 
narrative  ;  and  the  last  thing  he  or  his  disciples  would  think  of  is  to  ask 
whether  tlie  .selected  persons,  events,  and  circumstances  which  so  vividly  suggest 
the  doctrine,  are  in  themselves  real  or  fictitious.  ...  To  make  the  story  the 
first  consideration,  and  the  doctrine  it  was  intended  to  convey  an  afterthought, 
as  we,  with  our  dry  Western  literalness,  are  predisposed  to  do,  is  to  reverse 
the  Jewish  order  of  thinking,  and  to  do  unconscious  injustice  to  the  authors 
of  many  edifying  narratives  of  antiquity  "  (G.  J.  Ball :  Speaker's  Commentary, 
Apocrypha,  vol.  ii.  p.  307.  See  also  Cheyne  on  "the  unconscious  artists  of 
the  imaginative  East,"  IlaUviving  of  Criticism,  pp.  5-7). 


PROLEGOMENA  19 

narratives  (a  good  example,  e.g.  in  the  cursing  of  the  fig-tree, 
Mk  111^-1*-  20-25  ^ith  Lk  1:3°-^);  (c)  the  exaggeration  of 
what  were  originally  quite  natural  occurrences.  However 
such  phenomena  be  estimated,^  they  are  not  intelligible 
unless  the  writings  are  set  in  their  true  place  as  influenced 
by  the  dogmatic  and  didactic  aims  of  a  later  age.  Their 
contents  must  be  judged  from  their  function  and  atmosphere, 
as  well  as  from  the  interval  elapsing  between  their  subject 
and  themselves. 

It  appears,  then,  that  under  this  common  historical  law 
the  interval  between  the  subject  and  the  composition  of  a 
writing  such  as  any  one  of  the  gospels,  involves  two  aspects 
of  reference — the  retrospective  and  the  contemporary.  These 
do  not  in  every  case  conflict,  nor  is  the  proportion  between 
them  uniform.  It  varies,  and  varies  above  all  with  the  pre- 
cise nature  of  the  interval  in  question.  For  the  significance 
of  this  interval  is  not  to  be  estimated  simply  by  the  number 
of  its  years,  any  more  than  contemporaneousness  is  to  be 
made  a  test  of  credibility  (cp.  Eobertson,  Early  Religion 
of  Israel,  pp.  46,  47).  It  depends  rather  upon  the  aggre- 
gate and  importance  of  the  changes  in  belief,  feeling,  and 
situation  which  have  occurred  within  the  period.  These  may 
be  as  revolutionary  in  five  years  as  in  fifty,  so  that  the  mere 
space  of  time  gives  no  proper  clue  to  the  inner  spirit  of  the 
intervening  age.  But  whenever  any  of  the  more  serious  forms 
of  change  occur,  be  it  in  manners  or  opinion,  one  consequence 
is  that  the  past  is  rendered  thereby  less  intelligible  than  ever 
to  those  who  now  live  upon  the  other  side  of  the  gulf.  The 
book  of  Acts  is  a  case  in  point.  Here  the  antagonisms  of 
the  early  Church  are  sketched  in  a  smoother  and  less  violent 
form,  so  much  so  that  the  atmosphere  of  distant  reflection 
tends  occasionally  to  blur  the  sharp  outlines  of  the  past. 
But  this  feature  proceeds  not  so  much  from  conscious  purpose 
or  from  ignorance,  as  from  the  inevitable  change  of  interests 
which  takes  place  whenever  any  movement  is   passing — as 

^  Notliiug  better  lias  been  written  upon  the  correct  standpoint  for  such  an 
estimate  than  Harnack's  few  paragraphs  in  Das  Wesen  des  Christentums  (1900), 
pp.  16-19. 


20  HISTOKIOAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

undoubtedly  Christianity  did  from  between  50  and  80 — 
through  rapid  and  urgent  phases  of  development.  The 
completer  the  development,  the  sharper  the  cleavage, 
the  less  able  in  proportion  are  posterity  to  realise  with 
proper  sympathy  and  accuracy  a  situation  which  already 
lies  at  a  comparative  distance  from  their  surroundings  and 
even  their  immediate  antecedents,  so  rapidly  has  time  turned 
it  into  what  is  almost  a  foreign  memory.  Thus  the  value  of 
any  historical  reconstruction,  like  that  offered  in  a  gospel, 
varies  rather  with  the  character  than  with  the  area  and  the 
extent  of  its  retrospect.  The  elements  of  that  value  consist 
in  (a)  the  veracity,  object,  and  opportunities  of  the  author ;  (b) 
the  psychological  climate  of  his  age,  especially  the  relation, 
continuous  or  interrupted,  between  itself  and  the  period  which 
is  being  treated ;  (c)  lastly,  and  only  lastly,  the  amount  of  the 
intervening  years.  The  framework  of  chronology  is  apt  in 
this  connection  to  become  misleading ;  it  does  not  correspond 
unerringly  to  the  real  historical  "  distance."  The  fact  is,  no 
truth  is  more  general  in  historical  research  than  that  a  term 
of  years  may  possess  a  real  content  quite  other  than  that 
suggested  by  the  space  it  occupies  upon  the  printed  page. 

When  account  is  fairly  taken  of  this  factor  of  "  interval," 
any  one  of  the  historical  narratives  discloses  itself  at  once 
as,  in  some  scale  and  shade  at  least,  a  work  of  contemporary 
reference.  It  has  been  written  at  a  certain  distance  from 
its  subject,  after  the  lapse  of  more  or  less  significant  changes, 
in  a  period  of  characteristic  feelings  and  facts,  by  an  author 
of  certain  sympathies  and  capacities.  Put  these  elements 
together,  and  they  throw  upon  the  narrative  a  light  of  their 
own.  Alongside  of  the  primary  retrospective  aspect,  they 
bring  out  the  somewhat  elusive  "  contemporary  "  aspect  of  its 
pages.  This  latter  is  set  out  with  special  emphasis  when  a 
gospel  is  dated  according  to  its  composition.  Written  not  as 
abstract  treatises,  but  for  the  practical  requirements  of  their 
age,  the  gospels — even  Luke's,  which  most  nearly  resembles 
a  biography  of  Jesus — indirectly  witness  here  and  there  to 
the  circumstances  and  conditions  of  the  situation  in  which 
they  originated.      They  are  very  far  from  being  theological 


PROLEGOMENA  21 

pamphlets.  The  purely  objective  interest  of  the  life  they 
portray  must  have  been  absorbing  in  the  highest  degree.  Yet 
even  this  could  not  altogether  obliterate  the  reflection  of  that 
religious  and  social  background/  with  its  interests,  oppositions, 
changes,  developments,  and  beliefs,  during  the  years  65-105  ; 
this  the  gospels,  along  with  the  other  Christian  documents 
and  the  Jewish  literature,  enable  us  to  fill  in  with  some 
detail  of  historical  acquaintance.  The  synoptic  narratives 
carry  ns  into  the  life  lived  by  Jesus  among  men.  They  also 
carry  us  into  the  life  men  set  themselves  to  live  "  in  Jesus," 
a  life  moulded  by  his  sayings  and  directed  by  his  spirit,  yet 
including  ideas  and  experiences  which  could  not  have  existed 
previously  to  A.D.  30. 

The  gospels,  then,  are  not  relentless  automatic  photographs. 
They  are  pictures,  or  rather  portraits.  Adequate  justice  is 
not  done  to  them  by  resting,  as  we  commonly  and  naturally 
tend  to  do,  upon  them  as  objective  records  which  represent 
with  substantial  accuracy  the  life  and  teaching  of  Jesus.  They 
are  that,  first  and  especially.  But  they  are  something  more.^ 
In  all  of  them  lies  an  element  due  to  the  questions  and  move- 
ments of  the  age  in  which  they  rose.  It  was  their  function 
not  only  to  exhibit  conceptions  of  Jesus  which  were  dominant 
in  the  primitive  communities,  but  also  to  present  these  im- 
})ressions  accurately  and  vividly  in  view  of  the  religious  and 
moral  needs  which  pressed  upon  various  circles  of  Christen- 
dom at  the  time  of  their  composition.  From  and  for  the 
church    of  the  second   generation   they  were  compiled.^      In 

^  Vide,  for  example,  Holtzraann,  Die  Synqitischen  Evglien.  chap,  v.,  "Die 
s.  Evglien.  als  Geschichtsquellen,"  especially  §§  26-28,  and  HC,  i.  pp.  18,  19  ; 
Weiss,  NTTh,  ii.  pp.  161-166,  283-310  ;  Bovon,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  47-198  ; 
Harnack,   HD,   i.  §§  3,  4  ;  and  Gardner,   Explor.  Evangelica,  p.  478  f. 

^  Especially  in  the  fourth  gospel,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  always  where 
the  record  ends  and  the  inter[)retation  begins,  either  in  regard  to  the  sayings  or 
to  the  events.  For  the  latter,  cp.  a  significant  concession  from  the  conservative 
side  Ijy  Dr.  Sanday  {Contemporary  Review,  October  1891)  ;  also  his  articles  in 
Ex}).^  iv.,  v.,  in  reply  to  Schiirer's  Vortrag. 

^  For  their  use  as  addresses  in  the  church  of  the  second  century,  cp. 
Justin  Martyr's  A2}ol.  i.  67.  On  this  "historical"  element  and  its  religious 
significance  for  modern  faith,  cp.  Prof.  Mackintosh's  Essays  tow.  New  Theology, 
pp.  384-396,  and  Herrmann's    Verkehr  (Eng.  tr.),  pp.  56-64,  177-183,  with  his 


22  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

this  factor  of  contemporary  and  practical  reference,  partly 
deliberate  and  partly  unconscious,  are  involved  the  selection, 
omission,  alteration,  and  addition  of  incidents  and  sayings  in 
the  tradition  of  Christ's  life,  possibly  the  creation  of  certain 
scenes,  the  naive  and  actual  attribution  to  him  of  ideas  which 
were  ultimately  due  to  his  spirit  (as  the  later  OT  writers 
anticipate  the  course  of  development,  and  attribute  to  the 
pioneers  and  founders  of  Israel  institutions  and  ideas  which 
actually  represent  the  later  issues  of  their  influence  on  the 
nation),  the  standpoint  from  which  he  is  viewed  in  relation  to 
Jew  and  Gentile,  the  hopes  and  experiences  by  which  his  life 
is  coloured,  and  finally,  the  arrangement  of  the  whole  story. 
In  many  cases  the  authors  could  not  help  being  subservient 
to  the  general  tone  and  spirit  of  their  age,  or  of  the  particular 
circle  in  which  they  moved.  In  some  cases  we  can  see  they 
did  not  care  to  be  indifferent.  Even  the  opening  words  of 
Mark  are  a  reminder  that  the  evangelic  motive  ^  in  composition 
was  devotional  and  didactic  (to  narrate  history  as  "  a  normal 
precedent  for  religious  belief  and  conduct  " :  Zeller),  and  it 
was  natural — indeed  necessary^ — that  the  visible  and  pressing 
interests  of  the  church  should  occasionally  dominate  and 
modify  their  minds  ^  as  they  worked  upon  the  materials  of 
the  record.  They  express  and  they  interpret.  As  will  be 
noticed  below,  the  variety  of  the  synoptic  gospels  implies 
even  more  than  this  general  atmosphere.  Either  their  sources 
existed  in  very  divergent  forms — that  is  to  say,  different  re- 
censions had  come  into  circulation  under  the  memory  and 
creative  spirit  of  the  primitive  church  to  meet  varied  require- 

article  in  ZThK  (1892),  pp.  232-273.  The  topic  is  often  discussed  in  contem- 
porary llitschlianisra.  Also  Kaliler,  Der  sogen.  historischc  Jesus  u.  der  gcschicht- 
liche,  bibliscJie  Chrislus,  "  Die  Evangelien  als  biographische  Quellcn,"  pp.  14-127. 

^  Renan  {Les  Evangilcs,  p.  441) :  Ecrire  I'histoire  ad  narrandum,  non  ad 
probandum,  est  un  fait  do  curiosite  d^sint^ress^e,  dont  il  n'y  a  pas  d'exemple  aux 
dpoches  cr6atrices  de  la  foi.  Cp.  the  important  paragraphs  in  von  Soden's  essay, 
"  Das  Iiiteresse  dcs  apost.  Zeitalters  an  der  evang.  Geschichte  "  [TliA,  pp. 
135-165),  and  Reischle's  article,  ZThK  (1897),  pp.  171-264. 

-  The  failure  to  make  tangible  allowance  for  this  reflex  influence  exerted 
upon  the  gospels  by  the  age  of  their  composition,  is  one  flaw  in  Keim's  great 
study  of  Jesus.  No  attempt  to  understand  the  age  of  Jesus  or  the  age  of  the 
apostles  will  prosper  if  it  uses  the  gospels  as  absolutely  achromatic  documents. 


PROLEGOMENA  23 

ments — or  the  insight  of  criticism  must  be  carried  further  ou, 
past  the  common  atmosphere,  to  clear  up  the  individual  char- 
acteristics which  are  prominent  in  each  gospel.  This  latter 
method  of  research  into  their  idiosyncrasies  and  predilec- 
tions holds  true,  quite  apart  from  questions  of  their  author- 
ship. Unless  these  extant  peculiarities  are  merely  differences 
which  have  previously  grown  up  in  a  varied  tradition,  and 
l^een  more  or  less  unconsciously  transcribed  by  an  editor  from 
his  sources  (as,  e.g.,  Weizsacker  inclines  to  imagine,  AA,  ii.  pp. 
32-71),  they  must  be  due  chiefly  to  his  own  initiative  and 
personal  intuitions.  The  motives  of  this  initiative  are  often 
hard  to  discover.  But  the  variations  ^  can  usually  be  explained 
by  considerations  of  the  unconscious  affinities  and  conscious 
prejudices  of  the  writer  through  whose  mind  the  truth  was 
filtered,  the  special  requirements  of  the  circle  for  which  he 
was  writing,  and  the  character  (not  to  say  the  amount)  of  the 
sources  to  which  he  had  access,  and  in  the  use  of  which  he 
exercised  his  own  discretion.  Several  of  these  prepossessions 
are  quite  patent,  e.g.  Matthew's  delight  in  making  Jesus  ful- 
fil the  Messianic  role  (Baldensperger,  Selhstbewusstsein  Jesu,^ 
pp.  46—67),  his  antagonism  to  the  libertine  tendencies  of 
Gentile  Christians  (7^2  13*i  24^2)  in  Asia  Minor,  and  his 
general  reflection  of  a  more  liberal  Jewish  Christianity,  such 
as  that  for  which  Peter  furnished  the  prototype ;  along  with 
Luke's    («)    palpable    interest    in    the    Twelve    who    become 

1  Every  historian  works  by  a  similar  process  of  sifting  and  selection,  which 
is  regulated  partly  by  his  own  point  of  view,  partly  by  the  materials  which  he 
has  at  his  conimancl.  He  chooses  certain  definite  aspects,  brings  the  central 
elements  into  prominence,  and  keeps  the  ancillary  in  due  subordination.  For 
a  brilliant  and  sane  discussion,  in  English,  chiefly  of  the  Lucan  variations  and 
characteristics,  cp.  Professor  Bruce's  Kingdom  of  God  (5th  ed.  1893),  espec. 
pp.  1-37  ;  Carpenter's  First  Three  Gospels  (2nd  ed.  1894),  a  careful,  lucid  sketch, 
written  mainly  from  the  standpoint  of  Pfleiderer's  Urchristenthum,  covers  a 
wider  field.  Havet's  paragraphs  are  dominated  as  usual  by  an  ultra-radical 
scei^ticism  {Le  Christianisme  et  ses  Origines,  iv.  pp.  225-296),  and  add  little  or 
nothing  to  the  classical  discussion  in  Weizsacker's  Untersuchungen  ilber  die 
cvangelische  Oeschichte"  (1891),  erster  Theil.  In  a  recent  work,  Horae 
Synopticae  (1899),  the  Rev.  Sir  John  C.  Hawkins,  Bart.,  has  made  a  candid  and 
original  attempt  on  scientific  lines  to  exhibit  statistically  the  linguistic  evidence 
of  the  synoptic  gospels,  with  its  characteristics  and  implicates  ;  and  Wernle's 
Synoptische  Frage  (1899),  pp.  1-108,  is  a  reliable  summary  of  the  whole  case. 


24  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

"  apostles  "  in  his  pages,  and  are  less  uuHinehingly  treated 
than  in  the  preceding  gospels  (cp.  the  omission  of  Mk  10^^, 
Mt  20-^  and  the  insertion  of  a-rro  rf;?  Xvir-q';,  Lk  22''^''), 
his  Qj)  more  frequent  use  of  the  term  "  Lord  "  (Kvpco^)  for 
Jesus  upon  earth,  and  (c)  his  abridgment  of  Christ's  polemic 
against  contemporary  Pharisaism.  But  explicit  or  not,  the 
fact  of  variation  in  temper  and  attitude  among  the  synoptists 
is  conspicuous  and  irrefragable.  Instances  are  too  numerous 
and  familiar  to  require  quotation.  They  can  be  found  in  any 
good  edition  of  the  gospels.  Still  it  is  of  essential  importance 
to  keep  the  general  principle  steadily  in  mind  as  one  reads 
the  historical  narratives,  so  as  to  understand  by  dint  of 
legitimate  inference  the  bent  and  motive  of  the  author.  Each 
gospel  has  a  cachet  of  its  own,  as  it  gives  not  a  mere  repro- 
duction of  external  objects  and  past  events,  but  the  writer's 
attitude  to  these  and  his  impressions  of  them.  Each  is  looking 
back  into  the  previous  history.  But  the  way  in  which  each 
looks  on  things  necessarily  qualifies  the  character  of  the 
narrative ;  and  the  amount  of  qualification  that  is  due  to  this 
refraction,  whether  serious  or  insignificant,  is  far  from  being 
uniform.  The  relationship  between  each  writer  and  the 
subject  varied  with  the  personal  endowment  and  environment 
of  the  former.  Their  common  business  was  to  exhibit  the 
actual  life  of  Jesus  impressively,  to  stir  the  inward  vision,  to 
raise  the  mind,  to  discipline  the  conscience  ;  yet  none  could 
carry  througli  the  task  without  allowing  some  characteristic 
infusion  of  personal  hopes,  convictions,  and  experiences  to 
affect  the  form  and  even  the  contents  of  the  narrative  (cp. 
Holtzmann,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  28-110,  399-453,  and  Brandt's  too 
radical  discussion,  Die  evanyclische  Geschichie  u.  cler  Ursprung 
des  Christenthums,  1 8 9 3,  pp.  5 1 2—5  5 0 ;  also  M.  Arnold's  Litera- 
ture and  Dogma,  chaps,  v.,  vi.  ;  Toy,  Christianity  and  Judaism, 
chaps,  ii,,  iii. ;  and  Cone,  Gospel  Criticism,  189 1,  pp.  291-336). 
A  partial  illustration  of  the  same  process  can  be  found  in 
Paradific  Lost.  Milton's  epic  is  no  political  pamphlet,  nor  is 
it  a  religious  treatise.  Yet  it  is  impossible  to  miss  in  its 
dialogues  and  descriptions  either  the  theology  of  current 
Puritanism    with    its  controversies   and  abstractions,  or  the 


PROLEGOMENA  25 

republican  tendencies  by  which  the  author's  conceptions  of 
government  were  shaped,  or  finally  his  instinctive  distrust  for 
the  intellectual  passion  wakened  by  the  Eenaissance.  Tliese 
elements  could  not  be  kept  out.  They  do  not  form  a  cardinal 
feature  of  the  poem,  but  they  cannot  be  neglected  by  any- 
one who  wishes  to  frame  an  estimate  either  of  the  epic  or  of 
its  age. 

A  history  of  the  NT,  then,  would  be  simply  unintelligible 
if  it  were  severed  from  any  conception  of  the  tendencies  and 
habits  existing  in  that  Christian  society  of  which  the  NT 
literature  is  at  once  an  outcome  and  a  retiection.  To  become 
legible  these  books  need  the  context  of  the  religious  situa- 
tion. The  significance  and  connection  of  the  writings  cannot 
be  fully  grasped  until  these  are  approached  with  some 
adequate  idea  of  the  whole  Christian  movement  during  the 
first  and  second  centuries.  From  the  historical  standpoint, 
Luther's  touchstone  for  an  apostolic  writing,  namely,  "  Does 
it  preach  and  urge  Christ  ? "  hits  off  more  accurately  than 
many  pseudo-literary  standards  the  essential  characteristics  of 
the  literature ;  for  that  literature  sprang  from  the  memory 
and  devotion  of  a  Christian  consciousness  which  was  at  once 
the  product  and  the  partial  expression  of  the  self-conscious- 
ness of  Jesus.  This  is  true  of  gospels  and  epistles  alike. 
When  those  early  Christians  wrote  of  themselves  and  to 
themselves,  they  reflected  him.  When  they  reported  and 
pictured  him,  they  revealed  their  inner  selves  in  hints  and 
stray  suggestions.  The  epistles  presuppose  this  personal 
relation  and  religious  motive,  rising  as  a  rule  out  of  previous 
intercourse  between  writer  and  readers,  and  forming  the 
substitute  for  that  (2  Th  2^  31*;  2  Jn  12,  Jud  3)}  But 
a  similar  characteristic  is  not  absent  even  from  the  historical 
narratives,    which    have    their    affinities    with    the     epistles 

^  It  is  hardly  correct  to  define  the  post-Pauline  epistle  as  the  literary  form 
of  an  evangelical  writing  in  which  an  unknown  writer  came  into  relations  with 
an  unknown  public  comprising  practically  the  whole  of  Christendom.  It  is 
certainly  nearer  a  religious  treatise  than  a  letter  ;  hut  the  epistles  preserved  in 
Apoc.  2-3,  to  say  nothing  of  Heb  IS'^-^nd  and  2-3  John,  demand  a  closer 
definition.  On  the  e])istolary  form  of  the  NT  letters,  see  F.  Zimmer's  careful 
analysis,  ZKTVL  (1886),  443-453. 


26  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

pretty  much  as  the  books  of  Samuel  and  Kings  are  ranked 
among  the  early  Hebrew  prophets ;  they  interpret,  urge, 
comment,  explain.^  In  no  case  is  their  object  merely  the 
presentment  of  an  impersonal  record  or  chronicle,  written  by 
a  man  out  of  close  touch  with  contemporary  life.  As  it 
has  often  been  remarked,  their  motto  might  be  the  words,  eK 
7rl(TT€(o<i  eh  TTiaTiv.  Their  general  purpose  is  not  to  convert. 
On  the  contrary,  presupposing  a  certain  knowledge  of  Jesus 
and  faith  in  him,  they  aim  at  developing  these  by  portraying 
Christ's  words  and  deeds  with  especial  reference  to  the 
homely  and  practical  exigencies  of  present  life  :  - — 

"Where  truth  in  closest  words  shall  fail, 
When  truth  embodied  in  a  tale 
Shall  enter  in  at  lowly  doors." 

The  third  gospel  bears  on  the  face  of  it  a  personal  and 
didactic  aim  (Lk  1^"^  Ac  1^"^),  and  this  applies  to  its  sequel 
(cp.  77/x.a9  Ac  14-2),  ^]^Q  fourth  gospel  also  was  composed 
for  the  religious  needs  of  a  circle  which  was  definite  and 
familiar  to  the  author  (Jo  20^^^"^^;  cp.  also  the  traditions  of 
its  origin,  Euseb.  HE,  vi.  14,  and  the  Murat.  Canon).  Mark 
and  Matthew  lack  any  formal  indication  of  such  a  purpose. 
But  as  far  back  as  the  stream  of  tradition  can  be  followed,  it 
is  remarkable  that  both  are  made  to  depend  upon  original 
sources  which  share  this  very  characteristic.  Mark,  the  com- 
panion and  interpreter  of  Peter,  is  reported  by  Papias  to  have 
put  into  writing  the  reminiscences  of  that  apostle  as  these 
were  addressed  to  the  Eoman  Christians  and  adapted  to  their 
religious  needs  (09  tt/oo?  Ta<i  '^(^peia';  iTroieno  to,^  BtSacrKaXia^, 
Euseb.  HE,  iii.  39).      To  this  report  Clement  of  Alexandria 

^  The  strange  occurrence  of  "you"  in  a  professedly  liistorical  writing 
(Jo  19^^  20^^)  implies  an  audience,  though  the  corresponding  "I"  is  never 
expressed.  "It  is  the  speech  of  the  preacher  before  an  assembled  church" 
(Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  467,  476). 

2  On  the  priority  of  the  moral  and  religious  interests  to  the  historical, 
Jowett  has  some  sensible  remarks :  Plato,  vol.  iii.  pp.  xxxvii-xxxviii.  A 
similar  motive  dominates  the  Nikomachean  Ethics  (i.  2,  5,  ir.  2,  vi.  5), 
where  Aristotle  repeatedly  explains  that  his  aim  is  to  determine  conduct  as  well 
as  to  propound  theory. 


PROLEGOMENA  27 

adds  "  a  tradition  of  the  former  presbyters,"  that  Mark  wrote 
thus  at  the  direct  instigation  and  request  of  many  of  Peter's 
hearers,  to  whom  the  gospel  was  subsequently  delivered  (Euseb. 
HE,  vi.  14).  Matthew,  according  to  Eusebius  {HE,  iii.  24), 
preached  formerly  to  Hebrews  :  "  When  he  was  about  to  go  to 
others  as  well,  he  committed  to  writing  his  gospel  {to  Kar  avrov 
evayyeXi.ov),  and  thus,  by  his  writing,  filled  up  the  want  which 
his  absence  made  among  those  he  left  behind."  These  frag- 
ments of  evidence  drawn  from  the  traditions  upon  the  origin 
of  the  gospels  or  from  the  gospels  themselves,  corroborate 
the  view  by  which  these  writings  are  regarded  as  immediately, 
and  in  the  same  sense,  if  not  to  the  same  degree  or  in  the 
same  form,  as  the  epistles,  the  outcome  and  transcript  of  a 
definitely  religious  situation.  Their  raison  d'etre  lay  in  the 
authoritative  and  binding  power  exercised  by  the  words  of 
Jesus  over  the  primitive  community  from  the  very  beginning, 
as  well  as  in  the  need,  stirred  by  exigencies  of  time  and 
place,  for  possessing  that  standard  in  an  accessible  and  fairly 
uniform  shape,  for  the  purpose  of  personal  conduct,  missionary 
enterprise,  and  religious  nourishment.  The  gospels,  in  fact, 
are  the  first  Christian  creed :  they  are  the  naive  expression 
of  the  creed  in  history. 

This  aspect  of  the  gospels  requires  to  be  thrown  into 
relief.  Historical  writing  implies  inquiry  behind  it,  and 
inquiry  is  the  outcome  of  certain  needs.  It  was  not  that 
the  evangelic  writers  composed  their  stories  with  a  moral. 
The  story  itself  was  the  moral.  The  general  end  for  which 
they  wrote  was  invariably  the  same ;  they  undertook  the 
task,  not  as  chroniclers  reporting  a  series  of  past  events, 
nor  as  literary  artists  sketching  a  picture  of  action, 
nor  even  as  pupils  reproducing  a  master's  words  and 
orders,  but  simply  to  train  and  foster  the  faith  of  men  in 
Jesus.  There  was  no  thought  of  gratifying  curiosity,  still 
less  of  formally  putting  before  the  world  trustworthy  records 
of  that  faith  or  of  presenting  disquisitions  upon  its  issues  and 
origin.  The  audiences  of  the  evangelists  had  other  needs. 
For  them  Christ's  words  were  the  primary  religious  authority. 
They   required    to   possess  these    words   in   a   form   at   once 


28  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

intelligible,  reliable,  and  applicable  to  common  life ;  and  as 
they  could  not  love  and  obey  an  unknown  being,  however 
heavenly  and  glorious,  Jesus  had  to  be  set  before  them  as  a 
human  character,  whose  actions  and  interests  were  the  main 
channel  of  his  self-expression.  How  were  Christians  in  the 
apostolic  age  to  behave  to  the  Jewish  authorities,  to  the 
current  standards  and  practices  of  religion,  to  civil  require- 
ments, to  outsiders  in  their  district,  to  their  families,  to  the 
state  ?  How  were  they  to  conduct  themselves  in  mission- 
tours,  when  arraigned  before  magistrates,  in  view  of  the 
Jewish  law  ?  Answers  to  these  and  a  host  of  other  more 
theoretical  questions  were  sought  and  found  in  what  Jesus 
was  reported  to  have  said  and  done.  Yet  in  a  large  number 
of  cases  the  precise  questions  and  problems  took  a  form 
which  could  hardly  have  existed  except  in  the  experience  of 
the  apostolic  age,  when  the  early  Christians  were  thrown 
upon  their  own  resources  in  view  of  an  unlooked  for  future, 
and  confronted  with  the  task  of  energetic  propaganda. 
Written  thus,  from  and  for  the  practical  religious  interests  of 
the  Church,  it  was  inevitable  that  this  characteristic  should 
in  a  measure  affect  the  contents  of  the  gospels.^  It  is 
satisfactory  to  find  this  frankly  recognised  even  in  Mark  by 
so  moderate  a  critic  as  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  248,  249,  "Die 
Eiicksicht  auf  die  Erbauung  und  das  Streben  nach  Verdeut- 
lichung  schliesst  die  peinlich  genaue  Wiederholung  der  vor 
Jalireu  unter  ganz  anderen  Verhiiltnissen  gesprochenen  Worte 
Jesu  aus  ").  He  notices  koI  eveKev  rov  euayyeXiov  (8^^  10^^), 
227  83S  91  i030f  13U  1458^  ^ud  particularly  9^^  (on  Xptarov 
iare) ;    sayings    in    all    of   which    we    liear    the    voice   of  the 

^  Even  the  structure  of  a  gospel  like  Matthew  shows  traces  of  uumerical 
arrangement  (fives  and  sevens,  e.g.),  introduced  in  order  to  facilitate  its  use  as 
a  catechism,  or  simply  preserved  from  sources  used  for  such  a  purpose  (cp. 
Rorae  Synopticac,  pp.  131-136,  for  instances  of  this  Jewish  habit).  The  aim  of 
furnishing  a  code  or  series  of  regulations  upon  various  points  of  Christian 
conduct  is  reflected  in  passages  such  as  Clem.  Rom.  xiii.  ;  Did.  i.  Rcville  calls 
attention  to  the  didactic  and  sevenfold  grouping  of  the  speeches  in  Matthew  : 
(i.)  the  new  law,  fy^-T^  ;  (ii.)  apostolic  instructions,  9^'-^^  lO^"^^-  ^"•'- ;  (iii.)  foes, 
117-iu.  21-30  iss-i-as.  28.  30.  37-39 .  (i^)  parablcs  of  the  kingdom,  IS^"'- ;  (v.)  relation- 
ships within  the  kingdom,  IS^-^- J"-2»  OQi-is  2123-27  22'-8-8-";  (vi.)  woes,  23; 
(vii.)  eschatology,  24"-i--- 26-28.  37-01  pj^ 


PROLEGOMENA  29 

apostolic  preacher  or  church,  the  echo  of  the  years  that  followed 
Christ's  death,  not  the  very  voice  of  Jesus.  Zahn  attributes 
these  less  to  inexactness  upon  the  part  of  the  writer  of  the 
gospel,  than  to  the  free  reproduction  of  Christ's  words  in  the 
apostolic  preaching  upon  which  the  author  drew,  although  he 
must  be  considered  to  have  more  than  once  abbreviated  his 
sources  {e.g.  at  1^^).  Such  examples  of  free  handling  are 
obvious  and  familiar ;  they  may  be  safely  taken  as  an  irre- 
ducible minimum.  Indeed,  without  falling  into  arbitrariness, 
criticism  may  add,  as  it  has  often  added,  considerably  to  their 
number  and  extent.  And  if  this  be  the  case  with  Mark, 
the  most  primitive  and  free  from  tendency  among  the  gospels, 
how  much  more  likely  is  it  that  such  features  are  to  be  found 
in  the  later  books.  "  Even  Luke,  who,  of  the  three,  stands 
nearest  to  us  children  of  the  West  and  of  the  new  age,  in 
virtue  of  his  more  national  talent,  education,  and  purpose, 
even  he  could  not  have  said  of  his  work,  roii  avyypa^ecoi; 
6p<yov  ev'  Q)<;  iirpd'^Or]  elirelv  (Lucian,  Hist.  Conscr.  39)." 
See  further,  Zahn's  essay  in  ZKWL  (1888),  pp.  581-596,  on 
"  Der  Geschichtschreiber  und  sein  Stoff  im  NT."  As  for 
Judaism,  Mr.  Schechter  observes,  it  "  bowed  before  truth,  but 
it  never  made  a  covenant  with  facts  only  because  they  were 
facts.  History  had  to  be  re-made,  and  to  sanctify  itself 
before  it  found  its  way  into  the  sacred  annals  "  {Studies  in 
Judaism,  p.  xxv). 

This  fact  of  their  practical  motive  helps  also  to  explain 
why  the  personal  element  appears  to  have  been  blanched 
away  from  the  gospels.  "  We  cannot  discover  any  expression 
of  interior  feelings  which  the  writers  experienced  in  painting 
the  life  of  their  Master.  There  is  no  enthusiasm,  no  cry  of 
admiration,  no  private  reflections "  (Didon).  As  we  read 
their  pages,  it  requires  some  effort  to  think  of  their  authors 
at  all.  They  are  not  readily  conceived  as  compositions 
skilfully  drawn  up  and  executed.  While  characteristics  and 
tendencies  are  betrayed  in  each,  betrayed  sometimes  wdthout 
very  much  disguise,  none  of  them  gives  any  direct  clue  to  the 
individuality  of  the  author's  mind.  When  the  Johannine 
authorship  is  accepted,  the  fourth  gospel  forms  a  doubtful 


30  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

exception ;  but  there  can  be  no  mistake  about  the  others. 
Even  in  the  case  of  the  third  gospel,  where  tradition  has 
done  most,  not  only  for  the  question  of  the  authorship,  but  also 
for  the  personal  traits  and  character  of  the  author,  the  stand- 
point, notwithstanding,  is  hardly  less  objective  than  in  its  pre- 
decessors. This  apparent  absence  of  personal  colouring  points 
back  to  one  cause.  It  is  not  due  to  the  overmastering 
impression  of  the  contents,  nor  to  any  supposed  transmission 
of  Divine  truth  in  its  highest  phases  through  channels  which 
must  lie  apart  from  the  media  of  human  feelings  and  ideas,  as 
though  reflection  were  alien  to  inspiration  ;  nor  are  the  authors' 
names  concealed  as  were  those  of  the  Gottes  Freunde  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  lest  pride  of  authorship  should  form  a 
spiritual  peril.  These  anonymous  gospels  ^  simply  represent  to 
a  large  extent  the  final  shape  given  to  collections  of  evangelic 
matter  which  had  been  previously  composed  by  and  for  mem- 
bers belonging  to  the  general  body  of  the  Christian  societies. 
The  evangelic  writings,  as  a  consequence,  are  almost  entirely 
lacking  in  the  personal  interest  which  attaches  to  individuality 
of  authorship.  Their  object  and  environment  told  against  it. 
But  they  are  personal  in  a  wider  sense.  They  can  all  be 
identified  with  the  utterances  of  reflection,  emotion,  and 
practical  experience  throughout  the  circles  of  early  Chris- 
tianity, as  these  were  stirred  by  the  person  and  the  spirit  of 
Jesus  (cp.  especially  Holsten's  Die  syn.  Evangdien  nach  der 
Form  Hires  Inhalts,  1886).^ 

Thus,  either  as  historical  narratives  or  as  letters,  the  NT 
writings  are  an  explicit  result  of  living  intercourse  and 
mutual  service  within  the  Christian  communities.  IIapdho<TL<i 
and  fiaprvpLov  are  the  two  words  tliat  characterise  their  con- 

1  For  some  early  dilliculties  (quod  nee  ab  ipso  scriptum  constat  iiec  ab 
eius  apostolis,  sed  longo  post  tempore  a  quibusdam  incerti  nomiiiis  viris)  raised 
by  this  feature  of  the  gospels,  see  the  interesting  correspondence  of  Augustine 
and  Faustus  (especially  xxxii.,  xxxiii.). 

^  Holsten's  particular  views,  however,  are  less  convincing  than  his  general 
method  of  treatment.  The  dogmatic  principles  which  dill'erentiate  the  gospels 
are,  in  his  opinion,  threefold— (a)  the  Pauline  ;  (b)  the  Jewish-Christian  ;  and 
(c)  the  anti-Pauline  ;  but  recent  criticism  has  moved  away  from  such  emphasis 
u])on  tendencies  within  the  early  church. 


PROLEGOiMENA  31 

tent.  The  literature  represents,  as  it  were,  a  further  and 
supplementary  phase  of  that  social  vitality  in  which  the 
few  were  called  upon  to  supply  instruction  and  personal 
stimulus  for  the  rest.  In  this  respect  the  NT  literature 
attaches  itself  to  the  prophetic  sections  of  the  Hebrew  Canon. 
So  far  as  the  character  and  motives  of  the  writings  are  con- 
cerned, the  religious  continuity  is  genuine.  Old  and  new 
alike  specify  a  life,  with  its  complex  of  relationships  and 
responsibilities,  in  which  recourse  to  authorship  occurs  neither 
along  the  line  of  a  merely  literary  impulse,  nor  among  the 
initial  and  primary  conditions  of  the  religious  movement. 
Consequently  there  is  significance  even  in  the  gaps  which 
precede  and  divide  the  groups  of  writings.  They  excite  legiti- 
mate conjecture  and  surmise.  They  indicate  the  presence  of 
tendencies  and  forces  not  yet  articulate,  apart  from  which  the 
subsequent  literature  is  inexplicable.  The  epistles,  and  more 
especially  the  gospels,  are  results.  Like  the  silence  of  the 
persons  now  and  then  in  the  dramas  of  Aeschylus,  the  very 
absence  of  historical  expression  (for  example,  in  the  first  forty 
years  of  the  Christian  religion)  is  pregnant  with  meaning. 
Little  is  articulate,  yet  much  is  being  done.  A  full  and  fair 
estimate  of  this  unrecorded  period  conduces  greatly  to  the 
appreciation  of  the  subsequent  writings,  which  at  once 
presuppose  it  and  throw  back  light  upon  it ;  they  become 
intelligible  when  they  are  viewed  as  the  outcome  of  a  process 
and  progress  which  is  suggested  by  the  very  appearance  of 
their  origin. 

The  synoptic  gospels,  then,  are  the  resultant  of  several 
factors.  They  represent  not  merely  the  contemporary  feeling 
and  opinion  actually  abroad  within  Christian  circles  between 
70  and  100,  but  also  the  processes  of  reflection,  the  dominant 
interests  and  activities  of  faith,  the  mental  and  devotional 
attitude  to  Jesus,  which  must  have  been  current  through  the 
memory  and  teaching  of  the  early  Christians  during  the  years 
that  intervened  between  30  and  70.  And  this,  not  ex- 
clusively in  the  primitive  Jerusalem  or  Palestinian  circles. 
The  claims  of  realism  and  the  historical  Jesus  were  evidently 
felt   even    by  some   who   were  in    sympathy  with   the   main 


32  HISTORICAL    NE^Y    TESTAMENT 

positions  of  Paulinism.^  It  is  natural  to  regard  Paul  "  in  his 
passion  for  ideas  and  apparent  indifference  to  biographic  detail, 
as  an  exception,  and  to  think  of  the  majority  of  his  followers 
as  men  who,  while  sympathising  with  his  universalism,  shared 
in  no  small  measure  the  common  Jewish  realism "  (Bruce, 
ExGT,  i.  pp.  13-15).  This  is  a  valid  and  attractive  supposi- 
tion, though  it  lacks  definite  evidence.  It  is  doubtless  a 
shrewd  surmise,  like  the  similar  suggestion  of  Weizsticker,  that 
Paul  had  collaborateurs,  Barnabas,  Apollos,  and  others,  whose 
independent  but  allied  work  in  the  sphere  of  dogma  helped 
the  later  fusion  of  Jewish-Christian  and  Gentile  tendencies. 
Certainly  there  is  significance  at  least  in  the  tradition  which 
attributes  the  earliest  narrative  of  the  historical  Jesus  to 
one  (Mark)  who  was  a  coadjutor  and  adherent  of  Paul,  and 
the  third  gospel  to  his  companion  and  physician  Luke.-  But 
whatever  may  have  been  the  extent  of  this  retrospective 
interest,  its  surviving  products  are  to  be  viewed  as  authorities 
for  the  apostolic  age ;  they  give  evidence  of  a  widespread 
instinct  which  had  arisen  for  the  historical  Jesus,  and  also  of  the 


^  On  the  "historical  Christ"  of  Paul,  see  especially  Dr.  Matheson's 
suggestive  papers,  Ex-pr  i.,  pp.  43  f.,  125  f.,  264  f.,  352  f.,  431  f.  ;  ii.,  pp.  27  f., 
137  f.,  287  f.,  357  f.  ;  Schmoller's  essay,  SK  (1894),  pp.  656-705,  and  the  mono- 
graph by  Roos  {Die  Briefe  d.  Aiwsteh  Paul,  mid  die  Ecden  Jesu,  1887).  It  is 
unfortunate  that  a  passage  like  Eph  4^°"-^  ("as  the  truth  is  in  Jesus")  cannot 
be  safely  used  as  evidence  for  Paul's  ideas,  since  it  would  iu  that  case  prove 
that  he  felt  the  need  of  emphasising  the  decisive  authority  of  the  historical 
Jesus.  Otherwise,  if  sub-Pauline,  it  corroborates  the  far  from  imaginary 
danger  prevalent  in  spite  of  the  synoptic  tradition,  by  which  Jesus  came  to  be 
evaporated  into  a  metaphysical  and  shadowy  abstraction  (2  Jn  7,  1  Jn  4"' ',  etc.). 
Hence  the  need  of  historical  records.  It  is  true  that  much  later  again  Doketism 
and  historical  composition  became  allies  (e.g.  the  gospel  of  Peter),  but  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  this  subsequent  disposition  to  record  and  yet  undervalue  the 
humanity  of  the  actual  Christ  was  kin  to  the  earlier  tendency  wliich  found 
little  gain  in  preserving  any  connection  with  the  historical  base  of  Christianity. 

-  Modern  estimates  of  Luke  as  an  author  vary  from  eulogy  to  depreciatory 
criticism.  A  rather  sensible  and  moderate  view  of  his  learning  is  that  of  IMass  : 
Mutatis  mutandis  fere  de  eo  dici  poterit  quod  de  Sophocle  dixit  Ion  Chins  :  to. 
TToKiTiKci  (in  rebus  ecclesiae)  oOre  aocpbs  ovre  peKTTjptos  ^v,  dX\'  Cos  dv  ris  eh  tuv 
Xpv<^Tun'  'Adrjuaiwi'  (Christianorum)  .  .  .  omuino,  cum  ad  minora  minimaque 
descenderis,  evanescit  ars,  apparet  saepe  incuria  ;  nam  perjrjolitus  scriptor  neque 
est  Lucas  neque  esse  voluit.  The  last  three  words,  however,  are  somewhat 
gratuitous. 


PROLEGOMENA  33 

chief  tendencies  which  that  instinct  was  obliged  to  satisfy  or 
to  correct.  The  gospels  were  not  composed  in  the  interstellar 
spaces.  They  are  derivative  and  expressive.  They  betray,  on 
page  after  page,  their  age  and  situation  in  a  breathing  world 
of  human  facts  and  feelings.  In  the  phrase  of  the  old  Jewish 
theosophy,  the  upper  Light  never  comes  down  unclothed ;  and 
even  the  gospels,  which  transmit  the  light  of  lights,  are  clothed 
upon.^  In  their  pages  the  period  of  Jesus  and  the  period  of 
the  growing  church  meet :  ^  to  unravel  the  one  it  is  necessary 
to  use  inferences  drawn  from  the  other.  It  is  for  reasons  and 
objects  like  these  that  the  gospels  have  been  placed  in  this 
edition  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  principle  of  their 
literary  growth.  Such  general  considerations  as  have  been 
adduced  or  remain  to  be  noticed,  justify,  it  is  thought,  the 
printing  of  these  evangelic  records  after  the  Pauline  epistles, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  latter  presuppose  the  main 
events  and  ideas  which  find  expression  in  the  former. 

Admittedly  there  is  a  slight  embarrassment  in  reaching 
and  maintaining  this  attitude.  A  set  of  (evangelic)  facts, 
A,  is  followed  in  the  order  of  time  by  a  set  (apostolic),  B  ;  but 
the  literary  record  (a)  of  A  may  be  composed  subsequently  to 

A 
that  (/3)  of  B.      Hence  the  series  should  come   to  be  B  yS, 


^  See  Martineau's  chapter,  "The  Veil  Taken  Away,"  Scat  of  AtUhority,  pp. 
573-601. 

-  The  work  of  distinguishing  these  is  the  great  problem  set  to  the  historical 
sense  in  dealing  with  the  gospels.  Martineau  (Seat  of  Authority,  p.  577)  lays 
down  three  canons  to  be  applied  by  competent  historical  feeling:  (1)  "When- 
ever, during  or  before  the  ministry  of  Jesus,  any  person  in  the  narrative  is 
made  to  speak  in  language,  or  refer  to  events,  which  had  their  origin  at  a  later 
date,  the  report  is  incredible  as  an  anachronism."  (2)  "Miraculous  events 
cannot  be  regarded  as  adequately  attested,  in  presence  of  natural  causes 
accounting  for  belief  in  their  occurrence."  (3)  "Acts  and  words  ascribed  to 
Jesus  which  plainly  transcend  the  moral  level  of  the  narrators  authenticate 
themselves  as  his  ;  while  such  as  are  out  of  character  with  his  spirit,  but  con- 
gruous with  theirs,  must  be  referred  to  inaccurate  tradition."  It  is  obvious, 
however,  that  the  whole  value  of  these  rules  depends  upon  their  definition  and 
application.  They  will  always  be  taken  according  to  the  presuppositions  of 
each  critic,  and  are  apt  to  be  used  in  a  rather  subjective  fashion.  At  the  same 
time,  their  general  standjioint  is  of  course  uniniijeachable. 


34  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

if  the  strict  chronological  order  of  documents  is  to  be  pre- 
served, and  the  fact  disengaged  from  its  record.  The 
apparent  confusion  thus  occasioned  has  simply  to  be  reckoned 
with  ;  its  adjustment  is  part  of  the  mental  discipline  required 
as  a  preliminary  to  historical  study.  In  regard  to  the  NT 
where  a  =  the  gospels,  and  /3  (roughly)  =  the  epistles  of  Paul, 
the  church  rightly  and  naturally  has  reverted  to  the  scheme 

A  a 

— ,  practically  ignoring   the  documents    upon    the    side   of 

their  literary  birth.  The  difficulty  thus  occasioned  and 
increased  by  the  canon  will  be  noticed  later  on.  Meanwhile 
it  is  enough  to  remark  that  historical  study  cannot  dispense 

A 
with  the  scheme  B  /3.      Its  earnest  endeavour  at  the  outset 

a 
is  to  consider  each  writing,  especially  if  it  be  directly 
historical,  in  the  atmosphere  of  its  own  age,  and  as  a  possible, 
though  never  a  very  minute,  clue  to  contemporary  life.  That 
determined,  it  can  venture  to  proceed  back  and  use  the  book 
as  a  guide  to  previous  events.  A  writing  is  never  intelligible 
unless  we  read  it  as  close  as  possible  to  the  situation 
at  which  it  was  composed.  Then  the  significance  of  its 
contents  appears — the  omissions  which  at  first  surprise  us, 
the  selection  of  incidents,  the  grouping  of  sayings,  the  stress 
put  upon  this  crisis  and  that,  the  pragmatism,  the  general 
idealisation.  Hence  the  value  of  this  historical  method  in 
two  directions.  To  ascertain  the  contemporary  reference  is 
of  service  not  merely  for  its  own  sake,  for  the  light  thus 
gained  in  the  task  of  deciphering  the  conditions  of  the  age, 
but  also  for  the  sake  of  the  retrospective  reference.  De- 
pendence can  be  placed  upon  the  historicity  of  a  writing  only 
after  one  has  thoroughly  weighed  and  allowed  for  the  amount 
of  later  tendency  which  may  have  affected  it.  A  classic 
instance  of  the  former  gain  is  to  be  seen  (Weizsacker,  AA, 
ii.  pp.  32-69,  etc.;  Hausrath,  ii.  147-156;  Eeville,  ii.  p. 
149  f.,  etc.)  in  the  partial  reconstruction  of  the  earlier 
apostolic  age,  30-70  a.d.,  out  of  the  materials  presented  in 
the    synoptic    gospels.       The    latter    gain    is    most  obvious, 


PROLEGOMENA 


35 


perhaps,  in  the  case  of  the  fourth  gospel,  which  contains  a 
reflection  of  traits  and  tones  in  the  stir  and  drift  of  Asiatic 
Christianity  towards  the  close  of  the  first  century,^  under 
the  pressure  of  Hellenistic  speculation  and  of  Judaistic  con- 
troversy. The  book  is  intelligible  as  a  reproduction  of  the 
primitive  tradition  only  when  it  is  taken  upon  the  basis  of 
a  careful  estimate  of  that  reflection.  Put  in  a  diagram,  the 
result  comes  out  thus  : — 


29  A.D. 


90  + 110  / 

Fourth  Gospel 

/90  4llO\ 


This  environment  of  the  fourth  gospel  embraces  points  like 
these :  the  controversy  of  Christianity  with  Judaism  upon 
the  OT  as  a  religious  codex  and  creed,  accentuated  between 
70  and  150  (10^^"^^  etc.);  the  general  rivalry ^  with  Judaism 
upon  the  score  of  authority  and  prestige ;  the  relation  of 
Christianity  to  John  the  baptizer  and  his  followers  (1^^-  o^^^-, 
etc.) — a  practical  problem  ^  which  had  already  agitated  the 
church  {e.g.  Ac  19^~^*^) — the  relation  of  Christianity  to  the 
Samaritans  (Lk,  Ac,  Jo  4),  with  their  tradition  and  religious 

^  Cp.  Westcott,  Gospel  of  St.  John,  Introd.  pp.  xxxv-xl ;  Wrede,  Ueher 
Aiifgahe  u.  Alethode  der  sog.  NTTh  (1898),  pp.  33-41,  73-76  ;  Weizsacker, 
Untersuchungen"  (1891),  erster  Tlieil,  AA,  ii.  pp.  206-236;  Havet,  Le 
Christianisme  et  ses  origines  (1884),  iv.  p.  345  f.  ;  Bruckner,  Die  vier 
Evangelien  nach  dem  gegenivdrtigen  Stande  der  Evglien.-Kritik  (1887);  and  most 
recently  Holtzmann,  NTTh,  ii.  pp.  351-389,  besides  the  full  discussions  in 
Thoma,  Die  Genesis  des  Johannes-Evangeli\i,ms  (1882),  pp.  771-784  ;  Wendt, 
Das  Johannes- Evangelium  (1900),  pp.  216-228  ;  AVernle,  ZNW  (1900),  pp. 
52-64  ;  and  Cone,  The  Gospel  and  its  Interpretations,  pp.  267-317. 

-  The  deftness  with  which  the  Jewish  opponents  of  Jesus  are  made  to 
further  his  dialectic  triumph  (especially  in  chaps,  v.-ix.)  reflects  the  contem- 
porary polemic  of  the  author  and  his  age.  It  has  been  rightly  compared  to  the 
similar  phenomenon  in  the  Sokratic  dialogues  of  Plato,  where  "the  opponents 
of  Socrates  are  usually  lay  figures  skilfully  arranged  as  a  foil  to  set  forth  the 
method  and  the  teaching  of  the  great  philosopher  "  (Dr.  Gardner,  Explor. 
Evang.  p.  165). 

^  A  point  worked  out  with  conspicuous  ability,  though  not  without  some 
exaggeration  (Holtzmann,  ThLz  (1899),  202  f.),  by  Baldensperger  in  his  Prolog 
des  vierten  Evglms,  Scin polemisch-apologetische  Zweck  (1897). 


36  HISTOKICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

propaganda ;  to  Hellenism  with  its  philosophical  temper, 
especially ^as  the  mention  of  Philip  implies  (12--) — in  Asia 
Minor  (Euseb.  HE,  iii.  31.  3,  v.  24.  2);  also  the  questions  of 
baptism  (3)  and  the  Lord's  supper  (6).  These  and  numerous 
other  burning  topics  of  interest  and  difficulty  in  the  early 
church  are  reflected,  as  the  first  century  drew  to  a  close,  in 
this  notable  philosophy  of  early  Christian  religion,^  "  a 
treatise  illustrated  by  history  "  (Liddon),  and  are  essential  to 
its  interpretation.  Hawthorne  warns  the  readers  of  his 
Tivice-Told  Talcs,  that  if  they  would  see  anything  in  the  book 
they  must  read  it  "  in  the  clear  brown  twilight  atmosphere 
in  which  it  was  written ;  if  opened  in  the  sunshine,  it  is  apt 
to  look  exceedingly  like  a  volume  of  blank  pages."  The 
fourth  gospel  also  must  be  read  in  the  light  of  its  age  and 
environment ;  not  as  an  attempt  to  write  a  concrete  biography 
of  Jesus,  but  as  the  outcome  of  reflection  upon  the  past  in 
the  evening  of  primitive  Christianity. 

The  point  to  be  pressed  then  is,  tliat  the  principle  of  this 
historical  method  is  sound,  and  that  it  is  silently  and  necessarily 
assumed  as  a  criterion  in  all  serious  work  upon  early  Chris- 
tian life  and  literature.  What  requires  to  be  brought  out  is 
the  need  of  mental  adjustment  to  the  preliminary  and  some- 
what subtle  task  of  regarding  not  merely  the  epistles,  but  also 
the  NT  historical  narratives  (more  specially  the  gospels),  not 
as  they  superficially  stand,  but  as  successive  although  indirect 
records  of  an  experience  and  consciousness  within  the  early 
church,  which  has  itself  to  be  partially  deciphered  from  their 
contents.  Curiously  enough,  it  is  within  this  consciousness 
again  that  one  of  the  supreme  clues  lies  for  determining  the 
situation  and  significance  of  these  very  records.  Such  an 
aspect,  by  which  book  and  age  are  correlated,  is  not  the  point 
of  historical  research.      But  it  is  one  point  in  it,  and  a  point 

1  But  the  fourth  gospel  was  not  the  sole  reservoir  ol"  this  novel  method  of 
teaching.  Outside  of  it,  before  as  well  as  subsequently,  a  tradition  iiourished 
which  may  be  called  "  Johannine,"  i.e.  a  circle  of  expressions  and  ideas  of  which 
traces  are  to  be  found  in  the  synoptists  no  less  than  in  Ignatius  and  tlie  pastoral 
epistles.  This  evidence  points  to  a  common  phase  of  thought  of  which  the  fourth 
gospel  was  the  supreme  and  classical  product,  but  not  to  a  literary  connection 
between  such  different  writers  (von  der  tJoltz,  Tlf,  xii,  3,  pj».  118  f.,  1G8  f.). 


PROLEGOMENA  37 

that  requires  attention.  Round  an  author  in  those  days  were 
living  men  and  women.  He  wrote  of  the  past,  indeed,  with 
a  straight  and  high  purpose  in  his  mind.  But  he  wrote  for 
this  contemporary  circle,  with  its  pressure  and  its  tendencies ; 
the  truer  he  was  to  his  function  as  a  writer,  the  less  he  could 
be  indifferent  to  these. 

At  the  same  time  the  bearing  of  this  principle  upon  the 
NT  writers  as  a  source  of  deviation,  is  considerably  less  than 
might  be  looked  for.  It  is  not  nearly  so  much,  at  any  rate,  as  is 
evident  in  the  case  of  their  contemporaries,  Tacitus  and  Josephus. 
The  difference  between  them,  indeed,  is  so  great  in  degree,  that 
it  becomes  almost  a  difference  in  kind  ;  a  fact  which  lends  some 
plausibility  to  the  position  of  those  who  object  to  ranking  the 
NT  historians  within  the  same  class  as  those  or  other  ancient 
WTiters.  It  is  tempting,  certainly,  to  isolate  them,  and  apply 
different  standards  to  their  productions.  For,  as  one  may  be 
reminded,  the  relation  of  a  narrator  to  the  subject  of  his 
narrative  has  two  possible  phases.  In  the  one  case  he  has 
facts ;  then  the  main  problem  concerns  his  method  of  treating 
them.  In  the  other,  he  is  often  dependent  upon  imagination 
and  inventive  power  for  even  the  so-called  facts  which  under- 
lie his  pages.  We  are  familiar  with  instances  of  the  former 
class,  in  which,  through  passion  or  prejudice,  ancient  writers 
failed  to  do  justice  to  their  subject  (Tacit.  Ann.  1),  or  in 
which  the  work  of  modern  historians  has  been  perceptibly 
dominated,  not  so  much  by  a  strong  interest  in  the  past  for  its 
own  sake,  as  by  an  u-repressible  desire  to  covertly  exalt,  or 
warn,  or  vilify  some  aspect  of  the  men  and  things  by  which 
they  were  themselves  surrounded.  Good  instances  of  the 
latter  class  again  are  to  be  found  even  in  the  later  Jewish 
apocrypha  and  apocalyptic.  In  that  field  authors  seem  to 
have  used  the  licence  of  imagination  in  order  to  freely  handle 
past  events,  and  thereby  clothe,  or  prove,  or  support  ideas 
and  tendencies  which  belonged  to  their  own  age.  By  neither 
propensity  can  it  be  fairly  said  that  the  NT  historical  writers 
were  unduly  biassed.  Theu"  world  and  work  indeed  lay 
within  the  sphere  of  conditions  which  made  excesses  of  that 
kind  possible ;  but  their  very  juxtaposition  with  such  forms 


38  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

of  literary  violence  and  vagrancy  shows  the  almost  infinit- 
esimal extent  to  which  their  writings  were  affected.  Infinit- 
esimal, that  is  to  say,  when  one  speaks  comparatively.  For  the 
amount  of  such  a  contemporary  legitimate  influence,  even  if  it 
be  small,  is  real ;  ^  and  the  demand  for  an  estimate  of  it  is 
compatible  with  a  desire  to  do  the  fullest  justice  to  the 
historicity  and  trustworthiness  of  the  total  narrative.  Many 
estimates  of  the  gospels  and  their  contents  really  remind  one 
of  the  phrase  with  which  it  used  to  be  said  the  older  school 
of  political  economists  opened  their  argument :  "  Suppose  a 
man  upon  a  desert  island."  No  discussion  on  the  gospels  will 
lead  to  satisfactory  results  by  any  similar  isolation  of  the 
literature  from  the  interests  and  activities  of  the  apostolic 
age.  The  histories  of  the  NT  are  no  abstract  pictures  of  the 
past,  and  their  contents  are  to  be  rightly  orientated  only  by  a 
criticism  which  stands  between  and  beyond  the  conception  of 

^  Cp.  Bruce,  A'pologetics,  pp.  448-465  ;  Cone,  GosjkI  Criticisvi,  pp.  337-355  ; 
ciDcl  Jiilicher,  Einl.  §29,  "Der  "Wert  der  Syn.  als  Geschichtsquellen,"  a  -well- 
balanced  discussion  :  also  Zahn{Einl.  ii.  p.  220 f.).  After  praising  Matthew's 
gospel  for  the  magnitude  of  conception  and  the  able  management  of  a  great 
theme,  which  make  it  superior  to  any  other  historical  work  in  the  OT  or  the 
NT,  or  even  in  the  literature  of  antiquity,  the  last-named  proceeds  to  point 
out  with  equal  justice  that  it  does  not  represent  a  historical  work,  in  the  Greek 
sense  of  the  term.  "  Was  man  Geschichte  erziihlen  nennt,  versucht  Mt  kaum." 
Cp.  his  instances  (pp.  286-289),  from  Matthew's  treatment  of  the  stories  and  the 
payings  of  Jesus,  quoted  to  illustrate  the  author's  free  handling  and  polemical 
purpose.  "The  work  is  a  historical  ajDology  of  the  Xazarene  and  liis  church 
against  Judaism."  Such  a  position  is  true,  so  far.  But  it  requires  to  be  supple- 
mented (a)  by  a  widening  of  the  writing's  scope.  The  audience  in  view  probably 
embraced  much  greater  variety  of  feeling  and  opinion  than  was  to  be  found  in  a 
purely  Jewish-Christian  circle,  {b)  Also  the  sovereign  freedom  with  which  the 
author  handled  his  material,  is  considerably  more  thorough  and  detailed  {e.g. 
Weizsiicker  and  Jiilicher).  For  a  standard  discussion  of  the  whole  subject,  cp. 
Holtzmann's  Sijnopt.  Bvr/Heii.  pp.  377-514,  and  for  an  essay  upon  the  gospels 
as  the  outcome  of  early  Christian  apologetic,  AVernle,  ZA'JT  (1900),  pp.  42-65. 
Wendland  (Beitr&jc,  "Philo  und  die  kynische-Stoische  Diatribe,"  pp.  1-6),  after 
defining  "Diatribe"  as  "die  in  zwanglosen,  leichtem  Gespriichston  gehaltene, 
abgegrenzte  Behandlung  eines  einzelnen  philosophischen,  meist  ethischen  Satzes, " 
proceeds  to  point  out  that  the  polemic  and  conversational  tone  easily  led  to  the 
sermon  or  address.  "Und  wenn  neutestamentlichen  Schriften  manche  BcgriH'e 
und  Ideen,  Stilformen  und  Vergleiche  mit  der  philosophischen  Litteratur  ge- 
meinsam  sind,  so  ist  es  nicht  ausgeschlossen,  dass  die  Diatribe  schon  auf  Stiicke 
der  urchristlichen  Litteratur  einen  gewissen  Einfluss  ausgeiibt  hat,  den  man  sich 
nicht  einmal  litterarisch  vermittelt  zu  denken  braucht." 


PROLEGOMENA  39 

them  as  mere  annals,  and  the  equally  crude  notion  that  they 
are  the  free  products  of  an  inventive  imagination. 

It  follows  that  if  the  favourite  paradox  be  legitimate — 
"  the  epistles  are  also  gospels  " — there  is  equally  a  sense  in 
which  it  might  be  said  that  "  the  gospels  are  also  epistles." 
As  the  preface  to  the  third  gospel  openly  indicates,  the 
immediate  instruction  and  impulse  which  it  was  the  function 
of  the  oral  teaching  (and  consequently  of  the  epistles)  to 
supply,  tended  to  pass  into  another  religious  need,  namely, 
acquaintance  with  the  events  and  teaching  which  formed 
tho  basis  of  the  faith.  This  need  was  finally  met  not  by 
catechists,  but  by  authors.  The  epistles  were  reinforced  by 
the  gospels  in  the  common  task  of  rehgious  edification,  and  in 
the  latter  writings  traces  of  their  audience  and  object  are  still 
to  be  discovered,  e.g.  the  comments  of  the  evangelist  (Mk  3^° 
7^^,  etc.),  their  explanations  and  notes,  their  obvious  wish  to 
correct  misunderstandings  and  prevent  misconceptions,  their 
selection  of  homiletic  material,  their  grouping  of  narratives 
and  sayings  to  throw  light  on  contemporary  difficulties  and 
facilitate  mnemonic  retentiveness.  The  recollection  of  this 
intrinsic  element  will  serve  to  correct  any  extravagant  use 
of  a  popular  and  modern  theory  which  plays  off  the  gospels 
against  the  epistles,  the  former  being  hailed  as  undogmatic, 
impervious  to  theological  reflection,  the  undefiled  sources  of 
genuine  Christianity.  This  tendency  has  sprung,  it  is  true, 
from  a  natural  and  wholesome  reaction.  But  the  reaction 
has  gone  quite  far  enough,  when  the  gospels  are  practically 
regarded  as  if  they  were  records  composed  during  the  life- 
time of  Jesus,  or  as  if  they  contained  an  absolutely  objective 
representation  of  his  teaching,  and  could  be  compared — in 
point  of  value  and  authority — with  the  other  writings  of  the 
NT,  considerably  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  There  is 
a  sense  in  which  a  jwimd  facie  view  like  this  has  a  truth  of 
its  own.  But  it  is  a  mischief  and  disaster  to  imagine  that 
even  the  gospels  are  insulated  from  contemporary  extraneous 
influences,  or  that  their  world  is  inherently  different  from 
the  world  of  the  epistles.  Gospels  and  epistles  alike  are 
children  of  what  is  substantially  the  same  age.     They  worked 


40  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

for  similar  ends.  They  diiEfer  utterly  in  form,  but  it  is  a 
historical  rupture  to  make  out  of  this  difference  a  clever  and 
false  antithesis,  finding  in  the  one  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  in  the  other  the  Christian  religion.  Apart  from  the  fact 
that  the  extant  gospels,  and  even  the  main  sources  from  which 
they  derive,  were  not  composed  until  at  least  nine  or  ten  of 
the  chief  epistles  had  been  written,  the  facts  of  their  age  and 
the  feelings  of  their  authors  could  not  be  wholly  obliterated 
from  their  pages ;  and  certainly  they  cannot  be  passed  over 
in  a  study  of  these  pages.  In  undervaluing  or  absolutely 
ignoring  their  subjective  and  didactic  elements,  there  is  neither 
faith  nor  philosophy.  One  might  even  say,  for  example,  that 
Peter  speaks  through  Mark's  gospel  no  less  than  through  his 
own  epistle,  certainly  as  authentically  as  in  the  speeches 
attributed  to  him  in  Acts ;  also  that  the  third  gospel,  no  less 
than  the  Thessalonian  epistles,  has  in  its  pages  something  of 
the  breath  and  mind  of  Paul.  In  fact,  the  slightest  con- 
sideration of  the  circumstances  in  which  the  epistles  and  the 
gospels  were  composed,  will  keep  in  check  a  method  which 
is  a  specious  and  well-intentioned  endeavour  to  conserve  the 
essence  of  Christianity,  and  yet  implies  an  unhistorical  divorce 
between  two  correlative  portions  of  the  NT  literature. 

The  form  and  substance  of  these  literary  products  in  the 
dawn  of  Christianity  was  determined  by  the  nature  of  their 
aim.  As  the  Christian  preaching  began  to  extend  not  only 
to  a  second  generation,  but  even  previously  to  non-Jewish 
audiences  and  the  region  of  pagan  difficulties,  the  simple 
evidence  of  eye-witnesses  had  to  develop  fresh  methods.  Two 
of  these  predominated,  and  survive  in  different  forms.  One 
consisted  in  exhibiting  the  historical  record  of  Jesus'  words 
and  life.  By  means  of  this,  some  credible  and  plain  evidence 
was  afforded  for  the  historical  basis  underlying  the  new  faith. 
Every  catechumen  and  convert  would  receive  some  such 
instruction,  and  be  taught  to  find  within  the  words  of  Jesus 
laws  for  his  own  conduct.  This  evangelic  tradition  expanded 
in  subsequent  years,  and  from  it  the  gospels  rose.  But  the 
other  method  proved  a  salutary  supplement.  It  contained 
the  appeal  to  experience,  tlio  exhibition  of  the  new  faith  as  a 


PH0LEf40MENA  41 

spirit  and  a  character  produced  and  sustained  alike  by  God's 
grace  in  human  nature.  The  statement  of  this  attitude  was 
due  primarily  and  distinctively  to  Paul.  When  information 
about  Jesus  reached  the  pagan  world,  or,  for  the  matter  of 
that,  the  colonial  Jews  throughout  the  empire,  "  would  it  not 
come,"  as  Dr.  Crozier  graphically  argues,  "  like  a  sudden 
illumination  in  the  darkness,  which  would  leave  behind  it 
dim  visions  of  something  that  would  haunt  the  memory  ? 
And  yet  what  proof  that  there  was  any  truth  in  it  ?  .  .  . 
As  the  actual  eye-witnesses  [1  Co.  15*^]  sank  one  by  one  to 
their  rest,  the  belief  which  had  arisen  in  a  natural  way  with 
them  would  have  died  out  with  them.  At  each  remove  the 
tradition  would  have  become  fainter,  the  evidence  more  and 
more  hollow  and  uncertain — the  faith  of  the  original  believers 
being  more  and  more  untransferable  to  their  descendants 
of  the  new  generations  —  until  soon  it  would  have  been 
swallowed  up  again  in  the  great  Pagan  night  that  surrounded 
all."  ^  The  secure  method  of  propagating  the  faith  was  to  set 
forth  its  inner  contents  ;  and  it  is  this  aim  which  prompts 
the  epistolary  form  and  didactic  substance  of  these,  the  earliest 
documents  of  Christianity.  The  evangelic  tradition  is  pre- 
supposed. But  it  is  not  prominent.  The  formal  historical 
base  (Lu  1^"*)  is  absent,^  partly  because  it  was  implied,  or 
could  be  taken  for  granted,  partly  owing  to  the  idiosyncrasies 
of  the  author,  but  chiefly  on  account  of  the  special  apologetic 
emphasis  which  Paul  laid  upon  the  divine  Spirit  and  self- 

1  Hist.  IntcU.  Bei-dojm.  i.  (1897)  p.  339.  Cp.  MacTvintosh  {N'at.  Hist,  of 
Christian  Religion,  p.  338)  on  the  service  of  Paul  in  winning  entrance  for  the 
ideas  of  Jesus  to  the  average  and  sensuous  understanding  (?). 

A  brilliant  sketch  of  Essene  and  Orphic  influence,  and  indeed  of  the  ethnic 
religious  situation  at  the  dawn  of  Christianity,  is  given  by  Zeller,  ZwTh  (1899), 
pp.  195-269.  For  a  sympathetic  study  of  Epiktetus,  cp.  M.  F.  Picavet,  ' '  Les 
rapports  de  la  religion  et  de  la  philosophic  en  Grece "  {Revue  de  I'histoire  des 
Religions  (1893),  pp.  315-344).  A  readable  summary  of  the  Hellenic  and  Oriental 
environment  may  be  found  in  Dr.  Gardner's  Exjilor.  Evangelica,   pp.  325-357. 

"  Paul  definitely  recalls  his  readers  to  the  remembrance  of  the  historical 
Jesus  {e.g.  1  Co  11^^-  ^^).  Yet  upon  the  whole  his  writings  bear  out  the  esti- 
mate which  views  him  as  translating  the  Christian  prineijile  "into  terms  of 
theology,  and  so,  as  it  were,  writing  it  in  large  letters  on  the  clouds  of  heaven  " 
(Caird,  EvoL  Religion,  ii.  pp.  200,  201). 


42  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

sufficiency  of  the  faith.  In  his  earUest  paragraph  he  stands 
upon  history ;  but  it  is  the  history  of  the  Spirit  in  Thessalonika 
(1  Th  1^~^),  not  of  Jesus  in  Palestine.  Here,  as  in  his  subse- 
quent writings,  the  distinctive  note  is  an  endeavour  to  ground 
the  guarantee  of  faith  in  its  moral  implicates,  along  with  the 
argument  that  these  implicates  are  finally  accessible,  not  in 
memory,  nor  in  historical  research,  but  in  the  contemporary 
Christian  experience.  He  would  not  have  understood  the 
difference  between  "  Jesus  "  and  "  Christ  in  heaven  " ;  but 
from  the  modern  standpoint  it  is  perfectly  true  to  say  that 
Paul's  reasoning  rests  not  on  memories  of  the  Galilean  Jesus, 
but  on  a  direct  and  immediate  intuition  of  that  living  and 
exalted  Christ,  whose  holy  land  is  in  the  human  spirit. 

The  two  movements,  however,  are  not  independent. 
Almost  parallel  to  the  composition  of  the  Pauline  ^  letters  ran 
the  transition  from  the  spoken  to  the  written  gospel.  It  must 
have  been  gradual :  it  remains  obscure.  It  was  gradual :  for 
the  oral  teaching  subsisted  long  after  the  first  gospels  were 
put  into  writing  ;  indeed,  the  latter  were  supplementary  to  it, 
and  did  not  by  their  prestige  and  use  supplant  it.  It  remains 
obscure :  for  no  accurate  record  of  its  motives  and  stages  was 
preserved  by  an  age  which  could  hardly  be  conscious  of  the 
significance  attaching  to  what  was  being  slowly  finished  under 
its  eyes.  Between  the  early  and  the  final  stages  of  the 
transition  the  epistles  lie.  Their  atmosphere  is  that  of  the 
gospels,  in  the  sense  that  they  presuppose  the  rudimentary 
teaching  of  the  narratives  which  came  to  be  worked  up  into 
these  histories.  It  is  true  that  the  epistles  get  the  start  of 
the  gospels  in  the  order  of  written  composition.  But  this 
fact  has  to  be  quahfied,  not  only  by  the  consideration  just 
mentioned,  but  also  by  the  other  fact  that  this  slowness  to 
commit  the  history  of  Jesus  to  writing  was  due  less  to  a  sus- 
picion of  the  written  word  as  an  adequate  representation,  than 
to  the  value  attached  in  that  age  to  the  spoken  and  taught 

^  Scliui-er  {IfJP,  II.  iii.  p.  196)  notices  the  languid  interest  felt  by  Pliarisaic 
Judaism  in  history.  "It  saw  in  history  merely  an  instruction,  a  warning, 
how  God  ought  to  be  served.  Hellenistic  Judaism  was  certainly  in  a  far  higher 
degree  interested  in  history  as  such." 


PROLEGOMENA  43 

word  as  the  means  of  training  and  informing  the  mind.  The 
well-known  remark  of  Papias  {ov  jap  to,  e/c  tmv  ^l^Xicov 
ToaovTov  fie  co(f)e\etv  vireXafji^avov,  oaov  to,  irapa  ^c6cr?;<?  (f)covT]<; 
Kol  fx6vovari<i  ^)  is  characteristic  of  Christianity  in  the  first 
century  as  a  whole.  Men  felt  nearer  to  the  central  facts  of 
the  faith  as  they  listened  to  the  teaching  and  reminiscences 
of  the  older  disciples,  than  through  the  medium  of  any  record 
or  composition  by  way  of  litcra  scriijta.  Still,  the  reason 
of  this  preference  lay  in  a  deeper  instinct.  For  the  religion 
of  one  who  himself  wrote  nothing  and  centred  everything  in 
the  spirit  and  society  of  his  followers,  writing  (it  was  probably 
felt)  must  after  all  be  secondary.  Before  the  close  of  the 
first  century,  it  is  true,  Paul's  epistles  seem  to  have  acquired 
by  their  extensive  circulation  a  position  of  recognised  import- 
ance and  authority,  at  least  in  Corinth  (Clem.  Eom.  xlvii), 
where  Zahn  {GK.  i.  pp.  811-839),  partly  resting  upon  his 
absurd  date  for  2  Peter,  argues  that  a  collection  of  these 
writings  existed  by  the  ninth  decade  of  the  century.  But 
even  were  this  established,  it  would  not  materially  alter  the 
fact  that  the  communication  of  influence  and  the  maintenance 
of  tradition  remained  for  long  oral,  so  far  as  its  main  phases 
were  concerned.  Not  until  far  on  in  the  literary  develop- 
ment does  the  beatitude  for  the  reader  occur  (Apoc  1^),  or 
the  emphasis  upon  a  scripture's  authority  (Jo  21^^);  naturally 
it  is  still  later  when  the  Christian  writings  take  their  place 
beside  the  Hebrew  scriptures  as  topics  of  discussion  and 
reflection  (2  Ti  o^^  2  Pet  3^^).  Even  the  two  latter  passages 
are  entirely  occupied,  it  is  to  be  noted,  with  the  definition 
of  the  writings  upon  the  side  of  their  practical  bearing  and 
authority  within  the  Christian  societies.  The  whole  move- 
ment towards  this  emphasis  upon  the  written  scriptures  was 
accelerated  by  the  parallel  tendency  in  contemporary  Judaism, 

^  Compare  the  remark  in  Plato's  epistles  (vii.  341  c),  where  he  vindicates 
personal  stimulus  and  instruction  as  the  best  means  of  learning  philosophy  : 
e'/c  TToXX'^s  avvovalas  yiyvo/jievyjs  wepl  to  Trpdy/aa  avrb  Kai  rod  av^rjv  e^ai<pvris  olov  diro 
TTvpos  ir7]5rj(xavTos  e^a(p6ev  (pQs  iv  rrj  i/'VXS  yevofxevov  avrb  eavTO  tjSt]  rpecpei.  But 
the  defensive  tone  of  Papias  rather  suggests  that  his  adherence  to  oral  tradition 
required  some  explanation  at  an  age  when  the  written  gospels  were  coming  more 
and  more  into  prominence. 


44  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

which,  after  70  A.D.,  became  more  crystallised  than  ever  romid 
the  OT  canou  as  its  religious  standard  (cp.  the  famous 
passage  in  4  Esdras  1421-^8).  But  the  comparatively  tardy 
genesis  of  the  historical  instinct  in  the  literature  of  early 
Christianity  was  in  no  sense  an  uncongenial  or  surprising 
feature.  It  is  explicable  as  we  bear  in  mind  the  universal 
adherence  to  systematic  oral  testimony,  to  the  reminiscences 
of  eye-witnesses  and  older  men,  and  not  least  to  the  organised 
worship  and  social  texture  of  the  young  Christian  societies. 
That  adherence  formed  the  central  thread  in  the  strand  of 
early  Christianity.  As  the  years  passed,  however,  oral  testi- 
mony became  more  and  more  inadequate,  and  the  task  of 
supplementing  it  fell  to  the  two  great  forms  of  Christian 
literature,  the  epistle  and  the  gospel.  Both  presupposed  tra- 
dition. Both  were  the  fruit  of  religious  intercourse  within  the 
various  societies.  But  in  the  nature  of  the  case  the  former 
had  a  freer  scope ;  with  its  superior  flexibility  and  simplicity 
it  established  itself  as  prior  in  time  throughout  the  churches. 
When  attention  is  directed  to  facts  like  these,  it  is  brought 
home  to  the  mind  that  the  NT  literature  has  to  be  taken  as 
it  rose,  not  symmetrical,  monotoned,  adamant — -"one  entire  and 
perfect  chrysolite  " — but  out  of  a  historical  process,  shaped 
by  varying  hopes  and  needs,  and  drawn  from  this  or  that 
circle  of  antipathies  and  affinities.  One  palmary  inference 
follows,  namely,  the  need  of  surveying  the  mental  and  social 
conditions  under  which  the  different  books  were  composed, 
as  well  as  of  using  the  books  for  that  survey.^  Here,  as  else- 
where in  literature  (Heinrici,  "  Die  urchristliche  Ueberlie- 
ferung  u.  das  NT,"  ThA,  pp.  323-339),  the  surrounding  of 
a  document  is  valuable,  no  less  than  its  subject.  Just  as  a 
^  A  writing  may  actually  become  a  reliable  witness  to  its  contemporary 
])criod  although  its  references  to  an  earlier  period  are  found  to  contain  some  un- 
hi.storical  traits.  Tlie  historic  value  of  a  document  does  not  depend  altogether 
upon  its  trustworthiness.  The  primary  question  is  not,  "  Are  its  contents  true, 
or  false,  or  mixed?"  but  "How  did  this  M'riting  come  to  be  credited  and  pro- 
duced at  this  particular  time  ?  What  elements  in  the  age  made  this  literary 
jjroduct  natural  ? "  Tlie  fact  that  a  writing,  B,  gives  an  idealised  picture  of  some 
early  period.  A,  may  forbid  the  complete  and  unhesitating  inferences  which 
might  l)c  drawn  as  to  the  nature  of  A  ;  but  for  all  this  lack  of  historicity,  it 
throws  fresh  light  upon  the  period  of  B's  composition  and  its  relation  to  A. 


PROLEGOMENA  45 

conception  of  the  satiric  spirit  in  its  numerons  forms  is 
essential  to  the  right  understanding  of  authors  like  Petronius, 
Juvenal,  and  Tacitus,  who  drew  breath  in  it  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  first  century  ;  just  as  the  historical  writers  of  the 
Empire  were  liable  to  be  affected  by  the  habit  of  recitation 
which  helped  to  create  for  them  a  literary  climate ;  so  is  it 
with  the  historical  narratives  of  the  NT.  Their  characteristics 
are  intelligible  only  in  the  light  of  the  distinctively  "  religious  " 
tendencies  current  in  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century  (cp. 
Norden,  ^/i;!/Z;c  Kunstprosa,  ^'^.  451-479),  for  the  satisfaction 
of  which  they  were  composed.  Consequently  some  account 
has  to  be  taken  of  these  as  well  as  of  the  less  obvious  features 
of  their  mental  climate — the  prevailing  ethnic  and  Jewish 
beliefs  in  the  miraculous,  the  cosmic  and  psychic  ideas  of 
angelology,^  demonology,  and  cosmogony,  the  relation  of  the 
material  and  the  spiritual,  the  Messianic  conceptions,  the 
tendencies  of  current  ethics,  the  popularity  of  the  OT,  the 
apocalyptic  effluvia  of  Judaism,  and  so  forth.  Otherwise 
one  will  be  missing  at  point  after  point  wdiat  ranks  as  a 
primary  requisite  for  the  study  of  the  NT.  For  before  this 
life  and  literature  can  be  strictly  estimated,  one  must  look 
into  them  and  win  some  feeling  of  their  range  and  limits,  of 
the  successive  light  and  shade,  the  run  and  dip  of  the  slopes, 
the  general  outlines  and  broader  characteristics  of  usage  and 
opinion,  which  are  suggested  in  the  extant  records.  To  secure 
and  sustain  this  mental  habit  is  the  sesame  of  vision  and 
advance.  Apart  from  it,  study  is  generally  dull  and  fre- 
quently trifling.  Nor  is  there  anything  in  the  method  which 
can  be  said  to  be  specially  elaborate  or  irksome.  Even  in  the 
least  local  writings  there  is  usually  some  help  yielded  to 
the  patience  and  insight  of  a  modern  mind  bent  on  reaching 
the  actual  incidents  and  ideas  which  were  at  the  con- 
ception of  the  writing,  or  on  extricating  its  antecedents,  its 
relationships,  and  its  neighbourhood.^      Obviously  this  method 

1  The  influence  of  Jewish  angel-worsliip  on  early  Christianity  is  traced  by 
Ltiken  in  his  recent  monograph  on  Michael  (1898). 

-  Once  for  all,  by  way  of  summary.  To  realise  that  the  central  materials  of 
the  gospels  were  mainly  drawn  up  and  collected  during  the  three  or  four  decades 


46  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT 

makes  for  the  intelligibility  of  the  NT  as  a  religious 
authority,  just  as  it  is  an  axiom  of  the  expositor.  But  our 
concern  here  is  mainly  with  its  value  for  presenting  the  NT 
as  a  series  of  historical  documents.  The  method  puts  the 
reader  unequivocally  at  the  right  standpoint,  and  prompts 
him  to  ask  the  right  questions.  The  inquiry  must  be  not 
only,  "  What  do  these  pages  mean  ?  "  but — irrj  re  o-vveaTr)  koX 
oTTj)  Koi  O7ro}<; — "  Why  was  this  book  written  in  this  particular 
way,  at  this  particular  time  ?  Why  now  and  not  earlier  ? 
or  not  later  ?  Why  precisely  in  this  temper,  style,  spirit  ? 
Is  there  any  special  significance  in  its  method,  omissions, 
date,  character  ?  and  if  so,  what  ?  "  Questions  like  these  have 
often  to  be  left  imperfectly  or  dubiously  answered.  They 
bring  more  in  some  quarters  than  in  others,  and  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  be  explicit  anywhere  on  detail  after  detail.  Some 
writings  have  a  flavour  of  the  soil  in  them,  due  either  to  the 
connection  of  their  author  with  his  time,  or  to  the  contem- 
porary nature  of  their  subjects.  Upon  occasion  a  book 
actually  dates  itself  and  illuminates  its  period.  But  other 
writings  seem,  at  least  on  a  first  impression  of  their  contents, 
to  be  in  the  air.^      Others,  again,  are  more  definite,  yet  exhibit 

which  followed  the  death  of  Jesus,  ami  that  the  gospels  themselves  were  not 
composed  until  the  period  65-105  ;  to  realise  these  facts  will  show — (i.)  that  the 
gospels  are  not  purely  objective  records,  no  mere  chronicles  of  pure  crude  fact, 
or  of  speeches  preserved  verbatim  ;  (ii.)  that  they  were  compiled  in  and  for  an 
age  when  the  church  required  Christ  not  as  a  memory  so  much  as  a  religious 
standard,  and  when  it  reverenced  him  as  an  authority  for  its  ideas  and  usages  ; 
(iii)  that  they  reflect  current  interests  and  feelings,  and  are  shaped  by  the 
experience  and  for  the  circumstances  of  the  church  ;  (iv. )  that  their  conceptions 
of  Christ  and  Christianity  are  also  moulded  to  some  extent  by  the  activity  and 
expansion  of  the  church  between  30  and  60,  by  its  tradition,  oral  and  written, 
and  by  its  teaching,  especially  that  of  Paul.  The  interval  between  the  death 
of  Jesus  and  the  earliest  date  at  which  it  can  be  seriously  maintained  that  a 
deliberate  record  of  his  life  existed  (c.  65  a.d.),  almost  exactly  corresponds  to 
the  interval  between  the  death  of  Francis  of  Assisi  and  the  issue  of  his  author- 
itative biography  by  Bonaventura,  who  wrote  for  practical  purposes  and  under 
contemporary  influence. 

1  Allowance  must  be  made  for  the  element  of  timelessness  in  some  of  these 
early  discussions  and  records.  A  NT  writer  was  not  always  keeping  his  eye  on 
some  contemporary  phase  of  thought  or  action.  Also,  it  is  irrelevant  to  expect  in 
the  early  Christian  literature  allusions  to  events  within  the  Empire  which  bulk 
largelv  in  the  common  history  of  tiie  age.     For  example,  because  an  cartlKpiake 


PROLEGOMENA  47 

conflicting  signs  of  their  day  and  atmosphere,  pointing  this 
way  and  that.  Still,  although  it  cannot  always  be  said  of  a 
NT  writing,  77  XaXid  aov  BijXov  ere  iroiel,  this  method  of 
historical  interrogation,  seeking  the  period  as  well  as  the 
literary  product,  is  richest  in  apcrgtis  and  results,  however 
often  it  may  be  baffled.  Certainly  in  the  field  of  NT  litera- 
ture one  cannot  hope  to  hear  the  grass  growing.  The  utmost 
that  can  be  reasonably  expected  is  to  catch  and  preserve  some 
sense  of  development  upon  the  whole,  and  in  its  more  pro- 
minent stages.  But  the  method  seems  to  be  the  one  avail- 
able mode  of  rendering  the  history  of  early  Christian  thought 
something  better  than  the  mere  series  of  loosely  joined 
enigmas  which  it  too  often  resembles  in  current  text-books. 
This  literature  is  not  a  succession  of  dark  lonely  pools ;  and 
to  take  up  the  books  of  the  NT  as  isolated  pieces  of  theology 
or  history,  to  group  them  on  any  artificial  or  a  priori 
principles  of  criticism,  is  to  court  gratuitous  error,  and  often 
to  make  such  knowledge  as  may  be  actually  secured,  both 
vain  and  vague. 

One  outcome  of  this  method  is  that  a  writing  has  to  be 
taken  as  a  problem  before  it  can  be  expected  to  resolve  itself 
into  a  picture.  Primarily,  though  not  exclusively  or  even 
chiefly,  its  function  is  to  give  evidence  of  a  stage  in  the 
process  by  which  the  great  movement  of  thought  and  ex- 
perience went  forward.  How  suggestive  a  clue  to  the 
experience  and  hopes  of  people  at  any  period  is  furnished 
by  their  literature — the  books  they  produced,  the  writings 
they  enjoyed,  the  records  on  which  they  were  sustained ! 
These,  we  may  be  sure,  were  no  mere  jeux  cVesprit,  isolated  or 
capricious.      They  give  a  transcript  of  their  origin  and  vital 

is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Lycus  valley  during  the  seventh  decade,  it  is 
deduced  by  many  scholars  that  Colossians  and  the  Apocalypse  (2-3)  must  have 
been  written  either  just  before  or  long  after  that  catastro2)he,  as  it  would  have 
been  alluded  to  in  these  writings  if  they  had  been  sent  to  the  district  shortly 
afterwards.  The  inference  is  untrue.  Early  Christian  writers  were  not 
interested  in  physical  geography,  nor  ought  we,  in  all  fairness,  to  expect 
from  them  information  upon  the  outward  details  of  their  age.  The  man  who 
is  absorbed  in  gazing  at  the  stars  grows  oblivious  to  the  wind  upon  his  face  and 
the  mud  and  insects  at  his  feet. 


48  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

function.  And  what  significance,  in  turn,  lies  within  that 
experience  for  the  proper  understanding  of  the  books  in 
question  !  That  a  book  like  Acts,  for  example,  was  probably- 
composed  under  the  Flavian  regime,  is  a  fact  that  speaks 
volumes.^  What  a  satisfactory  criticism  should  attempt  to 
do,  is  to  fairly  analyse  the  meaning  of  such  a  fact,  to  infer 
from  it  some  of  the  troubles  and  triumphs  of  early  Chris- 
tianity within  the  Empire,  and  to  detect  the  precise  con- 
ditions of  internal  and  external  life  which  prompted  the 
composition  of  the  book  there  and  then.  After  this  historic 
scrutiny  of  its  antecedents  and  environment,  the  book  can  be 
used  more  freely  and  safely  as  evidence  for  the  earlier  age 
sketched  in  its  pages.  A  similar  test  has  to  be  applied  in 
the  case  of  the  other  histories  in  the  NT.  Each  has  the 
signs  of  its  time.  Occasionally  they  are  difficult  to  read,  but 
they  are  there  in  greater  or  less  numbers.  And  if  anything  is 
calculated  to  stir  and  direct  the  historical  imagination,  it  is  the 
presentation  and  study  of  the  relevant  documents  springing 
one  after  another  from  an  underlying  life  which  might 
otherwise  pass  undetected  or  lie  misunderstood ;  just  as  the 
charm  and  fascination  of  Oriental  cities  partly  consists  in 
the  freedom  of  observing  the  naively  open  activity  and  manu- 
facture in  street  and  in  bazar.  One  feels  present  at  the 
making  and  shaping  of  things.  It  is  the  engrossing  sense  of  a 
process,  and  of  a  process  seen  at  work.  For  this  the  records 
may  prove  defective.  But  although  the  historic  instinct  has 
the  duty  of  supplying  carefully  the  gaps  in  the  rise  and  course 

'  Similarly  the  developed  state  of  the  Christian  churches  at  that  epoch  helps 
to  explain  the  author's  omissions  as  well  as  his  choice  of  incidents  and 
emphasis  upon  certain  points  {e.g.  the  name  "Christian,"  11-'')  which  had 
acquired  in  subsequent  years  especial  prominence.  The  varied  degrees  of 
historicity  in  Acts  are  patent  enough,  but  they  do  not  interfere  with  the  total 
impression  of  purpose  and  function  which  the  book  bears  upon  the  mind.  It 
is  a  narrative,  accurate  upon  the  whole,  written  by  one  who  endeavoured  to 
state  the  facts  honestly  and  impressively  so  far  as  they  bore  upon  his  main 
design,  but  who  had  probably  to  depend  upon  secondhand,  inferior  tradition  at 
various  points  in  the  course  of  his  story.  It  is  scarcely  fair  to  take  passages 
like  1^^- '"  2'"'^  5^"^^  292-7.11-20^  as  characteristic  and  representative.  Like  the 
similar  series  in  Matthew  (2--i-  8"8-=*=*  Ti-"^  17-^--"  '21--5  26-^"-=»  275'-"-  «-■"«  28"-i»), 
they  rather  correspond  to  the  dark  lines  in  the  spectrum. 


PROLEGOMENA  49 

and  change  of  institutions  or  ideas,  a  prompted  imagination  ^ 
— together  with  a  sense  of  real  if  half-hidden  order — can 
readily  be  disciplined  till  it  becomes  the  very  eye  of  accurate 
research.  Only,  its  materials  need  to  be  arranged,  and 
arranged  (as  far  as  possible)  naturally.  It  is  always  some- 
thing to  be  looking  at  them  unwarped.  The  NT  literature 
constitutes  in  itself  a  series  of  ranged  results  and  successive 
reflections.  It  is  that,  even  when — as  in  the  historical 
sections — it  is  infinitely  more.  The  consequence  is  that 
when  the  writings  are  taken  thus  as  an  outcome  of  life,  the 
scheme  of  their  arrangement  affords  some  aid  in  the  work  of 
correcting  one's  first  impressions  into  greater  exactness :  the 
result  being  that  in  this  supremely  difficult  field  of  early 
Christianity  the  mind  is  able  to  trace  with  less  and  less 
obscurity  the  dim  processes  of  thought  and  half-suppressed 
transitions  that  over  and  again  occur  between  phases 
apparently  broken  and  writings  superficially  dissimilar. 

This  habit  of  reading  oneself  into  the  continuity  of  a 
period  of  history  by  means  of  sympathetic  and  accurate 
insight  is  in  any  case  hardly  won,  nor  does  it  become 
altogether  simple  in  regard  to  the  NT.  There  also  one  has 
to  win  at  the  outset  a  view  of  the  records  and  documents  in 
their  separate  rise  and  relative  positions.  One  by  one  they 
come  up  on  the  horizon,  coherent  and  successive.  It  is 
imperative  that  theii'  inclusive  life  be  rendered  visible  and 
distinct.  But  the  amount  of  that  distinctness  will  depend 
largely  upon  a  previous,  comparative  study  of  the  literature 
which   contains   all   that  is   extant   of  the  life's  expression.^ 

^  "  By  veracious  imagination,  I  mean  the  working  out  in  detail  of  the 
various  steps  by  whicli  a  political  or  social  change  was  reached,  using  all  extant 
evidence  and  supplying  deficiencies  by  careful  analogical  creation.  How 
triumphant  opinions  originally  spread — how  institutions  arose — what  were  the 
conditions  of  great  inventions,  discoveries,  or  theoretic  conceptions  ;  ...  all 
these  grand  elements  of  history  require  the  illumination  of  special  imaginat- 
ive treatment"  (George  Eliot,  Leaves  from  a  Notebook). 

-  Literary  criticism  and  historical  criticism,  it  is  plain,  are  correlative.  In 
the  balance  of  both  lies  the  only  method  of  attaining  anything  like  reasonable 
certainty.  Exaggerate  the  latter,  and  you  are  liable  to  read  into  the  -WTitings 
a  priori  tendencies  which  impose  on  each  document  a  place  and  purpose  in 
some  preconceived  scheme.  Exaggerate  the  former,  and  you  are  at  the  mercy  of 
4 


50  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

The  point  is  to  work  with  the  documents,  and  to  work  with 
them  in  some  reliable  scheme  or  sequence.  Method,  order, 
system — that  is  an  essential  of  research.  Work  done  in 
the  atmosphere  of  order  develops  insensibly  a  mental  justice. 
It  produces  a  trained  and  accurate  sense  for  understanding 
the  details  and  mastering  the  broad  lines  of  a  subject,  as  in 
this  way  the  various  departments  come  to  offer  less  and  less 
difficulty  or  embarrassment  to  the  imagination  and  the  judg- 
ment. This  faculty  of  determining  the  place  and  worth  of 
any  fact  or  phase  in  the  historical  development,  and  of  ascer- 
taining and  arranging  what  are  the  really  salient  points,  is  a 
cardinal  element  in  all  critical  inquiry,  and  it  particularly 
applies  to  NT  criticism.  To  be  put  en  route  with  these  early 
Christian  writers  is  the  pressing  need  for  their  interpretation. 
Consequently  it  is  clear  gain  to  have  some  reliable  scheme  of 
the  literature  kept  before  the  mind  until  we  come  to  think 
instinctively  along  its  lines,  while  the  figure  of  it  rises  to  the 
historical  imagination,  unsought  and  indispensable. 

All  this  is  introductory,  but  there  is  truth  and  fruit  in 
it.  No  amount  of  acquaintance  with  the  verbal  contents  of  the 
literature  can  avail  unless  it  is  capable  of  finding  the  various 
documents  in  natural  contact  with  the  periods  and  crises 
from  which  they  actually  emerged.  Contemporaries  under- 
stood these  writings  from  their  age.  So,  in  a  sense,  do  we. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  whatever  knowledge  we  possess  of 
the  age  is  usually  due  to  our  study  of  the  writings.  Mainly 
from  their  own  evidence,  partly  from  the  general  non- 
Christian  literature  of  the  period,  partly  from  the  available 
inscriptions,  this    reconstruction  has   to   be  contrived.      But 

verbal  arguments  and  the  insufficient  evidence  of  style,  wliile  the  historical 
situation  lacks  definiteness  and  content.  The  latter  is  perhaps  the  bias  to  be 
feared  in  modern  criticism.  As  Gunkel  puts  it,  though  for  another  purpose, 
die  Welt  besteht  nicht  nur  aus  Menschen,  die  Biicher  schreiben,  und  die  sie 
abschreiben.  Die  moderne  Kritik  hat  bisher  die  Bedeutung  der  nuiudlichen 
Tradition  vielfach  iibersehen  und  ist  allzu  geneigt,  bei  jeder  Beriihrung  zweier 
Schriften  auf  litterarisclie  Abhangigkeit  zu  schliessen  {Schopfung  und  Chaos,  p. 
58).  See  Wrede's  arguments  in  GO  A  (1896),  517  f.,  and  Ucber  Aufgahc  u. 
Methode  der  sog.  NT  Theologie  (1898),  pp.  25-34,  49-51  ;  also  Preuschen's 
article  {ZNW  (1900),  pp.  1-15),  "Idee  oder  Methode?"  and  the  essay  by 
Bousset(r7i:(1899),  pp.  1-15). 


PROLEGOMENA  51 

the  two  latter  methods  presuppose  the  first ;  and  the  first 
involves  this  need  and  practice  of  accurate  chronological 
handling.  To  ascertain  the  relative  order  of  the  NT  writings 
in  general,  to  take  them  up  one  by  one  as  they  were  given  -^ 
to  the  early  Christian  communities,  to  approach  a  document 
as  it  lies,  warm  and  alive,  within  its  special  period,  to  let 
each  successively  make  its  characteristic  and  precise  impres- 
sion upon  the  mind,  to  follow  the  varied  courses,  thus  lighted 
up,  of  the  early  Christian  reflection  as  it  worked  upon  the 
facts  of  the  evangelic  consciousness,  to  trace  the  varied 
implicates  of  the  Christian  spirit  in  their  evolution — this,  a 
mental  discipline  to  start  with,  is  an  invaluable  apprentice- 
ship for  acquiring  some  keener  insight  not  merely  into  the 
individual  contributions  and  traits  of  special  writers  and 
writings,  but  also  into  the  sweep  and  scope  of  what  is 
"  beyond  question  the  most  momentous  fact  in  history,  the 
effect  produced  by  the  teaching  of  Jesus  and  his  disciples,"  ^ 
so  far  as  that  effect  falls  within  the  scope  of  the  NT 
literature. 

Such  a  rearrangement  of  the  literature  as  that  offered  in 
this  volume  is  therefore  intended  to  serve  as  a  sort  of  map. 
With  its  aid  the  reader  will  be  enabled  more  successfully  to 
make  his  way  into  and  throughout  the  varied  phases  of  the 
apostolic  age  in  natural  succession,  as  well  as  to  gain  a  stand- 
point for  any  further  surveys  of  its  theology  or  organisation. 
A  distinct  effort  is  needed  if  the  modern  mind  is  to  realise 
the  situation  of  any  NT  document.  There  is  always  work 
to  be  done  in  the  way  of  rendering  explicit  circumstances  and 
conditions  which  are  vitally  important  for  the  interpretation 

^  One  must  demur,  however,  to  descriptions  of  the  NT  literature  as  "the 
documents  formally  put  before  the  world  by  a  society — as  adequate  accounts  of 
its  own  origin,  and  tests  of  its  future  teaching  and  practice  "  (Lock,  Exegesis 
of  the  NT,  p.  10),  or  of  an  individual  book  like  Acts  as  "an  authorised  account 
of  the  deeds  of  apostles"  (Robinson,  EBi,  i.  675).  This  is  the  ecclesiastical  or 
canonical  standpoint,  not  the  historical.  It  reflects  the  mind  not  so  much  of 
the  original  writers  of  the  NT  literature  as  of  the  later  generations  who  used 
that  literature  for  the  wider  purposes  of  the  catholic  church, 

-  Goldwin  Smith.  On  the  richness  of  present  NT  research  in  the  matter  of 
historical  points  of  view,  see  Harnack's  remarks,  Contemj).  Rev.  (1886),  pp. 
221-225. 


52  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

of  a  writing,  and  yet  are  mostly  taken  for  granted  in  its 
pages.  To  bring  these  assumed,  sub-conscious  facts  together 
is  a  task  awaiting  the  historical  imagination  at  almost  every 
step,  part  of  its  province  including  the  mastery  of  those  facts 
and  relationships  which  are  implied  in  the  structure  and  con- 
nection of  a  given  record,  and  with  which  one  must  sedulously 
learn  to  feel  at  home.  A  subsidiary  and  provisional  aid  to 
this  can  be  furnished  often  by  a  study  of  the  documents  in 
question.  History,  as  Niebuhr  used  to  declare,  has  two 
methods  for  supplying  the  deficiencies  of  her  sources ;  she  has 
criticism  and  the  divining  faculty.  Plainly,  both  must  work 
together.  Indeed,  in  exegesis  and  interpretation,  criticism 
constantly  depends  upon  the  faculty  of  intuition.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  divining  power  of  the  historical  imagination 
cannot  see  to  contribute  its  final  and  special  gift  of  recon- 
struction until  criticism  has  attempted  as  far  as  possible  to 
discharge  its  preliminary  task  and  arrange  the  materials  in 
some  approximately  reliable  scheme.  Appreciation  of  past 
ages  is  frequently  hindered  by  nothing  more  serious  than 
some  trifling  amount  of  obscurity  which  has  been  allowed  to 
remain  secreted  in  the  traditional  presentment  of  the  materials 
for  modern  study.  An  equally  slight  alteration  of  position 
will  occasionally  put  the  observer  in  the  way  of  considerable 
results.  That  is  the  hope  and  aim  of  the  present  edition 
with  regard  to  the  NT.  Here,  no  less  than  elsewhere,  the 
very  sequence  of  writings  is  at  times  full  of  significance  ; 
any  literary  method  which  promotes  the  comparative  study 
and  use  of  these  writings  has  a  value  of  its  own  for  the  larger 
work  of  historical  and  religious  appreciation,  in  forcing  atten- 
tion to  some  aspects  and  relations  of  the  NT  which  lie  in 
shadow,  as  well  as  in  bringing  the  mind  closer  to  the  original 
design  and  actual  shape  of  the  literature  in  question.  Within 
the  NT,  of  all  places,  one  cannot  afford  to  dispense  with  any 
plain  mechanical  assistance  to  the  imaginative  faculty,^  as  it 

'  "  If  the  critical  education  of  the  historian  suffice,  he  can  lay  bare,  under 
every  detail  of  architecture,  every  stroke  in  a  picture,  every  phrase  in  a  writing, 
the  special  sensation  whence  detail,  stroke,  or  phrase  had  issue  ;  he  is  present 
at  the  drama  which  was  enacted  in  the  soul  of  artist  or  w-riter  ;  the  choice  of  a 


PROLEGOMENA  5  3 

exercises  its  function  of  quickly  reaching,  carefully  decipher- 
ing, and  accurately  following  these  modes  of  earlier  and 
different  thought.  Voir  c'est  avoir.  Even  an  optical  aid 
may  prove  at  times  of  curious  service  to  the  mind. 


II 


What  is  required,  then,  is  some  displacement  within  the 
canonical  stereotyped  order  of  the  NT.  As  it  stands,  in 
either  a  Greek  or  an  English  edition,  this  order  was  compiled 
for  different  purposes  and  on  different  principles  from  those 
of  modern  historical  research.  The  object  was  palpably 
didactic.  The  churches  naturally  endeavoured  to  arrange  the 
literature  in  order  to  bring  out  the  rise  and  progress  of  the 
Christian  spirit  and  society.  From  the  third  council  of 
Carthage  in  a.d.  397,  a  general  arrangement  appears  to  have 
prevailed,  which  has  been  reproduced  from  Jerome's  Vulgate 
in  our  English  Bibles,  with  one  great  change.  Three  unities 
or  groups  of  writings — the  "  gospels,"  the  "  epistles  of  Paul " 
with  or  without  Hebrews,  and  the  "  catholic  epistles  " — 
were  massed  together,  closed  by  the  Apocalypse.  Eoughly 
speaking,  this  may  be  described  as  the  dominant  order.  The 
chronological  principle,  so  far  as  it  was  considered  at  all, 
evidently  referred  to  the  order  of  the  events  narrated  or  pre- 
supposed ;  hence,  e.g.,  the  book  of  Acts  often  came  between 
the  gospels  and  the  following  epistles.  Still,  it  was  usage, 
not  law,  that  really  determined  the  sequence.  East  and  West 
differed  considerably  upon  this  as  upon  weightier  topics  ;  and 
the  scheme  remained  unfixed,  indefinite.  For  a  long  time, 
indeed,  one  or  two  books  seem  to  move  up  and  down  the  canon 
in  quite  an  arbitrary  fashion. 

These  and  other  variations,  however,  in  the  canonical  order 

word,  the  brevity  or  length  of  a  sentence,  the  nature  of  a  metaphor,  the  accent 
of  a  verse,  the  development  of  an  argument — everything  is  a  symbol  to  him  ; 
while  his  eyes  read  the  text,  his  soul  and  mind  pursue  the  continuous  develop- 
ment and  the  everchanging  succession  of  the  emotions  and  conceptions  out  of 
which  the  text  has  sprung  "  (H.  A.  Taine). 


54  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

of  the  NT  writings  belong  to  the  history  of  the  canon  ^ 
rather  than  to  a  study  of  the  writings  themselves.  They 
represent  interests  and  tendencies  quite  other  than  chrono- 
logical. In  the  group  of  the  gospels,  e.g.  Matthew  and  John 
are  occasionally  put  first,  as  their  authors  were  considered  to 
be  personal  disciples  or  apostles  of  Jesus.  The  connection  of 
Mark  and  Luke  with  the  historical  Christ  was  secondary  ; 
they  were  merely  apostolic  men,  and  as  a  result  their  gospels 
were  put  later  (Tertull.  adv.  Marc.  iv.  2).  Other  variations 
are  less  obvious  in  motive.  In  the  group  of  Pauline  letters 
it  is  not  certain,  even  in  Marcion's  arrangement,  whether  a 
chronological  principle  is  at  work  at  all.  Other  interests,  at 
any  rate,  predominate  in  his  and  other  catalogues,  as  in  the 
Muratorian  fragment,  where  Paul's  epistles  to  the  seven 
churches  are  grouped  together  in  order  to  precede  those 
addressed  to  private  individuals.  Similarly  with  the  phalanx 
of  the  "  catholic  epistles."  The  fairly  common  order — James, 
1  Peter,  John — may  be  a  reflection  of  (Gal  2^)  the  relative 
rank  assigned  to  the  trio  of  supposed  authors  in  the  judgment 
of  the  early  church.  In  other  cases  the  arrangement — Judas 
preceding  James — probably  echoes  the  successive  admission 
of  each  to  canonicity.  Among  the  groups  themselves,  the 
Pauline  epistles  and  the  "  catholic  "  change  places  between 
Acts  and  the  Apocalypse,  wliile  the  last-named  may  be  said 
almost     invariably     to     close     the    NT    canon,-     a    position 

1  Gregory's  "Prolegomena  to  Tiseliendorfs  NT,"  in.  1.  pp.  131-140,  Dc 
librorum  or  dine ;  LaTireiit,  p.  41  f.  ;  Zahii,  GK,  i.,  pp.  60-80,  ii.  pp.  343- 
383  ;  S.  Berger,  Histoirc  de  la  Vulgate  joendant  Icf  premiers  sUdes  du  moyen  age 
(1893),  pp.  301-306,  331-342;  Westcott,  History  of  NT  Canon  {k\y\>^ndi\yil>) ; 
Studia  Biblica,  iii.  (1891),  pp.  217-325  ;  Jtilicher :  Mnl.  pp.  349-357  ;  Nestle, 
Einf.  pp.  128-132  ;  also  the  closing  essay  in  Bovon's  Jesus  et  VEglisc  dcs 
premiers  jours.  The  lingering  indefmitcness  of  the  canonical  order  is  curiously 
illustrated  by  a  phrase  of  Athanasius  (Festal,  cpj).  xxxix.),  who  introduces  his 
arrangement  of  the  biblical  literature  with  the  words  xP'^foMot'  ""pos  cTvcracfiv 

T^S  ifiaVTOV  ToXflTJS  kt\. 

^  At  the  close  of  Dante's  pageant  of  the  NT  writers  {Pnrgaforio,  xxix.) 
there  appears — 

"  Behind  them  all, 
One  single  old  man,  sleeping  as  he  came, 
With  a  shrewd  visage  "  ; 
i.e.  John,  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse. 


PROLEGOMENA  55 

naturally  suggested  by  its  contents  and  the  aptness  of  its 
conclusion  (Apoc  22^^-^^). 

In  short,  hardly  any  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to 
arrange  even  the  letters  of  Paul  in  chronological  order,  much 
less  to  determine  the  date  of  each  writing  separately.  When 
all  had  come  to  be  gathered  into  a  whole,  the  principle  of 
arrangement  varied  :  a  desire  to  separate  controverted  and 
accepted  writings  (as  in  the  Muratorian  fragment),  a  specific- 
ally theological  intention,^  some  regard  to  the  relative  length 
of  the  epistles,  or  to  the  dignity  and  rank  possessed  by  the 
different  churches  to  which  they  were  addressed,  probably 
some  idea  of  parallelism  to  the  OT  or  symmetry  with  it,^ 
possibly  considerations  of  authorship.  The  usage  throughout 
the  churches  was  quite  inexact :  the  principles  that  determined 
it  divergent.^ 

In  view  of  the  practical  ends  of  the  canon,  little  excep- 
tion can  be  taken  to  this  procedure  of  the  church.  So  far,  a 
modern  reader  might  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the  dictum  of 
Spinoza  :  documentorum  causas  nihil  curamus.  But  when  the 
question  comes  to  be  one  of  analytic  criticism  as  a  prelude  to 
some  historical  synthesis,  it  is  no  longer  an  adequate  method  to 
take  the  literature  exactly  as  it  happens  to  stand.  To  acquire 
any  grasp  of  the  problems  of  origin,  composition,  and  independ- 
ence, some  critical  base  is  required,  and  this  must  be  sought 
in  a  rearrangement  of  the  documents.  Otherwise,  investiga- 
tion is  simply  handicapped.  It  is  lured  to  ignore  the 
relative  positions  of  the  leading  records,  and  thus  to  miss  the 
sense  of  their  order  and  proportions.  For  the  canonical 
order  of  the  NT  is  not  even  a  neutral  medium  for  such  study. 


^For  sulijeetive  reasons,  e.g.  Luther,  followed  by  Tyndale,  placed  Hebrews, 
.Tames,  Judas,  and  the  Apocalypse  disapprovingly  at  the  end  of  the  N.T.  after 
"the  true  and  certain  capital  books." 

-Sicut  post  legem  prophetae,  et  post  prophetas  hagiographi,  ita  post 
Evangelium  apostoli,  et  post  apostolos  doctores  ordine  suecesserunt :  Hugo  de 
S.  Vict.  De  Script.  6,  though  "doctores"  carries  us  beyond  the  NT  canon. 

^A  curious  arrangement  seems  to  occur  in  the  Apostolic  Constitiit.  (ii.  57)  : 
"Let  our  acts  be  read,  and  the  letters  of  our  fellow-worker  Paul  .  .  .  and 
afterwards  let  a  deacon  or  presbyter  read  the  gospels."  But  this  is  probably 
a  mere  ecclesiastical  injunction. 


56  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

Occasionally  it  becomes  a  positive  and  plentiful  hindrance. 
Even  for  a  trained  and  alert  intelligence  there  is  a  certain 
effort  in  reading,  say  1  Thessal.,  and  at  the  same  time  refusing 
to  allow  the  intrusion  of  ideas  developed  in  the  Galatian  and 
Eoman  letters  which  precede  it  in  the  printed  Testament. 
How  arduous,  yet  how  necessary,  to  read  the  Apocalypse 
before  the  fourth  gospel,  or  again  to  study  Hebrews  and  Acts 
without  being  swayed  by  the  previously  printed  and  subse- 
quently written  pages  of  John  !  ^  These  are  but  instances  of  the 
blurring  effect  produced  by  the  canonical  order,  with  all  its 
excellence  and  convenience.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  why  such 
an  effect  should  not  be  obviated.  Print  may  be  made  to  serve 
the  mind  instead  of  misdirecting  it,  and  the  service  is  greatly 
to  be  desired.  True  criticism  of  the  NT  is  like  science,  it 
becomes  "  a  precious  visitant  "  only  when  it  has  lieen  trained 
in  the  methods  of  historical  evolution, 

"  Taught  with  patient  interest  to  watch 

The  processes  of  things,  and  serve  the  cause 
Of  order  and  distinctness." 

Part  of  this  teaching  is  to  have  the  imagination  impressed 
exactly  and  vividly  with  the  recurring  sequences  of  thought 
and  feeling.  But  these,  again,  to  be  lucid,  must  be  exhibited 
in  the  natural  order  of  their  expression ;  and  they  can 
readily  be  thus  exhibited.  Under  the  most  favourable  circum- 
stances, a  taxing  effort  is  required  to  realise  the  NT  facts 
and  conceptions  with  anything  like  consecutiveness  and 
coherence.  To  reduce  some  of  the  initial  and  avoidable 
obstacles,  and  to  help  the  mind  past  these  to  a  scrutiny  and 
appreciation  of  the  matters  which  are  really  at  issue  in  NT 
criticism,  constitute  one  aim  of  the  present  edition,  and 
furnish  the  justification  of  its  divergence  from  the  canonical 
order.  It  is  offered  as  a  minor  contribution  to  the  study  of 
the  records,  on  the  principle  that  some  light  is  often  to  be 

^  To  this  in  part  may  be  also  due  the  unhistorical  presuppositions  which 
treat  the  minor  writings  of  the  NT  unf'jiirly  by  reading  into  them  or  expecting 
from  them  more  or  less  systematic  developed  concei)tioiis.  Cp.  Deissmann's 
spirited  protest  in  regard  to  the  mishandling  of  the  catholic  c})istles,  ZThK 
(1893),  pp.  133,  134,  with  Wrede's  equally  judicious  discussion,  Uehcr  Aitfgahc 
u.  Methodcdcr  sorj.,  XTTh,  p.  17f. 


prolegomp:na  57 

found  in  the  mere  knowledge  that  one  book  comes  after 
another,  especially  when  that  knowledge  is  stereotyped  in 
black  and  white.  The  customary  arrangement  fails  to  entirely 
conceal  or  express  this  truth  of  succession.  Consequently 
these  pages  will  do  their  work  as  they  present,  in  some  more 
adequate  form,  the  materials  for  that  regular  survey  apart 
from  which  the  process  of  critical  research  is  apt  to  find 
itself  misled  or 


III 

One  or  two  sentences  fall  to  be  added  by  way  of  ex- 
planation. 

The  priority  of  the  Pauline  epistles  to  the  gospels 
suggests  three  considerations  which  are  extremely  important 
for  a  proper  attitude  to  the  whole  subject — {a)  Their  priority 
does  not  ipso  facto  support,  although  it  certainly  suggests,  a 
theory  of  literary  dependence  between  these  writings  and, 
say,  the  third  and  fourth  gospels.  The  final  proofs  of  such 
filiation  are  internal.  There  is  a  natural  temptation  to  lay 
almost  peremptory  stress  upon  the  external  positions  of 
books,  and  this  delusion  is  encouraged  by  the  printed  form 
of  a  modern  edition.  But  such  unscientific  assumptions  must 
be  ruled  out  of  court.  In  this  case,  as  in  the  case  of  other 
NT  groups,  the  literary  relationship  between  an  earher  and  a 
later  document  (when  their  relative  position  can  be  independ- 
ently fixed)  depends  upon  a  far  wider  and  subtler  range 
of  facts,  such  as  the  extent  to  which  any  writing  may  have 
circulated  ^  during  the  first  century,  beyond  its  originally  local 
scope  (an  extent  which  varies,  of  course,  with  its  subject  and 
form),  and  also  the  amount  of  organic  connection  which  may 
be  presumed  to  have  existed  between  one  writing  and  another 

'  Classical  literature  furnishes  some  analogies  for  this.  Christian  writings 
may  have  been  {a)  reproduced  by  means  of  written  copies,  a  method  which 
would  be  at  best  limited,  or  {h)  read  with  comments  to  various  circles  of 
listeners.  Probably  the  latter  method  was  more  common  in  the  early  days  of 
Christianity  (1  Ti  4^^,  Apoc  1^,  /jLaKapios  6  dvayLvdiaKuv  /cat  oi  aKovovres  tovs 
\6yous  TTJs  TrpocprjTeias,  etc.).  Pliny's  correspondence  is  full  of  references  to  the 
custom  of  "publishing "  a  book  by  reading  it  aloud  to  a  group  of  friends. 


58  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

under  the  ascertained  literary  methods  of  the  age.  The  order 
of  documents  in  time,  as  that  is  exhibited  in  a  printed  scheme, 
does  not  necessarily  involve  the  dependence  of  the  later  on 
the  earlier.  Apart  from  a  further  scrutiny  of  the  conditions 
under  which  the  writings  were  composed  and  of  their  contents, 
the  assumption  is  unwarranted.  The  precedence  of  one  writ- 
ing over  another  in  the  matter  of  years  may  or  may  not  imply 
literary  dependence.  Print  at  any  rate  can  merely  afford  a 
basis  for  the  discussion  of  such  problems,  and  it  is  only  in  a 
minority  of  cases  that  the  date  of  a  NT  writing  cannot  be 
established  with  some  measure  of  security  apart  from  the 
question  of  its  literary  connections. 

The  special  relation  of  Pauliuism  to  the  literature  and 
life  of  the  next  generation  forms,  however,  a  problem  of 
great  moment  for  the  study  of  the  apostolic  age.  After 
Philippians,  the  early  Christian  literature  represents  a  de- 
velopment which  is  merely  semi-Pauline,  so  far  as  it  can  be 
termed  Pauline  at  all.  The  distinctive  principles  of  Paulinism 
were  too  characteristic  and  individual  to  form  a  basis  for  the 
general  Christianity  of  the  churches  as  a  whole ;  although 
these  were  largely  indebted  for  their  emancipation  from 
Judaistic  Christianity  to  Paul's  vigour,  yet  their  relation  to 
Jesus,  the  Law,  and  the  OT,  and  their  conceptions  of  faith,  sin, 
and  righteousness,  were  for  the  most  part  only  verbally  akin 
to  those  of  the  great  apostle.  The  sharp  antithesis  of  the 
earlier  conflict  waned.  Paul's  general  universalism  passed  on 
to  find  analogous  elements  in  the  more  liberal  phases  of  Jewish 
Christianity,  and  from  these  under  the  prevalent  Hellenism 
of  the  age  grew  the  "  Catholicism "  which  stamps  the  sub- 
Pauline  literature.  The  original  Paulinism,  however,  in  its 
religious  idiosyncrasies  of  thought  and  feeling,  was  buried 
with  its  author,  or  survived  merely  in  his  epistles.  Outside 
of  these  it  never  lived  in  its  entireness  and  individuality. 
Paulinism  touched  more  or  less  deeply  all  subsequent 
Christian  writers,  for  without  it  they  could  hardly  have 
written  at  all.  But  none  was  a  Paulinist,  in  the  strict  sense  ; 
none  even  an  anti-Paulinist.  For  them  and  their  age,  as 
even   Clem.   Pom.   ])roves,  tlio  Pharisaic  world  of  Paul   had 


PROLEGOMENA  59 

little  interest  or  attraction.      It  merely  represented  a  special 
phase  in  which  the  principles  of  catholic  Christianity  had 
lirst  won  a  final  trinmph.     The  great  "  pathologist  of  Judaism  " 
was  tlie  pioneer,  not  the  founder,  of  Gentile  Christianity  as  it 
rose  after  70  a.d.  into  a  denationalised  and  broad  organisation 
of  communities  throughout  the  Empire.      His  main  contribu- 
tion was   to  build   the    bridge  from  Semitic  monotheism  to 
those  Hellenistic  conceptions  which  were  needed  to  develop 
the  essential  spirit  of  the  new  faith.      As  for  many  of  his 
arguments  and  antitheses,  his  theological  categories,  solutions, 
and  methods  of  interpretation,  they  proved  of  little  or  no 
service  to  the  majority  of  later  Christians,  whose  early  train- 
ing  and   altered    circumstances    demanded    help    from    quite 
another     standpoint.       The     presuppositions     of     the     later  . 
Catholicism  or  general  Christianity  of  the  sub-apostolic  age 
did  not  lie  in  distinctively  Pauline  conceptions.      The  Gentile 
Christians  who  formed   the   large   majority   in   most  of   the 
Christian  communities,  were  susceptible  less  to  the  idiosyn- 
crasies of  Paul's  great  genius  than  to  the  influences  making 
for  monotheism  and  morality  which  his  preaching  shared  with 
the  liberal  Judaism  of  the  Diaspora,  Hellenistic  ethics,  and 
the  social  aspirations  in  the  Empire.      These  ideals  and  dis- 
positions   converged    to    create   a    situation    which  formed  a 
vantage-ground  for  what  proved  to  be  the  permanent  shape 
of  the  new  faith.      Law  to  these  Christians  was  a  different 
thing   from   what   "  the  law "    had  been    to    Paul  or  to  the 
Palestinian  nationalists   within    the  church.      Such  essential 
principles  as  the  universalism  of  the  gospel — an  idea  of  Jesus 
which  Paul  had  the  honour  of  being  the  first  to  enunciate 
and  urge— the  abolition  of  national  distinctions,  the  supre- 
macy of  Jesus  as  a  revelation  of  God, — these  and  the  like 
passed  into  the  average  consciousness  of  Christianity.      But 
the    deep    postulates   upon   which  Paul    based    his   religious 
psychology  failed  to  win   a    similar   recognition.      The    con- 
ceptions of  faith  and  redemption,  the  idea  of  the  Christian's 
union  with  Christ,  the  principle  of  the  Spirit,  are  instances  of 
elements  unassimilated  by  a  later  age,  which  even  in  employing 
the  same  language  failed  to  use  it  with  the  rich  thought  and 


60  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

feeling  of  the  great  apostle.  It  is  a  complex  and  important 
problem,  this  whole  question  of  the  relation  between  early 
Christianity  and  its  great  figure  who  was  second  only  to  Jesus. 
To  what  degree  each  of  the  subsequent  writings  has  been  in- 
fluenced by  the  style  and  conceptions  of  Paulinism,  how  far 
such  influence — when  it  can  be  traced — was  conscious,  or 
due  to  the  general  atmosphere  of  the  age  which  had  absorbed 
many  of  the  Pauline  phrases,  how  far  also  such  apparent 
resemblances  may  be  the  result  of  a  common  pre-Christian 
consciousness,  to  what  extent  Paul  can  be  taken  as  a  fair 
exponent  of  average  Christianity, — these  are  among  the  chief 
inquiries  which  fall  to  be  answered  before  the  early  Christian 
development  can  be  historically  traced.^  Especially  vital  is 
the  question  of  how  far  the  Pauline  epistles  can  be  regarded 
as  representing  even  the  common  Christianity  of  their  own 
period.  The  loss  of  any  other  documents  directly  springing 
from  that  period,  and  reflecting  some  of  the  varied  phases  of 
early  Christian  development  during  these  decades  between 
30  and  70,  is  quite  irreparable.  How  different,  for  example, 
would  be  our  conception  of  the  Preformation  did  we  merely 
possess  the  writings  of  Luther  without  a  vestige  of  Zwingli, 
Carlstadt,  Melanchthon,  Hutten,  or  Erasmus !  But  in  any 
case  there  was  nothing  in  the  development  of  post-Pauline 
Christianity  which  exactly  corresponded  to  the  revival  by 
which  Isaiah's  ideas  were  carried  forward  to  a  central  and 
dominant  place  in  the  Deuteronomic  phase,  after  the  bitter 
reaction  which  followed  the  great  prophet's  death.  The 
heroic  spirit  of  Paulinism  ^  met  with  no  reaction  and  no 
revival — inside    the   limits    covered    by    the   NT    literature. 

^  A  recent  editor  of  the  Book  of  Jubilees  (W.  Singer,  1898)  has  actually- 
assigned  it  to  the  years  58-60  A.D.,  treating  it  as  a  Pharisaic  manifesto  against 
the  lax  method  of  Pauline  Christianity  with  reference  to  the  law,  and  as  a  sharp 
recall  to  the  exclusiveness  and  rigidity  from  which  many  were  being  seduced. 
Similarly,  Headlam,  DB,  ii.  701.  Peine  {Das  gcsctzcsfrcie,  Evangclium  dcs 
Paulus,  1899)  tries  to  show  that  Hellenistic  Judaism  only  influenced  Paul 
after  his  conversion,  and  that  the  apostle's  pre-Christian  consciousness  was 
rigidly  Pharisaic,  but  already  superior  to  the  position  of  the  original  apostles 
relatively  to  the  law. 

2  See  Dr.  Denney's  finelysympathcticparagraphsinia'6'7',ii.  jip.  .^72-57.'),  and 
Ilarnack's  recent  appreciation  in  Das  Wesendes  Christ culxuns  (1900),  pp.  110-118. 


PROLEGOMENA  61 

The  rest  of  that  literature  may  be  said  to  lie  in  the  wake 
of  Paulinism,  but  only  in  the  qualified  sense  already  noted. 
None  of  the  writings  can  be  described  as  directly  derivative 
from  it.^ 

(h)  A  cognate  reflection,  arising  from  what  has  been 
already  urged,  is  that  the  printed  order  of  the  writings  must 
not  be  hastily  identified  with  a  dogmatic  or  religious  progress. 
For  example,  the  chronological  arrangement  is  not  a  diplo- 
matic attempt  to  exaggerate,  by  a  sort  of  revived  Marcionitism, 
the  value  of  Paul's  epistles,  or  to  displace  the  gospels  from 
their  premier  position  as  Christian  sources.  The  connection 
between  the  Pauline  letters  and  the  gospels  is  too  delicate  a 
problem  to  be  solved  on  purely  chronological  presuppositions. 
How  far  the  facts  and  sayings  in  the  synoptics  have  been 
affected  ^  by  the  statements  of  the  epistles  or  the  influence 
which  they  exerted,  is  a  question  which  really  lies  outside  the 
province  of  the  present  attempt.  Bias  against  such  a  theory 
or  in  favour  of  it,  does  not  enter  into  one's  commission. 
Here  documents  are  treated  as  documents.  The  scientific 
study  of  the  NT  must  begin — wherever  it  may  finish — with 
the  serious  and  thorough  estimate  of  its  extant  records,  and 
it  is  exclusively  for  the  sake  of  this  that  the  present  arrange- 
ment has  been  compiled.  To  call  attention  to  the  facts — 
which  in  this  case  include  the  literary  priority  of  the  Pauline 
epistles — is    the   sole    business    of   literary    chronology.      An 

1  There  is  a  growing  disposition  in  the  best  criticism  of  to-tlay  to  discount 
either  canti-  or  pro-Pauliue  tendencies  even  in  the  synoptic  gospels.  By  the 
time  that  these  came  to  be  written  it  is  probable  that  the  nascent  Catholicism 
of  the  early  churches  formed  a  prevailing  atmosphere  in  which  the  earlier 
Paulinism  only  survived  as  one  of  several  elements.  Besides,  a  number  of  ideas 
and  expressions  may  have  been  the  common  possession  of  early  Christianity 
previous  to  60  A.D.,  though  from  the  accident  of  their  preservation  solely  in 
the  Pauline  letters  we  dub  them  specifically  "Pauline." 

^  Tendency-criticism,  as  I  have  already  said,  is  a  detected  idol  ;  but  so  is  the 
literalism  which  would  read  the  NT  out  of  all  connection  with  its  period. 
Beyond  dispute,  the  whole  meaning  of  historical  criticism  implies  the  existence 
of  such  forces  and  feelings  as  those  which  the  older  critics  of  the  Tubingen 
school  shaped  into  too  rigid  a  mould.  Their  main  error  lay  in  neglecting 
personalities  for  ideas,  and  in  ascribing  to  deliberate  volition  what  was  for  the 
most  part  either  the  unconscious  effect  of  prepossession,  or  the  outcome  of 
popular  prejudice  shared  by  a  large  body  of  the  early  Christians. 


62  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

estimate  of  that  priority,  in  its  bearings  and  limitations, 
belongs  to  other  methods  of  research,  and  to  another  pro- 
vince of  inquiry.  As  regards  the  idea  of  a  logical  progress 
of  development,  the  Pauline  epistles  illustrate  again  the 
truth  of  that  inevitable  and  familiar  axiom,  that  succession 
does  not  necessarily  coincide  with  a  progressive  or  a  retro- 
grade series.  Priority  is  not  equivalent  to  superiority.  The 
NT  presents  no  graduated  scale  upwards  or  dow^nwards. 
Development,  here  as  well  as  elsewhere,  is  not  synonymous 
with  ordered  and  orderly  advance  on  every  side.  While 
the  Pauline  letters  apparently  give  the  keynote  to  the  whole, 
in  reality  the  subsequent  literature  indicates  a  wealth  of 
thought  and  experience  which  can  be  construed  neither  as  an 
expansion  of  Paul's  original  conceptions  nor  as  a  declension 
from  them.  The  same  is  true  of  the  other  groups.  Further, 
the  printed  order  is  apt  again  to  hide  the  fact  that  phases  of 
thought  may  have  been  for  some  time  in  existence  before  any 
expression  of  them  occurs  in  literature.  The  synoptic  gospels 
and  the  fourth  gospel  are  instances  in  point.  That  one  book 
is  dated  some  years  after  another  does  not  prove  the  greater 
maturity  of  the  former.  Nor — to  take  an  opposite  illusion — 
does  the  religious  authority  of  writings  in  the  NT  vary  ab- 
solutely with  their  proximity  to  the  third  and  fourth  decades 
of  the  first  century.  It  is  often  difficult  to  conjecture  why  one 
book  came  to  be  written  so  early  as  it  was  actually  written, 
difficult  also  to  imagine  how  another  was  not  composed  at  a 
much  earlier  period.  Metaphors  are  notoriously  unsafe  ;  but 
one  is  tempted  to  compare  the  cognate  writings  of  the  NT 
not  so  much  to  the  locks  of  a  canal,  or  to  the  waves  of  a 
flowing  tide,  as  to  the  various  branches  of  a  delta.  To  speak 
without  figure,  it  is  risky  to  base  judgments  of  development 
and  maturity  upon  arguments  which  are  mainly  drawn  from 
chronological  appearances.  Affinities  of  thought  and  feel- 
ing do  not  necessarily  accompany  chronological  proximity. 
Writings  that  belong  to  the  same  school  of  experience  and 
reflection  may  be  separated  by  years,  even  by  whole  decades, 
from  one  another;  while,  given  conflicting  interests  and  a 
scattered  area,  a  single  epoch   will    often    produce  works   of 


PROLEGOMENA  63 

quite  a  divergent  spirit,  reactionary  as  well  as  progressive. 
One  of  the  most  salutary  items  to  be  remembered  in  this 
connection  is  that  the  Apocalypse,  Acts,  and  the  epistle 
of  Clem.  Eom.  are  substantially  contemporaneous  documents ; 
which  is  almost  as  significant  as  the  fact  that  in  the  OT 
literature,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Deutero-Isaiah,  with  their 
deviating  ideas  and  conceptions,  represent  what  are  practic- 
ally contemporaneous  phases  of  Jewish  religious  development, 
(c)  Finally,  the  form  of  such  an  edition  as  this  might 
convey  the  impression  that  the  letters  of  Paul  were  the 
literary  pioneers  of  Christianity — as  though,  like  Coleridge's 
mariners,  they  were — 

"  The  first  that  ever  burst 
Into  that  silent  sea." 

Undoubtedly  their  value  is  capital.  For  all  intents  and 
purposes  these  letters  give  what  is  practically  the  earliest 
and  most  adequate  expression  of  the  new  faith  as  it  shaped 
itself  in  the  mind  of  many  during  the  first  generation.  But, 
as  has  been  already  remarked,  the  precise  relation  of 
Paulinism  to  contemporary  Christianity  is  another  of  those 
questions  in  the  discussion  of  which  a  chronological  arrange- 
ment of  the  literature  fails  to  supply  a  complete  answer 
by  itself,  and  indeed  may  prove  somewhat  misleading. 
Two  facts  have  to  be  borne  in  mind,  (i.)  While  the  Paul- 
ine epistles  were  the  first  and  incomparably  the  finest, 
they  were  not  the  sole  literary  products  between  30  and 
60  A.D.  These  years  cannot  have  been  altogether  a  "silent 
sea."  To  say  nothing  of  apocalyptic  fragments  and  early 
Christian  songs,  there  are  indications  that,  although  hardly 
any  definite  traces  have  been  preserved,  letters  must  have 
been  gradually  employed  during  this  period  as  a  means 
of  strengthening  Christian  intercourse  and  intelligence. 
Evidence  for  this  is  to  be  found,  e.g.,  in  allusions  to 
i-TTLaroXai  a-vararLKai  (2  Co  3^),  letters  of  commendation 
or  introduction,  as  a  feature  of  church-life  (Ac  18^'')  which 
Paul  found  in  existence.^      This  primitive  Christian  literature 

^  A  specimen  is  preserved  in  Ro  16'"-°  (cp.  below).    For  an  interesting  Jewish 
instance  of  tlie  practice,  cp.  the  epistles  of  credit  and  authority  given  by  the 


64  HISTOEICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

was,  like  the  primitive  ceramic  art  of  Hellas,  comparatively 
private.  Upon  vases  intended  for  the  household's  use,  paint- 
ing first  lavished  its  grace  and  skill ;  and  in  letters  for  the 
quieter  purposes  of  intercourse,^  the  literary  spirit  was 
employed  by  Christians  before  the  aim  and  scope  of  it  be- 
came enlarged.  In  the  nature  of  things,  the  use  of  epistles, 
taken  over  from  the  habits  of  Judaism,  and  especially 
Alexandrian  Judaism  {e.g.  Jer  29^- ^^•^\  epp.  of  Jerem.  and 
Baruch,  also  2  Mac  1^-  ^^),'^  preceded  evangelic  narratives. 
The  former  were  occasional  and  immediate  in  character, 
the  latter — Xoyia,  hi'r}y^aei<;,  aTrofjLvrjfiovevfjuaTa — imply  a 
rather  more  advanced  epoch,  when  the  early  advent  of 
Jesus  was  no  longer  a  momentary  expectation,  and  his 
life  had  come  into  greater  importance  and  prominence. 
Nevertheless,  by  60  a.d.  at  least,  such  notes  and  collections 
may  have  begun  to  exist  in  rough  form.  The  current  was 
at  any  rate  setting  unmistakably  in  that  direction.  Possibly, 
during  the  time  of  Paul's  later  literary  activity,  written 
evangelic  narratives  were  in  existence  here  and  there,  especially 
within  the  primitive  Palestinian  churches.  The  primary 
need  for  these  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  a  new  genera- 
tion was  rising,  dependent  for  their  acquaintance  with  the 
history  of  Jesus  upon  a  fast-diminishing  company  of  eye- 
witnesses, in  the  rapid  extension  of  the  Christian  commun- 
ities, and  even  in  the  mission  activities  of  the  Palestinian 
disciples.  To  these  impulses  there  must  also  be  added  another 
which  sprang  from  them  before  long,  namely,  the    need    of 

Jewish  leaders  in  Jerusalem  to  Paul  (Ac  9-22^).  The  term  "epistle,"  how- 
ever, is  as  inadequate  to  express  the  contents  of  writings  like  Romans  and 
Ephesians,  as  is  "satire  "  when  applied  to  the  poems  of  Lucilius  or  Juvenal. 

^  On  the  desire  for  instruction,  at  a  later  epoch,  cp.  Polyk.  ad  Phil.  iii.  2, 
xiii.  1,  2.  Up  to  the  close  of  the  canon  the  epistle  retains  its  place  as  a  means 
of  enforcing  discipline  (3  Jn),  and  of  conveying  religious  instruction  (Jud  3). 
Cp.  Batiffol,  Anctennes  Litt.  ChrMennes,  "La  Litteratur  Grecque,"  pp.  1-24, 
and  Deissmann,  Bibelstudicn,  pp.  190-252. 

^  E.fj.  Ac  28^^  i]ix€ls  oCre  ypAfi/xaTa  irepl  aov  iSe^dfieOa  airb  ttjs  'loi'Sai'as.  The 
Christian  use  in  Ac  I.'j,  16^  ;  Clem.  Rom.  Ixiii.  The  famous  epistle  of  Aristeas 
to  Philokrates  has  been  called  "a  [U'cdecessor,  in  form,  of  the  larger  NT 
epistles."  On  the  other  hand,  the  original  literary  form  introduced  by  Chris- 
tianity was  the  gospel. 


PROLEGOMENA  65 

translating  the  tradition  from  the  original  Aramaic  ver- 
nacular into  Greek.  That  attempts  must  have  been  made 
to  meet  such  requirements  is  inherently  probable  (Blass, 
PG,  pp.  21-24;  Wright,  Conqjosition  of  the  Four  GosjjcIs,  pp. 
1-31).  It  is  also  corroborated  by  the  surviving  gospels. 
Even  the  earliest  of  these  leaves  no  impression  of  tenta- 
tiveness  on  the  mind ;  there  is  nothing  of  that  comparative 
lack  of  precision  and  definite  outlines  which  is  often  felt 
in  the  pioneers  of  any  department  in  Hterature.  They 
represent  the  midsummer,  not  the  spring,  of  their  literary 
cycle.  The  subject  had  been  already — perhaps  often — 
handled,  even  before  Mark's  gospel  took  its  present  shape ; 
although  these  earlier  narratives,  like  the  sources  and 
authorities  of  Tacitus  in  the  Annales,  have  disappeared. 
Luke's  preface  proves  that  our  first  three  gospels  are  "  first " 
for  us,  not  absolutely  "  first."  They  were  the  best,  not  the 
only  narratives.  It  is  still  far  from  being  probable  that  the 
literature,  of  which  they  are  the  survivors,  and  which  they 
seem  to  have  speedily  antiquated,  could  have  existed  as  far 
back  as  the  sixth  decade ;  nevertheless,  upon  any  reasonable 
criticism  of  the  synoptists,  their  sources  and  substance  must 
have  partially  existed  in  written  form  by  the  opening  of 
the  seventh  decade.  "  Mox  etiam  hbros  de  Jesu  compositos 
esse  puto,  vel  in  eosdem  usus  vel  Theophilis  (qui  profecto 
multi  fuerunt)  destinatos,  ut  intra  viginti  fere  annos  a 
Christi  excessu  jam  copia  quaedam  talium  librorum  exstaret. 
Erat  enim  aetas  ilia  litterarum  plena,  novaque  religio  minime 
intra  illiteratam  plebem  manebat."  ^  This  is  probably  to 
push  matters  too  far  back.      But  there  is  evidence  sufficient 


^  Blass  {Acta  Apostolorum,  p.  5),  who  recently  has  argued  for  the  composi- 
tion even  of  Luke's  gospel  (!)  before  60,  and  of  written  narratives  before  50  a.d. 
{vide  his  editions  of  "Acts"  and  "Luke,"  PG,  pp.  31,  33-52,  and  article 
in  Ex^}.  Ti.  vii.  565).  Dr.  Sanday  {Bampton  Led.  p.  283)  and  Professor  Bruce 
{ExGT,  i.  24,  25)  seem  inclined  to  agree  that  the  great  central  portion  of  the 
tradition  in  the  synoptic  gospels  existed  in  some  fixed  shape  before  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem.  "  Die  Evangelien  gehoren  ihrem  wesentlichen  Inhalte  nach  noch 
der  ersten,  jlidischen  Epoclie  des  Christenthums  an,  jener  kurzen  Epoche,  die 
wir  als  die  palaontologische  bezeichnen  konnen,"  Harnack,  Das  Wesen  des 
Chrisleniums  (1900),  p.  14). 

5 


66  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

to  prove  that  during  the  Pauline  period  early  Christianity 
had  produced  sporadic  forms  of  epistolary  hterature,  and 
at  least  the  embryonic  phases  of  what  subsequently  came  to 
be  wrought  up  into  evangelic  narratives,  (ii.)  Together  with 
this  feature,  another  must  be  reckoned.  About  twenty  years 
elapsed  between  the  crucifixion  and  the  earliest  of  Paul's 
epistles.  During  this  time,  and  even  previous  to  his  con- 
version, a  Christian  life  was  active,  which  did  not  owe  its 
origin  to  him.  He  found  churches  in  existence  when  he 
became  a  Christian,  and  alongside  of  his  activity  other  agents 
worked  more  or  less  independently  of  his  principles.  These 
factors,  and  others  like  them,  have  to  be  taken  into  account 
in  forming  an  adequate  estimate  of  the  period  between  30 
and  70.  The  accident  that  only  Paul's  theology  survived 
in  literary  products,  and  that  the  minor  contemporary  currents 
failed  to  win  any  equal  or  at  least  immediate  record,  ought 
not  to  be  allowed  to  distort  the  historical  view  into  an  undue 
exaggeration  or  depreciation.  This  is  one  of  those  cases 
where  again  it  must  be  said  that  the  written  expression  of 
an  age  needs  to  be  corrected  and  supplemented  by  the  recol- 
lection that  the  real  importance  of  any  movement  is  not 
to  be  adequately  measured  by  the  literary  memorials  which 
it  afterwards  secured.  Before  and  through  and  round  the 
Pauline  letters,  the  mind's  eye  has  to  see  much  that  cannot 
be  set  down  in  black  and  white.^ 

Facts  like  these  bring  out  very  forcibly  the  introductory 
and  limited  character  of  a  chronological  edition.  To  know 
the  birthday  of  a  book,  as  Dr.  Martineau  insists,  is  still  a 
long  way  from  a  settlement  of  its  parentage.      A  longer  way. 


^  On  the  relation  of  Paul's  theology  to  the  teaching  of  Jesus,  there  are  very 
fine  essays  by  Wendt  {ZThK  {1894),  pp.  1-78)  and  Gloatz  (^^(1895),  777-800). 
Generally  speaking,  we  may  say  that  in  investigating  the  facts  and  beliefs  that 
lie  between  30  and  45  (or  even  65),  we  are  peering  through  a  haze  Avhich 
renders  their  outline  uncertain  at  many  points,  and  occasionally  prevents 
us  from  being  sure  whether  wc  are  viewing  a  given  object  in  its  true  pro- 
portions, or  whether  indeed  it  is  not  an  unsubstantial  illusion.  No  contem- 
porary documents  exist.  The  main  guide  is  inference  based  on  later  writings 
and  developments,  from  which  the  historical  imagination  argues  back  with 
more  or  loss  penetration  to  the  course  of  anterior  events. 


PROLEGOMENA  67 

one  might  add,  from  decisive  conclusions  upon  its  value  and 
trustworthiness.  Certainty  on  the  date  does  not  win  every- 
thing at  once.  The  supreme  adjective  for  chronology  is 
"preliminary,"  and  few  will  be  so  hasty  as  to  imagine  that, 
even  were  the  question  of  dates  more  settled  than  it  is  at 
present,  a  corresponding  assurance  would  have  been  thereby 
attained  with  regard  to  the  historical  contents  and  connections 
of  the  records.  Their  historicity  and  inner  relations  are 
always  further  problems,  although  it  is  upon  these  more  than 
once  that  the  question  of  the  date  partially  depends.  Con- 
sequently, while  it  is  possible  to  tabulate  luminously  and 
honestly  what  seem  to  be  results  of  thorough  criticism — 
though  provisional,  they  need  not  be  indefinite — the  attempt 
must  be  prefaced  by  the  reminder  that  they  do  not  form  the 
whole,  seldom  even  the  major  part,  of  the  critical  business. 
Beyond  them  lie  the  burning  questions.^ 

For  the  most  part  a  similarly  provisional  character 
attaches  even  to  the  "  date  "  of  a  document.  That  also  has  to 
be  taken  in  a  somewhat  loose  sense.  Usually  it  is  equivalent 
to  a  circa  of  one  or  two  years,  occasionally  to  a  larger  period, 
during  which  the  writing  is  first  known  to  have  been  in  cir- 
culation.2  Only  in  a  few  cases,  like  those  of  the  Thessalonian 
and  Corinthian  letters,  can  the  exact  year,  and  even  the  month, 
be  determined.^     The  fact  is,  a  consensus  of  opinion  is  to  be 

^  At  the  same  time,  exception  must  V)e  taken  to  the  unqualified  remark  that 
"  the  doctrinal  contents  of  an  epistle  may  be  correctly  and  adequately  exhibited, 
whatever  view  be  held  respecting  its  author  or  its  date "  (Stevens,  NTTh, 
p.  248).  Surely,  e.g.,  the  epistle  of  James  is  one  thing  in  the  pre- Pauline 
period,  and  a  very  different  thing  in  the  post-Pauline.  1  Peter  becomes  in  the 
seventh  decade  a  writing  of  such  spirit  and  significance  as  are  considerably 
altered  when  it  is  taken  some  twenty  or  sixty  years  later.  Change  the  locus  of 
an  epistle,  adopt  one  view  or  another  of  its  authorship,  and  the  lights  inevitably 
shift.  In  fact,  the  more  accurately  a  writing  is  understood  in  connection  with  its 
age,  the  more  vital  to  its  interpretation  are  the  problems  of  authorship  and  date. 
They  seldom  become  altogether  accessory  or  subordinate,  nor  are  they  in  any  case 
quite  a  matter  of  indifference  either  to  the  interpreter,  or  to  any  one  who  endeav- 
ours to  use  such  a  document  carefully  in  his  reconstruction  of  early  Christianity. 

"  The  later  ecclesiastical  term  dedrj/j.ocrievfj.^i'ai  ypacpai  (Origen)  suggests  mainly 
the  public  reading  of  the  writings  in  chui-ch  {=publicari). 

^  In  dating  the  OT  writings  upon  a  similar  scheme,  the  dialects  and  idioms 
of  Hebrew  are  of  large  service  (cj).  Margoliouth,  DB,  iii.  p.  33  f).     A  change  in 


68  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

gathered  from  the  conflicting  special  investigations  of  scholar- 
ship only  by  some  such  self-denying  ordinance  of  abstinence 
from  minutiae.  Fortunately,  for  most  practical  purposes  it 
is  not  necessary  to  go  further  into  details.  As  a  rule  the 
relative  date  of  a  writing  is  sufficient,  i.e.  its  place  in  the 
general  scheme  before  or  after  certain  other  books,  previous 
or  subsequent  to  some  fixed  point  in  history.  More  than 
this  often  cannot  and  need  not  be  demanded.  In  NT 
criticism,  as  emphatically  as  elsewhere,  the  Aristotelian  canon 
holds :  Be  content  with  attaining  so  much  precision  and 
accuracy  as  the  nature  of  the  subject  in  hand  allows.  Gener- 
ally, with  the  exception  to  which  I  have  referred,  it  is  a 
matter  of  small  moment  to  know  the  exact  month  or  even 
year  in  which  a  writing  was  composed,  and  the  mere  passion 
for  a  date,  as  for  a  theological  label  to  a  writing,  is  easily 
carried  over  the  bounds  of  healthy  scholarship.  Beyond 
a  certain  point,  absorption  in  such  minutiae  becomes  a 
distraction.  It  is  not  impossible — witness  certain  lines  of 
hypercriticism — to  neglect  the  cedar  of  Lebanon  through  the 
amount  of  wasteful  attention  paid  to  the  hyssop  on  the  wall. 
The  balance  needs  to  be  more  correctly  struck  in  many  cases. 
In  fact  the  purposes  of  interpretation  are  excellently  served, 
as  a  rule,  by  assigning  to  the  various  writings  of  the  NT  and 
their  dates  a  range  which  refuses  to  be  unduly  precise,  and 
is  content  for  the  most  part  with  ascertaining  their  relative 
order.     One  might  almost  declare  with  Dr.  Bosanquet,  that 

vocabulary  and  syntax  can  be  felt  as  one  passes,  e.g.,  from  the  older  narratives  of 
Sam-Kings  to  Deutero- Isaiah  and  the  memoirs  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  ;  similarly, 
to  the  criticism  of  writings  like  Ecclesiastes,  Daniel,  and  Esther,  the  linguistic 
evidence  of  Aramaisms  proves  at  many  points  invaluable.  Unfortunately  this 
aid  of  language  fails  in  the  criticism  of  the  NT  almost  entirely.  Differences 
can  be  traced  between  the  Greek  of  one  writing  and  another,  but  the  scale  of 
the  literature  is  too  confined  and  the  time  too  brief  for  such  idiosyncrasies 
to  afford  reliable  data  towards  determining  the  chronology  of  the  writings. 
Hellenistic  Greek,  as  employed  in  the  NT,  does  not  fall  into  periods.  Its  varied 
elements  help  to  differentiate  one  group  of  writings  from  another  ;  but  Latin- 
isms  or  Hebraisms  seldom  if  ever  yield  any  sure  materials  for  fixing  or  even 
verifying  the  relative  position  of  this  book  and  that.  The  principle  upon  which 
stylistic  features  can  be  safely  used  as  a  criterion  for  the  date  or  gi-ouping  of  a 
writer's  various  compositions,  are  stated  carefully  by  Zeller,  Archiv  fi'ir 
Geschichte  der  rhilosophic,  neue  Folge,  iv.  L  pp.  1-12,  "  Sprachstatistisches." 


PROLEGOMENA  6  9 

occasionally  it  is  something  at  least  "  to  know  when  they 
were  not  written."  ^ 

Just  as  these  limitations  do  not  interfere  with  the  genuine 
advantage  and  aim  of  a  chronological  order,  neither  is  that 
order  disqualified  by  the  fact  that  the  grounds  upon  which  it 
rests  are  partially  tentative.  To  some  extent,  it  is  true,  criti- 
cism has  cleared  the  area  of  debate  and  sensibly  reduced  the 
more  extravagant  theories.  There  are  signs  that  the  trouble 
of  the  documents  at  least  is  abating.  But  this  does  not  apply 
to  every  point  or  side  of  the  question.  To  write  with  any- 
thing like  justice  and  accuracy  upon  the  criticism  of  the  NT, 
even  in  regard  to  the  dates  of  its  literature,  one  is  often 
obliged  to  employ  a  staccato  and  chilling  repetition  ^  of 
"  perhaps  "  and  "  probably  "  ;  while  to  take  any  line  of  one's 
own  means  opposition  here  and  there  to  a  more  or  less 
weighty  body  of  critics.  Several  of  the  writings  still  abide 
our  question.  Indeed,  in  almost  every  department  of  research 
upon  the  beliefs  and  customs  of  the  early  Christian  age,  gaps 
are  discovered,  points  between  which  no  connection  is  easily 
visible,  intermediate  stages  that  must  have  once  existed  and 
cannot  now  be  reconstructed  with  sureness,  blanks  in  the 
course  and  sweep  of  life  which  only  the  historical  imagination 
can  be  relied  on  to  fill  up.  All  this  affects  the  arrangement 
of  the  literature.      Such  employment  of  surmise  and  hypo- 

^  "How  to  read  the  New  Testament,"  Essays  and  Addresses  (1891),  p.  159. 
Op.  Rainy,  The  Bible  and  Criticisvi,  pp.  14-23.  Some  of  the  more  recent  move- 
ments in  criticism  are  occasionally  described  as  a  "retreat  from  the  second 
century  "  ;  but  this  phrase  needs  considerable  qualification,  and  certainly  does 
not  support  the  vague  impression  which  seems  to  prevail  in  some  circles,  that 
to  assign  a  document  to  the  second  century  is  to  stamp  it  as  second-rate.  Such 
an  idea  is  an  unhistorical  misapprehension.  No  evidence  exists  to  prove  that 
about  the  year  100  a.d.  a  night  of  unclean  and  inferior  things  descended  upon 
early  Christianity,  when  the  "good  things  of  the  day"  began  "to  droop  and 
drowse." 

2  Though  this  is  often  practised  to  quite  a  needless  extent.  It  is  useless  to 
follow  the  first  part  of  Cicero's  well-known  maxim  for  the  historian— ne  quid 
falsi  dicere  audeat — without  adding  courage  to  caution  and  proceeding— deinde 
ne  quid  veri  non  audeat.  Much  more  is  definite  in  NT  criticism  than  is  com- 
monly allowed,  and  the  affectation  of  reticence  and  hesitation  is  due  as  often  to 
intellectual  looseness  or  incapacity,  as  to  a  proper  desire  to  be  scrupulously 
fair  and  accurate  in  judgment. 


70  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

thesis  puts  the  literary  problems  on  conjectural  ground ;  it 
forbids  robust  and  unambiguous  statements,  and  frequently 
makes  any  approach  to  unanimity  impossible.  Still,  this  is 
a  risk  that  has  to  be  taken  and  will  have  to  be  taken  with 
any  arrangement  and  at  any  time.  Besides,  it  must  be  added, 
recent  movements  in  NT  criticism  have  made  such  an  attempt 
at  a  chronological  order  much  more  feasible  than  has  hitherto 
been  the  case,  by  clearing  up  one  or  two  difficulties  to  the 
verge  of  actual  probability.  The  days  are  past  when  the 
beginning  of  knowledge  in  many  quarters  seems  to  have  been 
contempt  for  Eusebius  and  his  authorities.  Tradition  is  being 
wonderfully,  though  far  from  entirely,  rehabilitated,  and  that 
implies  a  wider  province  of  common  agreement  ^  upon  the 
individual  and  relative  positions  of  the  NT  writings.  This  is 
true  even  when  one  hesitates  to  accept  in  toto  Harnack's  seduct- 
ive and  exuberant  vindication  of  tradition,^  or  the  particular 
theories  which  he  applies  to  the  NT  writings.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  by  this  critical  tendency,  of  which  his  famous 

^  From  the  standpoint  of  an  intelligent  and  dispassionate  ontsider,  the  late 
Mr.  G.  J.  Romanes  was  on  the  whole  justified  in  claiming  that  the  outcome  of 
the  great  battle  upon  the  Christian  texts  had  been,  "impartially  considered,  a 
signal  victory  for  Christianity."  As  he  pointed  out,  "  prior  to  the  new  [biblical] 
science,  there  was  really  no  rational  basis  in  thoughtful  minds  either  for  the 
date  of  any  one  of  the  NT  books,  or,  consequently,  for  the  historical  truth  of 
any  one  of  the  events  narrated  in  them.  But  now  all  this  kind  of  scepticism 
has  been  rendered  obsolete"  {Thoughts  on  Religion  (1895),  pp.  155,  156).  At 
the  same  time,  as  the  Notes  and  Ajipendix  will  show,  there  are  several 
points  at  which  the  need  is  to  follow  up  tracks  of  fresh  inquuy  rather  than  to 
halt  in  any  final  conclusions. 

"In  the  Vorrede  to  his  "Chronologic"  (1897).  It  is  unnecessary  to  quote 
the  well-known  sentences,  particularly  as  their  foundation  has  been  rather 
shaken  by  the  subsequent  discovery  of  compositions  like  the  Coptic  "Acts  of 
Paul"  (cp.  Dr.  Schmidt,  the  editor,  in  ThLz  (1898),  316,  and  Harnack  himself, 
ibid.  (1897),  629).  That  a  Avork  of  this  kind  should  be  accepted  by  sub- 
apostolic  tradition  does  not  tend  to  increase  one's  confidence  in  that  tradition, 
and  certainly  warrants  any  cautious  investigator  in  refusing  to  accept  statements 
simply  because  they  are  current  in  the  church  by  the  time  of  Irenaeus. 
Tradition,  as  an  accurate  channel  for  the  transmission  of  genuinely  canonical 
literature,  does  not  deserve  the  blank  certificate  which  Harnack  seems  or  seemed 
inclined  to  award  it.  Further,  the  standpoint  of  his  scheme  with  regard  to  the 
NT  literature  cannot  be  said  to  be  exactly  representative,  nor  does  it  afibrd  any 
adequate  grounds  for  the  belief  that  it  implies  a  conservative  reaction  in  NT 
criticism. 


PROLEGOMENA  71 

volume  is  one  of  the  most  outspoken  representatives,  the 
outlines  of  the  NT  literary  order  have  been  brought  into 
greater  distinctness,  and  now  approximate  more  nearly  to 
finality.  The  limits  within  which  doubt  and  guess  are  tenable 
have  been  sensibly  contracted ;  and  in  this  way  an  attempt 
like  the  present  cannot  be  pronounced  either  premature  or 
illegitimate,  although  several  of  its  problems  still  remain 
complex  and  unmapped.  Of  the  individual  documents,  the 
majority  bear  so  plainly  the  date  and  character  of  their 
origin,  that  there  is  little  risk  of  an  uncertain  answer  to  the 
question, "  Whose  image  and  superscription  is  this  ?  "  It  is  only 
the  minority  that  resemble  defaced  coins  upon  which  the 
marks  of  place  and  time  either  have  turned  illegible  or  else 
have  never  been  cut  at  all.  In  the  order  adopted  in  the 
present  edition,  were  Ephesians  and  1  Peter  put  (say)  ten  or 
twenty  years  later,  Acts  brought  down  nearer  to  the  opening 
of  the  second  century  than  I  have  been  able  at  present  to 
place  it,  and  Matthew  (Luke  ?)  similarly  thrown  back,  these 
slight  changes  would  be  almost  sufficient  to  represent  an 
arrangement  of  the  NT  literature  upon  which  a  large  body  of 
liberal  criticism  at  the  present  day  is  agreed  with  practical 
unanimity. 

The  prospects  of  such  a  healthy  state  of  matters  in  NT 
criticism  depend,  however,  upon  the  straightforward  rejection 
of  any  eirenicon  like  that  which  is  occasionally  offered  in  this 
country  by  some  influential  writers  {e.g.  Gore,  Lux  Mundi^^ 
pp.  xviif.,  xxixf.,  240  f.,  258  f.,  etc.;  and  Driver,  Introd. 
Lit.  OT^  p.  xviif.),  who,  conceding  the  rights  of  criticism 
within  the  province  of  the  OT,  decline  to  admit  the  legitimacy 
of  similar  historical  research  in  the  NT  literature,  upon  the 
ground  either  that  the  latter  collection  possesses  certain 
qualities  of  finality  and  authority  which  exempt  it  from  being 
judged  by  the  canons  of  ordinary  treatment,  or  that  it  was 
"  produced  under  very  different  historical  conditions."  This 
role  of  the  theological  Canute  is  due  to  excellent  motives ; 
but  it  must  be  pronounced  not  merely  indefensible  but  in- 
jurious to  the  best  interests  of  faith  and  truth.  The  com- 
promise rests  on  a  misapprehension,  and  is  as  unnecessary  as 


72  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

it  is  illegitimate.  1  It  has  no  basis  in  the  facts  which  come 
under  discussion.  The  condition  of  early  Christianity  in  the 
first  and  second  centuries,  it  is  true,  was  such  as  to  render 
the  limits  within  which  tradition  could  be  modified  consider- 
ably less  than  in  the  older  Semitic  literature.  In  the  latter 
we  often  deal  with  centuries  where  in  the  former  the  unit  is 
a  decade.  Besides,  the  contexture  and  vitality  of  the  early 
Christian  communities  naturally  made  testimony  upon  the 
whole  less  ambiguous  and  remote  than  in  the  long  spaces  of 
Hebrew  development.  But  the  comparative  brevity  of  this 
period  and  its  internal  excellence  do  not  imply  that  its  record 
must  iijso  facto  be  strictly  historical,  nor  do  they  absolutely 
preclude  the  activity  of  such  influences  as  elsew^here  modify, 
develop,  and  transmute  existing  traditions  under  recognised 
tendencies  of  human  life.  As  any  tyro  in  NT  criticism  is 
aware,  during  the  period  between  30  and  130  a.d.  such  influ- 
ences were  particularly  keen,  owing  to  the  mental  atmosphere 
of  the  time  and  the  religious  ferment  excited  by  the  new 
faith.  Between  the  quality  of  the  testimony  in  the  OT  and 
that  of  the  NT  the  difference  is  patent  and  material ;  still  it 
is  a  difference  not  of  kind  but  of  degree.  The  principles 
and  standards  of  historical  proof  are  the  same,  whatever 
literature  be  the  subject  of  inquiry,  although  the  scale  of 
application  naturally  varies  in  proportion  to  the  character  of 
the  materials.  Early  Christianity  does  not  indeed  require 
the  same  elaborateness  or  methods  of  literary  science  as  are 
demanded  by  the  condition  in  which  the  OT  documents  have 
reached  the  modern  scholar ;  but  unless  the  character  of  the 
first  and  second  centuries  a.d.  be  estimated  by  historical 
methods,  in  as  thorough  and  free  a  spirit  as  the  age  of 
Samuel  or  Isaiah,  it  will  continue  to  remain  a  province  for 
arbitrary  guess-work,  and  to  present  the  average  reader  with 
a  series  of  writings  whose  sense  and  connection  lie  at  the 

^  Hort,  as  usual,  occupies  the  correct  sta,ViAY)omi  {HiUscan  Lectures,  1894,  pp. 
175,  176) :  "  No  line  is  possible  between  what  has  come  to  nien,  and  their 
interpretation  of  what  has  come  to  them.  .  .  .  The  words  and  facts  of  gospel 
history  and  of  apostolic  history,  as  historical  and  literary  phenomena,  demand 
to  be  subjected  to  historical  and  literary  criticism." 


PROLEGOMENA  73 

mercy  of  dogmatic  or  devotional  fantasy.  Similarly,  to  hold 
that  the  religion  enshrined  in  the  NT  is  final  in  substance 
and  supreme  in  quality,  does  not  require  its  adherents  to  rail 
off  that  literature  nervously  and  sharply  as  ex  hy;pothesi  a 
sacred  enclosure,  nor  have  those  who  do  so  the  right  of 
assuming  that  this  is  an  essential  or  permanent  position. 
Unique  contents  do  not  imply  unique  setting,  any  more  than 
piety  of  character  carries  with  it  physical,  moral,  or  mental 
perfection.  "E^ofxev  top  61-jaavpov  tovtov  iv  oarpaKivoa 
(TKeve(TLv.  The  historicity  of  the  tradition  embodied  in  the 
NT  literature  is  far  too  solid  to  require  privileged  treatment 
or  to  need  exaggerated  claims  on  its  behalf.  Indeed,  its 
excellence  becomes  visible  and  intelligible  only  as  the  forms 
in  which  it  has  been  preserved  are  allowed  to  pass  the  test 
imposed  by  the  ordinary  canons  of  historical  and  literary 
science  when  these  are  fairly  applied ;  any  attempt  to  pre- 
clude this  analysis  as  irrelevant  or  dangerous  must  be  firmly 
set  aside.  Such  attempts  read  more  or  less  into  the  litera- 
ture :  they  do  not  read  it  for  itself.  A  concern  to  establish 
the  historicity  and  continuity  of  the  faith  is  praiseworthy ; 
but  when  it  assumes  the  advocate's  garb  and  intrudes  upon 
the  study  of  early  Christian  literature,  it  is  apt  to  bring  a 
leprosy  of  incompetence  wdiich  taints  even  work  that  is  pro- 
fessedly written  upon  critical  principles  (cp.  ICC,  "  Eomans," 
p.  xli,  "  Luke,"  p.  v).  For  the  historical  student  of  that 
literature  it  is  safer  to  assume  that  the  categories  of  the  three 
great  C.'s  do  not  exist.  His  work  is  merely  with  the  pre- 
suppositions and  embryonic  phases  of  church  and  creed  and 
canon,  nor  can  even  the  first  of  these  be  postulated  by 
him  except  in  a  most  modified  and  unmodern  sense.  As  the 
facts  that  lead  to  these  emerge,  his  task  draws  to  a  close. 
To  drag  them  back  into  the  fabric  of  that  early  age  is  not 
merely  to  naively  beg  the  whole  question  at  issue,  but  to  court 
anachronisms  and  solecisms  on  every  side,  and  to  conclude 
with  results  which  are  almost  as  pathetic  and  incongruous  as 
those  produced  by  Voltaire's  application  of  the  French 
"  unities  "  to  the  Shakespearian  drama. 

It  is  by  steering  clear  of  such  errors  that  liberal  criticism 


74  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

is  alone  able  to  reach  a  position  in  regard  to  the  NT  literature 
which  satisfies  the  interests  alike  of  faith  and  scholar- 
ship. In  pursuance  of  this  course,  the  following  edition 
has  been  arranged.  On  a  first  glance,  probably,  the  impres- 
sion left  by  it  may  be  disconcerting  and  chaotic,  a  bewilder- 
ing sense  of  eddies  and  currents  running  vaguely  through 
those  early  years  ;  but  this  feeling  of  discomposure  is  inevitable 
in  the  nature  of  the  case.  It  proceeds  not  merely  from  the 
contrast  and  familiarity  of  the  canonical  order,  but  also  from 
the  fact  that  the  real  connection  of  the  writings,  as  well  as 
the  historical  movement  in  which  they  appeared,  both  lie 
below  the  surface  and  must  be  made  out  from  a  study 
and  comparison  of  the  records.  Besides,  literature  is  like 
the  life  of  which  it  forms  one  expression :  neither  is  apt  to 
be  symmetrical.  History  seldom  moves  in  the  rhythm  of 
dialectic,  and  it  is  not  customary  for  vitality  of  belief  and 
action  to  show  itself  in  a  neat  elaborated  series  of  pamphlets 
and  discussions.  The  real  growth  of  such  an  age  as  that  of 
early  Christianity  is  to  be  sought  in  the  confusing  and  ap- 
parently conflicting  phases  of  energy,  belief,  and  morals, 
whose  very  richness  surges  up  in  records  like  the  NT 
documents,  diverse  and  scattered.  These  in  their  irregular 
sequence  are  simply  the  proof  of  a  wealthy  and  developing 
genius  in  the  religion  they  delineate,  a  religion  which  was  not 
less  heterogeneous  than  the  Judaism  out  of  which  it  rose. 

As  the  initial  feeling  of  awkwardness  passes,  however,  it 
is  hoped  that  some  clearer  insight  into  the  NT  will  accrue 
from  the  use  of  this  edition  along  with  the  canonical  order. 
The  alteration  of  the  conventional  focus  should  be  justified  by 
such  gains  as  a  more  genuine  and  tenable  impression  of  the 
unity  within  the  NT,  and  of  its  advance  in  institutions, 
ethics,  and  ideas,  a  sense  of  the  larger  sky  behind  the  church, 
a  vista  of  the  variations  and  discrepancies  within  the 
apostolic  consciousness,  decreased  liability  to  error  in  some 
lines  of  research  and  interpretation,  a  truer  orientation  of  the 
documents,  and  the  new  mental  possession  (afforded  by  print) 
of  some  conclusions  in  regard  to  the  NT  which  have  already 
commended  themselves  by  their  own  sense  and  force.      It  is 


PROLEGOMENA  75 

for  results  like  these  that  one  looks  in  this  genetic  order  of 
the  literature  as  it  lies  beside  the  history.  Even  if  in  out- 
ward form  the  arrangement  seems  rather  an  unshapely  mass, 
like  the  body  of  Oedipus,  "not  goodly  to  the  sight"  {ov 
(TirovBaiov  eh  oyfriv),  perhaps  it  may  be  added  ultimately  of 
the  one  as  of  the  other  in  point  of  practical  effectiveness, 
"  but  the  gains  from  it  are  better  than  beauty  "  (ra  Se  KepZrj 
Trap'  avTOv  Kpeiaaov   rj  /jiop<j)rj  KoXri). 


HISTORICAL   TABLES 


Chronology  enters  into  the  important  parts  of  history  as  one  of  the  main 
conditions  under  which  history  itself  is  intelligible,  or  under  which  history 
makes  other  things  intelligible  for  any  profitable  purpose.  Chronology  either 
combines  with  the  facts  of  history,  so  as  to  create  them  into  a  new  life,  and  to 
impress  upon  them  a  moral  meaning,  such  as  nakedly  and  separately  those 
facts  would  not  possess  ;  or  else  forms  a  machinery  for  recalling  and  facilitating 
the  memorial  conquest  of  historical  facts  in  their  orderly  succession. — De 
Quincey. 

It  is  impossible  to  separate  the  religious  phenomena  from  the  other 
phenomena,  in  the  same  way  that  you  can  separate  a  vein  of  silver  from  the 
rock  in  which  it  is  embedded.  They  are  as  much  determined  by  the  general 
characteristics  of  the  race  as  the  fauna  and  Hora  of  a  geographical  area  are 
determined  by  its  soil,  its  climate,  and  its  cultivation.  They  are  separable 
from  the  whole  mass  of  phenomena  not  in  fact,  but  only  in  thought.  We  may 
concentrate  our  attention  chiefly  upon  them,  but  they  still  remain  part  of  the 
whole  complex  life  of  the  time,  and  they  cannot  be  understood  except  in 
relation  to  that  life. — Hatch. 

In  Sprache  und  in  Ausdrucksweise,  in  Cultur  und  Sitte,  im  Denken  und 
Empfinden,  weisen  die  Sehriften  iiber  sich  hinaus  und  verlangen  zu  ihrer  voUen 
Wiirdigung  und  zu  ihrem  rechten  Verstandnis  die  Heranziehung  und  Ver- 
gleichung  des  Culturbodens,  auf  dem  sie  entstanden  sind,  der  grossen  geistigen 
Bewegung,  die  in  der  Periode  nach  dem  Zusammenbruch  von  Alexanders 
grossen  Pliinen  als  die  geistige  Frucht  seines  Wirkens  heranwuchs.  Wer 
darum  das  neue  Testament  fordern  will,  darf  an  den  Zeugen  der  geistigen 
Cultur  jener  Jahrhunderte  nicht  voriibergehen.  Jedoch  bedarf  das  Bild  audi 
nach  einer  andern  Seite  liin  noch  der  Vervollkommnung.  Um  einer  historischen 
Grosse  vollig  gerecht  zu  werden,  ist  es  notwendig,  sie  nicht  nur  in  ihren 
Voraussetzungen  zii  studieren,  sondern  auch  in  ihren  Folgen  zu  begreifen. 
So  wird  es  notwendig  sein,  auch  die  Frage  zu  erwiigen,  was  sich  aus  der 
folgenden  Entwicklung  der  christlichen  Zeit  fiir  ihrc  Aufiinge  lernen  lasst. — 
Preuschen. 


TABLE  I. — 180  B.C.-30  a.d. 


Die  Aufgabe  der  biblischen  Theologie  des  Alten  Testaments  hat  zu  schildern, 
wie  aus  der  Religion  Israels  in  Folge  der  Predigt  der  Propheten  und  der 
eigentlimliclien  Gescbichte  dieses  Volkes  sich  das  Judentum  bildet,  und  die 
Entwicklung  dieses  zum  Auftreten  Jesu  klar  zu  legen.  Ja  soil  die  Darstellung 
einen  Ruliej)unkt  finden,  so  wird  als  Abschluss  der  ganzen  Entwicklung  die 
Predigt  Jesu  in  kurzen  Umrissen  zu  geben  sein.  In  dieser  finden  alle  die 
Fragen  ihre  Beantwortung,  mit  denen  sonst  die  Darstellung  in  unbefriedig- 
endster  Weise  schliessen  miisste.  Wer  das  religiose  Leben  des  Judentums  in  der 
neutestamentlichen  Zeit  in  erschopfender  Weise  zeichnen  will,  hat  sonotwendig 
die  Predigt  Jesu  in  die  Gesammtdarstellung  einzuzeichnen,  wie  derjenige, 
welcher  die  Predigt  Jesu  deutlich  zeichnen  will,  jenes  als  des  Hintergrundes 
bedarf.  Fiir  die  theologisches  Betrachtung  ist  die  Predigt  Jesu  so  gut  die 
Schlussstein  der  alttestamentlichen  Entwicklung,  wie  der  Ausgangspunkt  fiir 
die  biblisclie  Theologie  des  Neuen  Testaments,  fiir  die  Kirchen-  und  Dogmen- 
geschichte.  — Stade. 

There  was  in  the  world  much  of  the  noble  heritage  of  past  centuries  and  an 
infinite  abundance  of  pomp  and  glory,  but  little  spirit,  still  less  taste,  and  least 
of  all  true  delight  in  life.  It  was  indeed  an  old  world  ;  and  even  the  richly- 
gifted  patriotism  of  Caesar  could  not  make  it  young  again.  The  dawn  does  not 
return  till  after  the  night  has  fully  set  in  and  run  its  course.  But  yet  with  him 
there  came  to  the  sorely  harassed  peoples  on  the  Mediterranean  a  tolerable 
evening  after  the  sultry  noon. — Mommsen. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  think  that  ages  of  transition,  like  that  immediately 
preceding  the  appearance  of  Christianity,  are  simply  times  of  decay  and  dis- 
integration, when  all  spiritual  and  religious  life  is  completely  moribund.  .  .  . 
Where  an  old  system  decays  we  may  be  sure  it  is  because  the  new  truth  which 
is  to  succeed  it  is  already  there  ;  the  old  would  not  decay  if  the  new  had  not 
arrived,  be  it  but  in  germ,  and  been  long  labouring  to  undermine  and  eat  away 
the  existing  structure. — Baur. 


80 


HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE    I.— 


Istrian  war,  17S-177. 
Romans  at  war  in 

Greece,  170-146. 
Third  Punic  war, 

149-145. 
Numantine  war, 

143-1.33. 


Death  of  Hannibal,  183. 


Battle  of  Pydna,  168. 

Sack  of  Corinth,  146. 
Achaia,  Rom.  prov. 
Letters  from  Rome  to 

East  in  favour  of  Jews, 

138-137. 


The  Gracchi,  164-121.     Servile  War  in  Sicily, 
134-132. 
Sempronian  laws,  133-123. 
Death  of  Scipio,  129. 

Transalpine  wars. 


Marius,  155-86. 
Sulla,  138-78. 


Gallia  Narbonensis, 
Rom.  prov. 


Sumptuary  laws,  115. 

Jugurthan  war,lll-106. 
Numidia,   Rom.   prov. 

106. 
Cilicia,  Rom.  prov.  102. 
Sec.  Servile  war,  103- 

101. 
Exile  of  Marius,  88-86. 


Marius  defeats  Teutons 
and  Cimbri,  102-101. 
Schools  of  oratory  in 

Rome,  98. 
Social  war,  90-88. 

Athens  captured  by  Sulla,  86. 
Sertorius  in  Spain,  83-    Sulla  in  Rome,  82-79. 
72.  Cicero  in  East,  79-78. 

Spartacus  and  Mithridates  conquered,  73-71. 
Pompev,  106-49.  Lucullus  in  East. 

Cicero,  106-43. 

Pompey  in  the  East.        Syria,  Rom.  prov.  65. 
Catiline's  conspiracy, 

65-63. 
Clodius,  62-61. 

Oriental  relifrions 


Antioohus  Epiphanes)  ^yg 


The  Maccabees 


Desecration  of 
the  Temple, 


Judas  Mace,  recovers    Restoration  of  Temple- 
Jerusalem,  worship,  165. 
Judas  Mace,  alliance  with  Rome,  160  c. 

Jewish  overtures  to  Rome. 

Judaea  independent,  143. 
The  Asmoneans,  13.5-63. 

John  Hyrcanus,  135-105. 

Pharisees. 
Sadducees. 
League  with  Rome,  128.  Subjugation  of  Idumaea 
and  Samaria. 


Growth  of  Nabatean 
kingdom. 

Essenes. 

Revival  of  Hellenism. 

Aristobulus  L,  105-104. 
Alex.  Jannaeus,  104-79. 
Egyptian   invasion  Tyranny  and  defeat  of 

of  Palestine.  Pharisees. 

Triumph   of  Jannaeus 
at  Jerusalem,  82. 

Salome,  79-69. 

Pharisaic  reaction,  78  f. 
Strife  of  parties. 
Birth  of  HUlel,  75.  Birth    of    Herod    the 

National      education         Great,  72. 
established,  70. 

Aristobulus  II.,  69-63. 
Nabatean  invasion. 
Pompey  in  Jerusalem  ;  siege  and  capture,  63. 


and  Jews  in  Rome. 


Caesar,  100-44. 

in  Oaul,  58-51. 
in  Britain,  55-54. 

Civil  war. 
Refonu    of    Calendar, 

46. 
Cleopatra,  69-30. 
Parthian  wars. 
Agrippa  crosses  Rhine, 

37. 
Death  of  Cleopatra,  30. 
Octavian  supreme. 
Augustus,  30  B.c.-(19 

August)  14  A.D. 
Gates  of  Janus  closed, 

29,  25. 
Augustus  in  Gaul  and 

Syria,  27-24. 
Social  reforms,  c.  21. 
Augustus  in  East,21-19. 
Secular  games,  17. 
Tiberius       exiled       in 
Rhodes,  0n.c.-2.\.D. 


Tiberius,  14-(1C  March) 

37. 
Musulamian    war, 

17-24. 

Sejanus,  (fl.  23-31). 
Drusus  poisoned,  23. 

Tiberius    at    Caprcae, 
26-37. 


First  triumvirate,  60. 
Cyprus,  Rom.  prov.  57. 
Gaul,  Rom.  prov.  50. 

Caesar  in 

Suicide     of     Cato    at 
Utica. 

Second  triumvirate,  43. 
Battle  of  Philippi,  42. 
Battle  of  Actium,  31. 
Egypt,  Rom.  prov.  30. 

Pantheon  built  in  Rome, 

27. 

Galatia,  Rom.  prov.  25. 
Campaign  against  Ethi- 
opians, 24-22. 

Visit  of  Aug 
Conquest  of  Spain. 
German  wars. 
Birth  of  Seneca,  7. 

Campaigns  in  Pannonia 
and  Dalmatia,  6-9. 
(^uirinius  governor  of 

Rebellion  of  Arminius, 
9-19. 

Germanicus,  14-19. 

Jews  banished 

Pontius  Pilate, 
War  in  Thrace,  25-26. 


Hyrcanus  IL,  63-40. 

Insurrection. 
Revolts  of  Aristobulus,  c.  56. 
Crassus  plunders  the  Temple,  54. 

Antipater,  procurator  of  Judaea,  47. 
Syria,  47. 
M.  Antonius  in  Syria,  42. 

Antigonus,  40-37 ;  with  aid  of 
Parthians. 
The  Idumeans. 

Herod  the  Great,  King  of  Judaea, 
37-4  ;  with  aid  of  Romans. 
Hillel  in  Jerusalem,  36. 

Attack  on  Sanhedrin. 
Rise  of  Herodians,  28. 
Samaria  rebuilt,  27  (?).     Hellenizing  of  Judaea. 
Theatre  built  in  Jerusalem. 

Famine    and    plague, 
25-23. 
Caesarea  built,  22-10  B.C.  Enlargement  of  Herod's 

territory. 
ustus  to  Svria,  20. 

Temple  rebuilt,  20  f. 

Intrigues  in  Herodian  family,  14  f. 

Birthof  Jesus,  6b.c.±.  Popular  revolt   under 

Rabbis    Judas     and 

Matthias,  4  B.C. 

Herod  Antipas,  tetrarch,  4-39  a.i).     Anarchy. 


Judas  the  Galilean. 
S^}  Of  zealots. 


Syria  :  the  census,  6- 
Annas,  h-priest,  6-15. 

Caiaphas,  h-priest,  18-36. 

from  Rome,  19. 

Mission  of  John  the 

procurator,  26-36.  "  Insurrection. 

Tiberias  built. 
Baptism  of  Jesus,  27  c.    Death  of  John,  28 
Crucifixion  of  Jesus,  29. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


81 


180    B.C.-30    A.L). 


Jewish  Literature. 


Ur-Ecclus.  (Heb.),  180. 
Enoch  (cpp.  1-36),  before 

170. 
Prayer  of  Manasseh. 
Eupolemus  (hist.) 
Aristobulus  (phil.),  170- 

150. 
Jason  of  Cyrene. 
Sibyllines,   bk.    iii.  (97- 

S17),  140  c. 
Book  of  Judith,  130-105. 
Enoch  (cpp.  83-90). 
Wisd.   Seirach  (Greek), 


Cleodemus  (Malchus). 

Greek       additions      to    Theodotus  (poet)  ? 
Daniel,  before  90. 


Maccab.  psalii 


Book  Of  Daniel,  105. 
Greek  transl.  Daniel,  by 

150. 
"  Esther,"  150-130. 
Psalter  complete,  141. 


Philo  (epic  poet)  ? 


III.  Esdras,  170-100.  Ezekiel  (dram.)? 

Artapanus  (hist.),  -100 
{Tlipi  'loviaiuv). 

Chronicles  of  Hyrcanus. 

Enoch  (cpp.  91-104),  be- 
tween 134  and  95  B.C. 

.\risteas  (rtE/))  'lovhxiav)'? 

I.  Maccab.,  ±  90. 
Letter  of  Jeremiah  (?). 
Wisd.      Solomon,      90, 

later. 
Letter  of  Aristeas  (96- 

63?). 
Enoch  (Similitudes,  cpp.     Schimeon  ben  Schetach. 

37-70),  95-65. 

II.  Maccab.     (between     Activity  of  Scribes. 
150  and  50)  ? 

Greek  additions  to  Esther? 

Alexander     Polyhistor, 

80-40  {nipriouSociuv). 


Greek  and  Latin  Literature. 


Diogenes,  c.  200. 
Apollonius  of   Rhodes, 

181. 
Carneades  (phil.),    213- 

129. 
Polybius,  204-122. 
Nicander,  c.  160. 
Aristarchus,       fl.       156 

(g-ramm.). 
Moschus,  154  c. 
Hipparchus      (astron.), 

160-145  fl. 
Panaetius    (phil.),    150- 

120  fl. 
Apollodorus  of  Athens : 

X-povtax 
Ptolem.  Euergetes. 


Porcius  Cato,  234-149. 
Plautus,  -184. 
Q.  Ennius,  169. 
Caecil.  Statius  (corned.), 

d.  168. 
Terence,  184-159.  "Phor- 

mio,"  "Eunuchus,"162. 
L.  Titinnius  (com.). 
M.     Brutus,     "De    jvire 

civili." 
Sempronius  Asellio  (hist. ). 

M.  Pacuvius,  -129. 
C.  Lucilius,  - 102. 
Hostius,  "De  bello  Istri- 

co,"  125. 
L.  Caelius  Antipater  (hist). 


Apollonius  Molon,  c.  120 
(anti-Semite),     ^uo-x-ur, 

XXTO. '  lovhaiav. 

Agatharcides  (geog.). 
Clitomachus. 
Theodosius  (math.). 
An  tipater  of  Sidon  (epig  r. ). 

Hero  (math.),  c.  103? 
Posidonius    (phil.),    110- 

50  fl.  ("History"). 
Scymnus  (geogr.),  c.  90. 
Parthenius  (gramm.) 
Greek  art  and  science  in 

Rome,  fl.  81. 
Diotimus  the  Stoic,  80  c. 

Collection  of  Sibj'U.  orac, 
c.  75. 

Meleager  (eleg.),  70  c. 
Lysimachus  (anti-Semite). 


L.  Afranius(comed.),  c.  94. 
Accius  (traged.),  —94. 
SextusTuri3ilius(comed.). 
Q.       Mucins       Scaevola 

(lawyer). 
M.  Aem.  Scaurus  (orat.). 
C.  Licinius  Macer,  -  66. 

Q.     Hortensius     (orat.), 

114-50. 
Valerius  Cato  (poet),  c.  80. 

Claudius      Quadrigarius 

(hist),  100-78  fl. 
Sisenna  (hist.). 
Lucretius,    99-55,    "  De 

rerum  nat.,"  publ.  56  c. 
Catullus,  87-54. 
Nigidius  Figulus  (phil.). 


Tobit,  before  25. 

Psalt.    Solomon   (part), 

63-48. 
Book    of    Jannes    and 

Jambres  (?). 
Book  of  Noah  (?). 
Apocalypse  of  Elijah  (?). 
"Two  Ways"  Catechism 

(Did.  i.-vi.)? 
Sibvll.,    bk.    iii.   (1-02), 

40-30. 


"Commentaries"     of 

King  Herod  ? 
Book  of  Jubilees,  40-10. 


Philo  born,  c.  20. 


Paul  born  ? 
Assumptio  Mosis. 
Test.     XII.     Patriarch, 
(groundwork  ?). 


Enoch  (Slavonic),  1-50. 


Pseudo-Phocylides ' 


Menachem. 

Hillel,  70  B.C.-6  A.i). 


'  Pirke  Aboth,"  70  : 

170  A.D. 


Targums,  nucleus  of,  1- 
200  A.D. 


Ptolemy    of    Ascalon, 
"  Life  of  Herod  "  ? 


Artemidorus  (geogr.). 
Metrodorus. 

Menippus.  Philodemus. 

Castor  ("  Chronicle  "). 

Alexandrinism. 
Didymus  of  Alexandria. 

Tyrannion  (elder),  115-25. 
Sosigenes  (phil.),  c.  46. 
Antipater  of  T.vre. 
Timagenes  (hist.). 

Conon  (mythographus). 

Nicolaus      Damascenus 

(hist.),  64-. 
Diodorus  Siculus  (hist.). 

Hypsikrates  (hist.). 

Dionysius  Halicarn., 
"Roman  Archaeo- 
logy," 8  B.C. 

Theodoras  of  Rhodes 
(rhet.),  B.C.  6-A.D.  2  fl. 

Lesbonax. 

Dionysius  Periegetes. 

Strabo,  54  B.C.-24  a.U- 
(hist.  geogr.). 

Apollonius  Sophista,  c.  20. 

Apion,  "Egyptian  his- 
tory." 


Quintus  Cicero. 

T.    Pomponius    Atticus, 

109-32. 
Dec.  Laberius,  107-43. 
Cicero,  106-43. 
Caesar. 
Sallust,  86-35. 
Varro.         Hirtius. 
C.  Cornelius  Gallus,  66-26. 
M.  Junius  Brutus. 
Cornelius  Nepos,  99-24. 
Dellius  (hist.).    P.  Syras. 
L.  Varius  Rufus,  74-14. 
Vergil,  73-19  ("Aeneid," 

29-19). 
C.    Asinius    Pollio,     76- 

4  A.D. 

Tibullus,  -19. 

Propertius. 

Horace,  -8  ("Odes,"  i.- 

iii.,23B.c.). 
Aem.  Macer. 

Vitruvius  Pollio  (archit.). 
Livy,  59  B.C.-17  a.d. 
Messala,  64  B.C.-9  a.d. 
Hyginus. 
Jiiba. 

Trogus  Pompeius. 
Ovid,  "Art  of  Love."  2-1 

B.C.;  banishment,  9  a.d. 
"  Monumentum      Ancy- 

Manilius,  "  Astronomica." 

L.  Fenestella(hist.). 

Antonius  Musa  (med.). 

Celsus  (med.). 

Phaedrus. 

Valerius  Maximus  (hist.). 


TABLE  IL— 30-100  a.d. 


The  struggle  between  tlie  Christian  principle  and  Jewish  tradition  was 
bound  to  arise.  The  new  seed  sown  in  that  ancient  soil  could  not  germinate 
without  rising  in  it  and  in  places  l)reakiug  up  the  rich  hard  crust.  In 
the  books  of  the  NT  that  have  preserved  to  us  the  picture  of  that  first  and 
powerful  germination,  side  by  side  with  the  principle  to  which  the  future 
belongs,  we  necessarily  find  old  things  that  are  on  the  way  to  death. — 
Sabaticr. 

The  world  was  then  undergoing  a  moral  improvement  and  an  intellectual 
decline  .  .  .  Greece  fortunately  remained  faithful  to  her  genius.  The  pro- 
digious splendour  of  Roman  power  had  dazzled  and  stunned,  but  not 
annihilated  it.  But  at  this  period  Greece  herself  was  passing  through  one 
of  her  intervals  of  lassitude.  Genius  was  scarce,  and  original  science  inferior 
to  what  it  had  been  in  preceding  ages,  and  to  what  it  would  be  in  the  follow- 
ing. The  space  from  the  death  of  Augustus  to  the  accession  of  Trajan  must  be 
classed  as  a  period  of  temporary  degradation  for  the  human  intellect.  The 
ancient  world  had  by  no  means  uttered  its  last  word,  but  the  bitter  trials 
through  which  it  was  passing  took  from  it  both  voice  and  courage.  When 
brighter  days  return,  and  genius  shall  be  delivered  from  the  terrible  sway  of 
the  Caesars,  she  will  take  heart  again. — Renan. 

The  history  of  the  gospel  contains  two  great  transitions,  both  of  which, 
however,  fall  within  the  first  century  :  from  Christ  to  the  first  generation  of 
believers,  including  Paul,  and  from  the  first,  Jewish  Christian,  generation 
of  these  believers  to  the  Gentile  Christians  ;  in  other  words,  from  Christ  to 
the  brotherhood  of  believers  in  Christ,  and  from  this  to  the  incipient  catholic 
church.  No  later  transitions  in  the  church  can  be  compared  with  these  in 
importance. — Harnack. 


84 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE  II. 


oO     Fall  of  Sejaiius,  31. 


Financial     crisis       at 

Rome,  33. 
Caligula,  37-(Jan.  24)     Pilate  recalled  to  Rome. 
41. 

Persecution  of  Jews 
in  Gaul  and   Bri-     Apion  in  Rome,  39. 
tain,  39-40. 

Philo's  embassy  to 
Lucan  in  Rome,  4U. 


Claudius, 

54. 

41-(0ct.    13) 

Seneca  in  exile,  41-49. 

Romans 
43. 

in     Britain,     Ljcia,  Rom.  prov. 

Judaea  and  the  East. 


Aretas  IV.  rules  Naba- 
taeans  (9  B.C.-40  A.D.). 
Death  of  Stephen  :  Persecution  of  Christians  in 
Judaea. 


Caiaphas  deposed,  3G. 

Herod  Agrippa  I., 
king,  37-44. 

in  Alexandria,  38. 

Attempt  to  place  Cali- 
gula's statue  ill 
Temple. 

Rome,  40. 

Revival  of  Pharisaism. 


Paul  a  Christian,  30  (31). 
Paul  in  Arabia,  -34. 


Birth  of  Josephus,  ±3^ 
Earthquakes    in    Ant- 
ioch,  37.?'. 


Paul  in  Syria  and  Asia 
Minor,  34-48. 
Zealots  in  Judaea. 


Martyrdom    of    James 

the  son  of  Zebedee. 
Revolt  of  Theudas. 


Judais 


Adiabene, 


44. 


London     founded     by 

Aulus  Plautius,  47. ' 

Secular  games  (0th),  47. 

Nero  adopted,  50. 
Trajan  born,  52. 


Expulsion  of  Jews  from 

Rome,  4S(?). 
S.  Britain,  Rom.  prov. 

Caractacus  defeated, fil 

Felix, 
Afranius  Burrus,  pref. 

Praetor,  51-62. 
Pallas,  52-55. 


Nero,  54-(June  9)  C8. 
Burrus  and   Seneca    Parthian  and  Armenian 

in  power,  C5.  wars. 

Birth  of  Tacitus,  55. 
Death    of    Britannicus, 

55. 
Corbulo    in    Armenia, 

57-59. 
Suetonius    in     Britain,  Festus, 

59-61. 
Boadicea  defeated. 

Albinus, 
Tigellinus,  Poppaea,  in    Martial  reaches  Rome, 
power,  62  f.  c.  63. 

Josephus     in     Rome, 

63-64. 
Paul  in  Rome. 


Burning  of  Rome,  19th  July 
Persecution  of  Christians 


Plague  in  Rome,  Co. 

Deaths  of  Lucan  and  Seneca  )  -.^ 
Conspiracy  of  Piso.  f 

lievolt  of  Vindex  in      Nero  in  Greece,  66-6' 
Gaul. 


Famine,  44  c. 

Cumanus,  procurator,     Paul's  first  tour. 

48-52. 
Revolts  in  Palestine. 
Agrippa  IL,  50-100. 


Council  at  Jerus. ,  49. 
tour. 


procurator,  52  (59). 


Paul's     second 

49-52. 
Simon  Magus. 


Increasing  turbulence.     Josephus    among 
Essenes,  53-56. 


Sicarii. 
Popular  tumults. 


procurator,  59. 

Martyrdom   of    Jai 
in  Jerus.,  62  (61). 
procurator,  61. 


Paul's  third  tour,  52-56. 
Paul's  arrest,  5(!. 


Earthquake   in    Lvcus 

\'alley. 
Paul's  vovage  to  Rome, 

59-60.  " 


Epiktetus      born 
HierapolisC?). 


Plorus,procurator,64-66.Te-rle,jn^^.Ierusalem 

Florus  abandons  Jeru- 
salem. 
Josephus,  governor  of    Massacres  of  Jews  in 

Galilee.  Syria  and  Egypt. 

Romans    driven    from    John  of  Gischala. 

Jerusalem,  66. 
Roman   campaign  :  Vesi>asian  in  Galilee  and 
Judaea,  67. 


[Contimted  071  p.  86. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


85 


30-100    A.D. 


Jewish  and  Christian  Literature. 


Greek  and  Latin  Literature. 


Philo. 

Gamaliel  I.,  30-40  A. d. 
Philo  "contra  Flaccum." 


Caligula-apoc?  (Apoc.13). 
"Legatio  ad  Gaiuni." 


Letters  of  Heracleitiis  (?). 


IV  Mace,  30-70. 


Eldad  and  Modad  (?). 

Abba  Chilkijja. 
Abba  Scha'ul. 
Asceneio  Isaiae  (21-312 
52-")? 


Thess.  epp. 


Galat.  ) 

Corinth.         ^epp. 
Rom.  etc.      j 


Apoc.    Baruch    (27-30, 
3(J-40,  53-74)  (bef.  70). 


Development 

of 
Apocalyptic 


Coloss.  Phlm.    ~\ 
[Ephes.]  -  epp. 

Philipp.  etc.      ) 


1  Peter  (?) 
Megillath  Taanith?? 


Decline  of 
Greek  literature. 


Xenocrates  (med.), 


Babrius,"  Fables,"  fl.  40  ? 


C.    Velleius    Paterculus 

(hist.). 
"Cyclopaedia  "  of  Celsus, 

35. 
Afer  Domitius  (orat.). 


/^"DeTranq.," 
"DeIra,""De 
I    Brevit."  =  49 
.-65-^    54. 

'  '  ~      Clem.,' 
Benef."  = 


I  "  De  CI 
I  "DeBei 
V,  54-62. 


Persius,  34-62. 

Cn.  Lentulus  Gaetulicus 

(poet,  hist.),  d.  39. 
Lucan,    65.       Scribonius 

Largus  (med.). 
M.  Valerius  Probus. 


Nikomachus  Gerasenus,    Q.     Asconius     Pedianus 
c.  50.  (fl.),    42.      Comm.    on 

Cicero's  speeches,  55. 


Onosander  (milit.),  50  c.      Pomponius  Mela  (geogr.). 
Antipater  of  Thessalonika,  Q.    Remmius   Palaemon 
50  c.  (gram.). 


Chaeremon  (phil.). 


'AiyvTT 


Columella  (agricult.). 


Calpurnius  Siculus. 


Probus  of  Berytus(gram.) 
Petronius  (satir.),  -GG. 


Paniphile. 


Dioskorides  (med.). 
Erotianus. 

Andromachus    of    Crete     Pliny  (major),  22-79. 
(med.),  54-68. 


Leonidas  of  Alexandria. 


Dionysius  of  Alexandria.    CassiusLongin us  (jurist.). 

50-80. 
Ammonius.  Sextus  Julius  Gabinianus 

(orat.). 

"Periplus     Maris     Ery-    Musonius     Rufus    (phil. 
thraei."  Gk.). 


[Continued  on  p.  87. 


86 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE  II.- 


Death   of  Nero  ;  Civi 
war,  68. 


Famine  and  floods  at 
Rome,  68-69. 


Galba,  Otho,  Vitellius,  69 ;  Vespasian,  69-79. 
Apollonms  of  Tyana. 


Burning  of  Capitoline 

Temple,  69. 
Stoics   banished    from 

Rome,  70. 
Triumph  of  Titus 
Temple  of  Janus  closed 
Bernice  at  Rome,  75. 

Colosseum   built,    70- 

Epiktetus  in  Rome. 

Titus,  79-(13  Sept.)  81. 

Ag:ricola    in     Britain, 

78-85. 
Great  fire  in  Rome,  80. 


Revolt    of    Civilis    in 
Germany,  c.  70. 

Rhetoric-teachers    en- 
dowed in  Rome. 
Dacian  revolts. 

Herculaneum  and  Pom- 
peii destroyed,  79. 


Josephus    resident    in 
Rome,  70-100. 


Domitlan,  81-(18  Sept.) 
96. 


Domitian's  triumph  in 
Gaul,  83. 


Severe  policy  to  Jews. 


Severe  policy  to  Chri 
tians. 
Defeat  of  Caledonians  at  Mons  Grampius,  84. 

War  against  Daci,  86-90. 
Revolt   of  Saturninus    Tacitus,  praetor,  88. 
in  Germany,  88. 


Secular  games,  88. 

Philosophers  expelled  from  Rome,  94. 
i,  96-(27  Jan.)  98. 


Trajan,  98-(Aug.)  117 


Tacitus,  consul,  97  (98). 
Free  constitution. 


Pliny's  "  Panegyric,' 
100. 


Judaea  and  the  East. 


Idumaeans     massacre    Zealots  masters  of  Jeru- 

priests  in  Jerusalem,        salem. 

68. 
Lull   in  w^ar,  June  68-    Flight  of  Christians  to 

April  70.  Pella. 

Appearance   of  a  false    Birth  of  Polykarp,  69. 

Nero  in  East,  c.  69. 
Siege      and     sack    of 

Jerusalem  by  Titus,70. 
Fall  of  Masada,  73.  Extermination  of  Zea- 

lots. 
End  of  Sanhedrin. 


Rabbi  Jochanan(d.  100).  Betha 


Rabbinic      school     at 

Jamnia. 
A    false  Nero   on  the 

Euphrates. 


Gamaliel  II.  (SO-117). 


Rising  of  Jews,  85-86. 
Devotion  to  the  "  Law. 


Jewish  settlements  in 
Babylon,  Parthia, 
and'Armenia. 

Philip  and  his  daugh- 
ters in  Hierapolis. 


Nazarenes  (Ebionites)V 


Romans  prohibit  conversions  to  Judaism. 

The    Pharisees    para-    Desposyni  in  Palestine, 
mount. 

A   false    Nero    among 

Parthians,  c.  88. 
Synod  of  Jamnia,  90  :    John  in  Ephesus. 

Settlement     of     OT 

canon. 
Eleazar  ben  Hyrcanos.     Cerinthus. 

Growing  antipathy  of    Polykarp  in  Smyrna. 
Jews  and  Christians. 

John  the  Presbyter. 
Menander,  disciple  of  Simon  Magus. 

Eleazar  ben  Azarja. 
Eleazar  ben  Zadok. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


87 


continued. 


Jewish  and  Christian  Literature. 


Josophus,  37-100. 


ApOC.  111-13  (•?). 

Apoc.  12  (?). 

Gospel  of  Mark,  65-75. 

Ascensio  Isaiae  (313-5^, 

50-SO  A.D. 
Apoc.  (17). 


Bk.  of  Baruch  (11-38). 

Joseph.  "  Wars  of  Jews,"  75  (after). 

Justus  of  Tiberias,  fl.  C5-100  ("  Chronicle"). 

Sibvll.   hk.    iii.    (03-92),     Gospel  of  Matthew,75-90. 
75-SO. 

Sibyll.  bk.  iv.  SO  c;  bk.  v.  (52-531)  bef.  S0(?). 

"  Hebrews  "  ep.  c.  80. 

Apoc.  Baruch,  1-20,  31- 

35,    41-52,   75-87   (pt. 

after  70). 
Bk.  of  Baruch  (3S-5'J)(?)    Gospel  of  Luke,  80-90. 

Acts. 

IV  Esdras. 

Joseph.  "Antiquities  of  Jews,"  93-94. 


Pseudo-Philo,  Apocalypse  of  John, 

"  de  biblicis  antiquitatibus." 
Hystaspes (Sibyll.  orac.)??  Clem.  Rom.  i.  epist.  c.97. 

Josephus,  "Against  Apion  "  (?). 

Gospel  of  Hebrews  (be- 
fore 100). 
Fourth  gospel,  95-115. 
Joseph.  "Autobiography,"  100  (after). 


Greek  and  Latin  Literature. 


Cornutus  (Stoic) ''. 


Horaklides    ("allegoriae 
Homericae  ")'('>. 


Aretaeus  (med.),  c.  70. 


Demetrius  (cyn.). 


Niketas  of  Smyrna. 


Epaphroditus  (gramm.). 

Quintus  Gurtius  (hist.). 

"  Commentaries  "  of  Ves- 
pasian. 
Antonius  Julianus  (hist.). 

Silius  Itali-  "Punica," 
cus,  fl.  ±  90. 

Pliny,  "Naturalis  His- 
toria,"  77. 

Fabius Rusticus  (hist.). 

C.      Valerius      Flaccus, 

"  Argonautica." 
Verginius  Eufus. 


P.  Papinius  Sextus  Julius 
Statius,  Frontinus, 

45-96.  70-106. 

Turnus  (satir.). 

Martial.  "Epigrammata," 
83-101. 

Arruntius  Stella. 

Javenal. 


Epiktetus,  banished  from  Tacitus, 
Rome  to  Nikopolis,89  a.  d.      55 


'de  Oratori- 
bus,"  c.  80. 
'  Agricola,  97- 

'  Germania." 


Plutarch,  48-120. 
Isaeus  (sophist). 


Siculus  Flaccus. 
Terentius  Maurus 

(granun.). 
Quintilian  (born,  35  A.D.), 

Instit.  Orat.  93  ±. 


TABLE  III.— 100-190  a.d. 


In  the  eyes  of  the  Pagan  historian,  tlie  period  from  the  accession  of  Nerva, 
in  96  A.D.,  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelins,  in  180  A.D.,  is  memorable  as  a 
period  of  uniform  good  government,  of  rajiidly  advancing  humanity,  of  great 
U'gislative  reforms,  and  of  a  peace  which  was  very  rarely  seriously  broken.  To 
the  Christian  historian  it  is  still  more  remarkable,  as  one  of  the  most  critical 
periods  in  the  history  of  his  faith.  The  Church  entered  into  it  considerable 
indeed,  as  a  sect,  but  not  large  enough  to  be  reckoned  an  important  power  in 
the  Empire.  It  emerged  from  it  so  increased  in  its  numbers,  and  so  extended 
in  its  ramifications,  that  it  might  fairly  defy  the  most  formidable  assaults. — 
Lecky. 

After  the  silver  age  which  ended  nobly  with  Tacitus  and  the  younger  Pliny, 
Latin  pagan  literature  almost  ceases  to  exist ;  and  the  falling  off  in  the  form 
is  not  more  striking  than  in  the  value  and  quality  of  the  contents.  All  supei'- 
stitions  revived  and  flourished  apace  in  the  ever- waning  light  of  knowledge. 
A  shudder  of  religious  awe  ran  through  the  Roman  world,  and  grew  more 
sombre  and  searching  with  the  progressive  gloom  and  calamities  of  the  time. 
A  spirit  wholly  different  from  the  light-hearted  scepticism  of  the  Augustan  age 
and  later  Republic  stirred  men's  hearts,  and  the  strongest  minds  did  not 
escape  it. — Cotter  Morison. 

Parallel  mit  dem  langsamen  Einstromen  des  griechisch  -  philosophischen 
Elements  gingen  auf  der  ganzen  Linie  Versuche,  die  man  kurzweg  als  "akute 
Hellenisierung  "  bezeichnen  kann.  Sie  bieten  uns  das  grossartigste  geschicht- 
liche  Schauspiel  ;  in  jener  Epoche  selbst  aber  waren  sie  die  furchtbarste  Gefahr. 
Das  zweite  Jahrhundcrt  ist  das  Jahrhundert  der  Religionsmischung,  der 
Theokrasie,  wie  kein  anderes  vor  ihm.  In  diese  sollte  das  Christentum  als  ein 
Element  neben  anderen,  wenn  auch  als  das  wichtigste,  hineingezogen  werden. 
Jener  "  Hellenismus,"  der  das  versuchte,  hatte  bereits  alle  Mysterien,  die 
orientalische  Kultweisheit,  das  Sublimste  und  das  Absurdste,  an  sich  gezogen 
und  es  durch  das  wie  versagende  Mittel  der  philosophischen,  d.h.  der  alle- 
gorischen  Deutung  in  ein  schimmerndes  Gewebe  versponnen.  Nun  stiirzte 
er  sich— man  muss  sich  so  ausdrucken— auf  die  christliche  Verkiindigung.— 
Harnack. 


90 


HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE  III— 


Judaea  and  the  East. 


A.D. 

100 


First   war  with  Daci-    Hadrian,  quaestor, 
ans,  101-102. 


Second  war  witli  Daci-    Conquest  of  Nabataean 
ans,  105-106.  kinirdom,  106. 


Persecution  of 
Coluain  of  Trajan,  113.  in  Bithynia, 

Deatli  of  daui^h 
Roman   Empire  at  its 

largest  extent. 
War   witli    Partiiians, 

±  115.  Martyrdom 

Conquest    of   W.    Par- 
thia,  116. 
Hadrian,  117-  (lOth  July)  138. 

Travels  of  Hadrian,  in  Britain,  119. 
-M.  Aurelius  born,  121.      Rom.  wall  in  Britain, 
122. 
Hadrian  in  Athens,  123-126;  his  rescript 
to  Minicius  on  the  Christians,  121-125. 

War  with  Picts  and  Scots,  120-13S. 


Agrippa   ri.   dies,   100    Jehoshua    ben    Chan- 
A.  u.  an  ja. 

Justin  Martyr,  born  Flavia  Nea- 
polis,  103  A.D.  ? 
Pagan  reaction  at  Ephesus. 


Second  tour  of  Hadrian,  129-134. 

Hadrian  re 
Hadrian  in  Alexandria,  131. 

Arriar.,  governor  of  Cappa 


Apotheosis  of    .^ntin- 
ous,  133. 
n.'s  rescript  to  Servian  on  the  Christians, 
134. 

Hyginus,  bish.  R.  136- 
140. 


Antoninus  Plus,  138-  (7th  March)  lOl. 

Lollius  Urbicus'  campaign   in  N.  Britain, 
139  f. 

Development    of    civil 

law. 
Pius,  bish.  R.  140-155. 
Wall  of  Antoninus— Forth  to  Clyde, 
begun  142. 
M.  Aurelius  converted  to  philosophy,  145. 
M.  Aurelius  co-regent,  147-161. 
Secular  games,  147. 

Anicetus,  bish.  R.  155-    Martyrdom    of    Poly- 
166.  karp,  23rd  Fel).  l.-).4. 

Pestilence  and  famine 
in  Rome,  161-166. 


Martyrdom  of  Symeon,  107. 
Elkesaites. 

Christians  Hemerobapt- 

c.  112.  ists. 

ters  of  Philip. 

Ebionites. 


of  Ignatius,  ±  115. 


Pompeius  Falco, 
gov.  Judaea, 
107f. 

Schimeon  ben 
Azzaj. 

Rabbi  Jose. 


Revolt  of  Jews  in  Egjiit,  Cyprus,  Cyrene,  etc. 
Massacre  of  Greelis. 


Hadrian  in  Egjpt  and    Birth  of  Ircnaeus,  bef. 
Syria.  130. 


builds  Jerusalem,  130  f. 
Death  of  Rabbi  Joshua, 

c.  131. 
docia,  131-137. 


Insurrection :  Revolt  and  Defeat 
of  Bar-K.okhba :  132-135.    Sack  of  Bethar. 


Aelia  Capitolia  founded 
on  site  of  Jerusalem, 


Circumcision   pro-  Severity  of  Romans. 

hibited.  The  martyrs  of  Lydda. 

Jewish  relief.  Schimeon  ben  Jochaj. 

New  Saiihedrin  at  Run-  Mishna,  70-170. 

mon.  Rabbi  Meir,  at  Usha. 


Disturl:ai]c.-s  lu  Asia 
Minor :  Persecution 
of  Christians. 


Aquila  (?). 

Tertullian  bom,  c.  1.50. 

Jehuda  ben  llaj. 

Theodotion  (?). 

Clem.  Alex,  torn,  c.  155 

(in  Athens?). 
Jose     ben      Dosithaj, 
"Seder  01am  "(?) 
Montanus  in  Phrygia  :  Maximilla  and  Priscilla. 


[Continued  on  p.  92. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


91 


100-190  A.D. 


Early  Christian  Literature. 


Greek  and  Latin  Literature. 


1  ep.    John.       As- 
censio  Isaiae  (fji- 

111  1123-4U). 

2,  3  epp.  John  the 
presbyter. 

2  Tim.      -V 
Titus,     y  95-125. 

1  Tim.      J 
Editing  of  gospels. 
Symbol  (?). 
Ep.  James. 


Rise  of  apologetic 
literature. 


Development      of 
Gnostic  systems. 


Cerinthus. 

Naaseni. 
Simonians. 


Nikarchus  (epigr).   (103-106)      "His- 
tory "  of  Tacitus. 
Pliny  the  younger's 
Aelianus.  letters,  07-109. 


Ignatian    \ 

.        >l.v-  I 
karpC?)  J 


^Sl  '■iio-^^^- 


Ophites. 


Aristides      Quint. 

(mus.). 
Isaeus. 
Dio      Chrysost. 

(rhet.). 
Moschio,  c.  110. 


Ep.  to  Diognetus,    Appeal  to  traditic 


Protevangel. 

James (?).  c.  lii. 

Didach6     (pres. 

form),  c.  120. 
"Preaching     of  Study      of      KT 

Peter,"  100-130.  literature. 

Gospel    of    Egy|3t- 

ians,  before  130.  Basileides  (in  AIe.\- 

Ep.    Judas,  before  andria,  120-125) : 

130.    Sibyll.  bk.  Quadratus  in  Athens,     lizyy,ri!ca. 

v.  (1-51)?  125-126. 


Annaeus     Florus 
(hist.). 

Pliny  the  younger 
(born,    61    a.d.). 
His     letter     to 
Trajan,  111-113. 

(115-117)  "  Annals  " 
of  Tacitus. 

Hyginus   Gromati- 


ApoUodorus  Polior-  Suetonius,  "Livc^ 

ketes.  of    12    Caesars,' 

Draco  (gramm.).  c.  120. 

Theon  of    Smyrna 

(arithm.). 
Phlegon     ("  Chro-    Terent.      Scaurus 

nica").  (gramm.). 

Antonius  Polemon   Jabolenus     Priscus 

(rhet.)  y  (lawyer). 

Renaissance      of 

Greek  literature. 


Epist.      Barnabas,     Agrippa     Castor, 
130-131.  EAsyx"'    ^a^Ti.  /3«- 

Papias    of     Hier- 
apolis,  70-150  (?). 

iiriyyjtri;  Xoyiuv   xvpi- 

Oxyrhynchite  Logia  Ep.    to  Diognetus 
(bef."l40)?  (i.-x.)  ±  135. 


Rest  of  Words  of  Banich,  c.  136  (. 

"Apocalypse      of 
Peter,''  bef.  150. 

"Shepherd"      of       Aristides,  138  after : 
Hermas,  c.  140. 

NT   canon   formed  "  Apology,"  138-117. 
by  Marcion. 

Aristo     of      Pella, 
c.  145. 

"  Dialogue  "  of  Ar- 
isto, 130-170. 

2  ep.  Clem.  (?).  Justin     Martyr, 

2  ep.  Peter,  bef.  170.      145-162      fl.  ; 
Gk.    apoc.   Baruch,       (rCvnx.yfx.a.,      etc.  ; 

after     140    (Jew-       "Apology,"  c'.153  ; 

ishV).  "Dialogue    with 

Acts  of  John  (?).  Trypho." 

Ep.       of      Smyrna 

church,  after  155. 
Acts  of  Peter  (?).         Tatian,    Xiya  ^pis 
"E?Ji7,vai,  ±  160 ; 

TIpo^Xrifj,<ic.Tiuv 

i3i^\!ov,  etc. 


Ylxpahca-US  MxrO.c 


Saturninus  in  Ant- 

ioch. 
Karpokrates. 

Gnostic  literary  ac- 
tivity, composi- 
tion of  gospels, 
acts,  apocc,  etc. 
Jewish '?). 

Cerdo  in  Rome. 

Marcion   in    Rome, 
c.  140. 


Valentinus  in  Rome, 
140-160;  letters, 
psalms,  homilies. 

Epiphanes.  Marco- 
sians. 

Marcion,  "anti- 
theses "  ;  aTOITTO- 

XlXOV. 

Herakleon,  com- 
ment, on  4th 
gospel,  etc.,  160. 

Ptolemaeus,    irro- 


Artemidorus,  c.  130. 
Diogenianus. 
(Herennius)  Philo. 
Bvblius   (Uipl    'lov 

•s«;^v). 

Zenobius. 

Sextus  Poniponius 
(lawyer). 
Arrian  (hist.).  Aulus      Gellius, 

Moeris (gramm.),  (?).      "  NoctesAtticae.' 
Atticus      Herodes     M.Cornelius  Fronto 
(rhet.),  104-180.         (rhet.),   100-175  ; 
"Panegyric," 
Appian  (hist.).  -140. 

Marcellus  Sidetes. 

Apollonius    Dysco-  Justinus,      "Epi- 

lus  (gramm.),  117-     tome  "  (?). 

161. 
Aetius :   Placita         Salvius     Julianus 

(pseudo-Plut.)?  (lawyer),  c.  150. 

CI.    Ptolemaeus         Granius  Licinianus 

(astron.    geogr.),        (annal.). 

130-160. 
Hephaestio 

(gramm.). 
CelSUS,       Xiyo; 

a.Xr,ey,i  (177-180). 


Junius  Rusticus. 


Polyaenus  of  Mace-   Lucius     .\p;nileius 
donia  (milit.).  (phil.). 


{Continued  on 2).  93' 


92 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE  III— 


A.D. 
160 

Rome. 

Judaea  and  the  East. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  161-  (I7th  March)  180. 

Parthian  war,  162-166. 
Triumph  over  Parthians,  166. 

Hegesippus     journeys    Jischmael    ben    Joch- 

to  Rome.                           anan. 
Quarto-deciman     con-    Syriac  version,      -160. 

troversy. 

Martyrdom  of  Justin  and  others,  163-167. 

Wars  with  Quadi,  etc.,  165-175. 

Soter,  bish.  R.  166-174. 

The  "  alogi." 
Montanist     prophets 
and  martyrs. 

Old     Latin     version, 
African,     -170. 

Aurel.  in  Asia,  Egypt, 
Greece,  175-176.  " 

Tatian  in  Syria. 

War  in  Pannonia,  176- 

180. 
Eleutherus,  bish.  R.  174-189. 

Persecution     of    Chris- 
tians :     Lyons     and 
Vienna,  c.  177. 
Irenaeus  in  Lyons. 

Revolt    of    Cassius    in 
Syria,  175-176. 

Death    of    Maximilla, 
179. 

Coptic  version  (?)• 

Commodus,  180   (31st  Dec.)  192. 

Scillitan  martyrs  in  N. 
Africa,  17th  July  180. 

Rabbi     Jehudah     ha- 

Nasi. 
End  of  Tannaim. 

Martyrdom  of  Apollo- 
nius,  180-185. 
Conspiracy  of  Lucilla, 

Successes  in  Britain,  by 

Ulpius  Marcellus. 
Birth  of  Caracalla,  188. 

Victor,  bish.  R.  189-198. 

Muratorian  fragment 

Symmachus  (?), 
"transl.    OT, 

Origen  born  in  Alexandria,  c.  186. 
on  canon,  d- 190. 

Theodotus  (Monarcliian) 
in  Rome. 

Serapion,  bish.  Antioch, 
190  f. 

HISTORICAL    TABLES 


93 


continued. 


Early  Christian  Literature. 

Greek  and  Latin  Literature. 

Clementine    Homi-   \oyk   ^apaivinxi?      Isidor  (son  of  Basi- 

Aelius  Aristides,  "  Panegyric 

lies,  c.  160.                   ■rpk  "EXA-<v«?  (?).          leides),  rM-i^,  etc. 

on  Rome,"  160. 

Gospel     of     Peter,                                      Spread  of  Montan- 

Lucian.                      "Institutes"    of 

150-170.                    Miltiades,  161-169.        ism. 

Gaius,  161. 

Acts      of     Pilate                                         (Leucius  Charinus  ?). 

(pt.  1)? 
Ilegesippus,    uto-     Philip  of  Gortyna.     Julius     Cassianus, 

"  De  morte  Peregrini,"  c.  167. 

Hermogenes  (rhet.),  101-180. 

lj.M-hy^«.Ta.                 Melito    of    Sardis,       Tipl     lyxpocnixs, 

Herodianus  (gramni.). 

Tatian's     "  Diates-        ^pk     ' AvToinvov ,         xrx. 

Antoninus  Liberalis. 

saron,"  c.  170.              etc.,  etc. 

Dionjsius    of    Cor- 

inth, epp. 

"Acts    of     Paul"    Apollinaris  of  Hier- Coptic      gnostic 

Pausanias. 

(loO-lSO).                      apolis,  c.  172.              treatises,  icrroy.pv 

"  Meditations"  of  M.  Aurelius. 

Musanus.                         <fo\, '  luxvvou  ;  it-o^/k 

Minutius        Feli.x,        'lr,(ro'u      Xpirro'C  ; 

"Octavius,"     a         ^pxin  Unpou. 

dialogue. 

Letter  from  Lyons  Modestus. 

Oppianus  {kXnvTry.^)  c.  180. 

and     Vienna     to   Rhodon.                      Apelles,  iruWoyttruo',  ; 

Aelian. 

East,  c.  180.             Theophilus  of  Ant-       ipa.npu<riii . 

Pollux. 

Acts     of     Carpos,       loch,   Wfoi  Airo- 

Alciphron,  c.  180. 

etc.  (?).                        Air,»v,  etc. 

("  Acts  of  Paul  and   Athenagoras     of 

Galen,  130-200. 

Thekla"),  160-190.      Athens,   Xlpi(r^ii»i. 

Numenius  (phil.)  of  Apameia. 

Ttpi       ^/JdrTianiiv  ; 

Tlipi  a.va<r7<x.<riu;. 

"  Upoi     "EXX»i»«f" 

(pseudo  -  Justin), 

180-240. 

Pantaenus,  in  Alex-  Iranaeus  of  Gaul,   Gnostic  Coptic  book 

Boethus  (Uipi  Tuv  ^xpa. 

andria.                         Upk  «,>£>£/?,  180-       (Cod.  Bruc),  170- 

IlAaroiK  a.n-opw/j.imv). 

"Acts    of    Apollo-       189(?);    Usp',  /mv-       200. 

nius."                         «.pxi«.i,  etc.             Bardesanes,     born 

Maximus  of  Tyre. 

Clement  of  Alex.,                                       at    Edessa,    154  ; 

155-215.                                                             "Hymns." 

Victor  (Latin).            Hermias,   SiatrupiM>;  Proclus     (Montan- 

Phrynichus  (gramm.). 

Caius  (Rome).            tjSw   e'Iw  (piXoa-iipuv     ist). 

(??). 

TertuUian,     150-   Hippolytus      of       Elxai. 

Sextus  Empiricus  (phil.),  c.  190. 

Dio  Cassius  (hist.),  155-    . 

220.                               Rome. 

TABLE   III«. — Outline  of  the  Asmoneau  and  Herodian 

Dynasties. 


The  external  splendour  was  much  greater  than  the  actual  and  true  prosperity 
of  Herod's  era.  .  .  The  nation  felt  itself  otfended  in  its  inmost  sanctity  by  the 
reckless  Hellenism  which  resulted  in  open  breach  of  the  law.  Their  mistrust 
and  aversion  to  Herod  were  as  tenacious  and  unyielding  as  their  national 
faith,  and  the  religious  instinct  of  the  nation  broke  through  and  severed  all 
the  delusive  glitter  which  disguised  the  revolt  from  religion  behind  the 
profession  of  honour  toward  the  national  God  which  were  made  by  the  King, 
and  even  by  the  Emperor,  his  court  and  his  statesmen.  .  .  .  The  day  of 
his  death  was,  as  he  had  foreseen,  a  Jewish  festival :  the  kingdom  came  to  an 
end,  it  M-as  divided  and  shattered  :  his  sons  finally  ate  the  bread  of  exile,  his 
numerous  family  was  extinct  within  a  hundred  years,  and  a  curse  lay  upon  the 
house  of  Herod. — Keim. 

The  guides  of  the  people  sought  above  all  to  inculcate  the  idea,  that  virtue 
consists  in  a  fanatical  attachment  to  fixed  religious  institutions.  The  per- 
secutions of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  made  this  idea  a  passion,  almost  a  frenzy.  .  . 
The  reigns  of  the  last  Asmoneaus,  and  that  of  Herod,  saw  the  excitement  grow 
still  stronger.  They  were  filled  by  an  uninterrupted  series  of  religious  move- 
ments. Just  as  power  became  secularised,  and  passed  into  the  hands  of 
unbelievers,  the  Jewish  people  lived  less  and  less  for  the  earth,  and  became 
more  and  more  absorbed  bj^  the  strange  fermentation  which  was  working  in 
their  midst.  The  world,  distracted  by  other  spectacles,  had  little  knowledge 
of  what  passed  in  this  forgotten  corner  of  the  East. — Renan. 

Wahrend  in  der  ganzen  friiheren  Gescliichte  Israels  der  Grundsatz  festge- 
halten  wurde,  dass  die  rechte  Religiositat  audi  die  iiusseren,  staatlichen  Ver- 
hiiltnisse  des  Volkes  am  besten  ordne,  dringt  jetzt  das  Bewusstsein  davon 
durch,  dass  Beschaftigung  mit  dem  Staatswesen  der  Frcimmigkeit  hinderlich 
sei.  Diese  Erkenntniss  war  die  Frucht  der  Geschichte  der  hasmonaisclien 
Fursten.  .  .  .  Der  Erfolg  dieser  ganzen  Entwicklung  ist  nun  fiir  die  Religions- 
geschichte  von  hervorragender  Bedeutung.  Zuniichst  steigerte  sich  das 
religiose  Leben  des  Judentums  unter  dem  Einflusse  des  Fharisaismus  ganz 
gewaltig.  Nicht  nur  das  Rabbinentum  der  spiitereu  Zeiten,  audi  Christentum 
und  Essenismus  haben  ihre  Pflanzstiitte  in  diesem  Boden.  Weiterhin  erkannte 
man  die  Unvertraglichkeit  des  mosaischen  Gesetzes  mit  den  Anforderungen  an 
einen  lebenskriiftigen  Staat.  Das  miisste  entweder  zur  religiosen  tjberwindung 
des  Gesetzes  oder  zum  Verzicht  auf  ein  eigenes  Staatleben  fiihren.  Der 
Gedanke  einer  Trennung  von  Religion  und  Staat  wird  hier  also  angebahnt.— 
O.  Holtzmann. 


96 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


■S.2. 
is  ci 


-a        i-H  c  .-5 


I  SIS" 


5411 


■2  CO 


-111 


3 

-ss 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


97 


M 


5  C3 


11" 

s  *<  S 


fill 


-^     II 

1  1 


..&H  Jj^ti 


.g.3oS   •  ®' 


•g  >i  c  " 


s    II 


.2  a^t^m 


■rt'HW 


ho  II       t^  -n  -^ 


g5 


<D     .5  3 

S  II  Wo 


2  f^  o  II  o 


'  S  Ph  -w  S  iJ  -o' 


We  possess  a  considerable  number  of  writings  and  important  fragments,  and 
further  important  inferences  here  are  rendered  possible  by  the  monuments  of 
the  following  period,  since  the  conditions  of  the  first  century  were  not  changed 
in  a  moment,  but  were  i)artly,  at  least,  long  preserved,  especially  in  certain 
national  churches  and  in  remote  comiounities.  It  is  therefore  important  to 
note  the  locality  in  which  a  document  originates,  and  the  more  so  the  earlier 
the  document  is.  .  .  .  In  all  probability  Asia  Minor,  along  with  Rome,  was  the 
spiritual  centre  of  Christendom  from  about  60-200  ;  but  we  have  but  few  means 
for  describing  how  this  centre  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  circumference.— 
Harnack. 

1st  uns  erst  recht  dunkel  die  Geographic  der  geistigen  Geschichte.  Es  ist 
anzunehmen,  dass  die  Entwicklung  in  Korinth  und  in  Antiochia  oder  in 
Alexandria  oder  in  der  iigyptischen  Landschaft  bemerkenswerte  Verschieden- 
heiten  zeigte.  Ebenso  ist  sehr  wahrscheinlich,  dass  bestimmte  Anschauungen 
und  Theologumena  von  einzelnen  Punkten  und  Provinzen  aus  die  iibrige  Kirche 
eroberteu. — Wrede. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


99 


O 


Note. — The  Zoc?<s  of  one  or  two  documents  is  doubly  given  in  brackets,  where 
the  evidence  is  indecisive,  or  where  a  two-fold  locality  is  involved.     The  following 
authors  and  writings  cannot  be  assigned  to  any  definite  topographical  situation  : — 
Matthew,  Roman  Symbol,  Agrippa  Castor. 

Luke,  Ep.  Diognet. ,  Athenagoras. 

James,  2  Clem.,  Minutius  Felix. 

For  the  dates  and  ecclesiastical  positions  of  the  writings  and  writers  in^this  rough 
outline,  consult  Table  III, 


Die  Spuren  schiilmassiger  Pflege  des  Gemeingutes,  welche  die  neutestament- 
lichen  Schriften  aufwiesen,  versetzen  uns  in  eiiie  Zeit  des  Werdens.  Ihres 
Heilbesitzes  froh,  ihrei-  Kraft  sicher,  der  tjbereinstimmung  in  den  Grundsiitzen 
sich  bewusst,  uneingeschriinkt  durch  jiussere  AntoritJit  suchten  die  Berichten 
und  Briefen  nach  einem  adaquaten  Ausdrucke  fiir  die  Wahrheit,  welche  sie  als 
das  Licht  der  Welt  bringen.  Die  Bedingungen  fiir  eine  solclie  Literatur 
sind  allein  in  den  Anfangen  einer  epochraachenden  religiijsen  Bewegung 
gegeben.  Ihre  Erzeugnisse  stehen  wie  Stamme  neben  einander,  welche  aus 
demselben  Boden  wachsen  und  ihre  Zweige  miteiuander  verschlingen. — 
Heinrici. 


HISTORICAL   TABLES 


101 


TABLE  IV.— A  Genealogy  of  the  NT  Literature. 


•AD.  O.T. 

PalesHnfan  Judaism  Xoyoi  Kuei'ou 

TTacdioots.     '""----.,    ITafd6oms.  (Peh-ine)  napd6om5 

Katiixnffis. 


tIcHenishc  or  Alewndrian  Judaism 
nafdSoms      .- 


Die  erhabensten  Gedanken  werden  uns  in  ilirer  ganzen  Grosse  erst  recht 
deutlich,  wenn  wir  sie  in  ihrem  geschichtlichen  Zusammenhang  mit  weniger 
erhabenen  vergleichen  konnen,  wenn  wir  sie  von  weniger  grossen  sich  abheben 
selien.  So  erst  wird  das  wirkliche  Verstiindniss  fur  den  Reich thum  erworben, 
der  in  manchen  Schriften  des  Neuen  Testamentes  aufgespeichert  ist,  und  somit 
auch  fiir  den  oft  geriihmten  "Takt  der  Kirche"  bei  der  Auswahl. — Kriiger. 

In  order  to  perceive  that  the  Pauline  gospel  is  not  identical  with  the  original 
gospel,  and  much  less  with  any  later  doctrine  of  faith,  one  requires  such  his- 
torical judgment  and  such  honest  determination  not  to  be  led  astray  in  the 
investigation  by  the  canon  of  the  New  Testament,  that  no  change  in  the  pre- 
vailing ideas  can  be  expected  for  long  years  to  come.  What  I  refer  to  here  is 
the  imminent  danger  of  explaining  one  writing  by  the  standard  of  another,  and 
so  creating  an  artificial  unity.  .  .  .  Strictly  speaking,  the  opinion  that  the  New 
Testament  in  its  wliole  extent  contains  a  unique  literature  is  not  tenable.^ 
Harnack. 

Die  neutestamentlichen  Schriften  kommen  nicht  als  kanonische,  sondern 
einfach  als  urchristliche  Schriften  in  Betracht.  Dann  verlangt  oifenbar  das 
geschichtliche  Interesse,  alles  das  aus  der  Gesamtheit  der  urchristlichen 
Schriften  zusammen  zu  betrachten,  was  geschichtlich  zusammeugehort.  Die 
Grenze  fiir  den  StofF  der  Disziplin  ist  da  zu  setzen,  wo  ein  wirklicher  Einschnitt 
in  der  Litteratur  bemerkbar  wird.  Der  Gesichtspunkt  des  religiosen  Wertes 
ist  dafiir  aber  natiirlich  nicht  massgebend.  Die  Frage  ist  lediglich,  welche 
Schriften  den  Auschauungen  und  Gedanken  nach  uberwiegend  verwandt  sind, 
oder  von  wo  an  die  Gedanken  ein  merklich  neues  Gepriige  zeigen  ? — Wrede. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


103 


TABLE  V. — A  Diagram  and  Genealogy  of  Early 
Christian  Literature. 


30-00  A.O.  OT. 

Palestinian  Judaism  Xo'yoi  Kvfiov  Hellenistic  or  Alexandrian  Judaism 

7tafd6ooi5.  "  "-^-.TTordSoms  (Petrint)  ITaf66o(ns  lTafd6oais.      ...--'" 


Ascensio  '■- 
l5aiae(3'«-5') 


Wir  mlissen  zufrieden  sein,  wenn  wir  fiir  jedes  einzelne  NTliclie  Bucli 
ungef  alir  angeben  konnen,  wann  und  fiir  wen  es  gesclirieben  ist,  ob  der  Verfasser 
unter  eigenem  oder  fremdem  Namen  schreibt,  was  sein  Hauiitinteresse  war  und 
wie  es  ihra  gelungen  ist,  dies  zura  Ausdruck  zu  bringen,  ob  und  inwieweit  er 
andere  Quellen,  schriftliclie  Vorlagen  benutzt  hat,  und  ob  seine  Schrift  un- 
entstellt  resp.  uniiberarbeitet  auf  uns  gekommen  ist.  Das  sind  doch  nur 
Materialen  fiir  eine  Geschichte  des  NT's,  nicht  wirklich  eine  Gescliichte. — 
Jiilicher. 


HISTORICAL    TABLES 


105 


TABLE  VI. — The  Sources  of  the  NT  Literature. 


A.D. 

30-45 


45-60 


GO-75 


Fragments  of  Calignla-apoi:alypse,  pre- 
served in  Apoc.  Joliii  (espec.  cli. 
13  =  40  A.D.  +  ).  (?) 

The  correspondence  of  Paul : 

Thess.  epp.  1  (2  1). 
Galat.  ep. 

1  Cor.  ep. 
Intermediate  letter. 

2  Cor.  ep. 

Note  to  Titus  (Tit 
Rom.  ep.  31--  i^). 

Note  to  Ephesus. 

Note  to  Tim.  (2  Ti 

413-15.  21-22a'(_ 

Coloss.  ep. 
Philemon. 
[Ephcs.]  ep.  (?) 

Philipp.  ep. 

Note  to  Tim.  (2  Ti 

]^  15-18  46-1-.'.   18.   19) 

After  60,  "We" — ^journal 
(fragments  preserved  in 

Acts). 


The  epistle  of  1  Peter  (?). 

2  Thess.  21-12  (??)_ 

Apocalyptic  fragments  preserved   in 

Apoc.  John  (chaps.  11,  12?). 
Small  apocalypse,    preserved  in    Mk 

13,  Mt  24,  Lk  21. 
Interpolations:       1     Th     21"^^^      Ro 

11»-  10,  etc. 
Gospel  of  Mark  (1-168). 

Ascensio         Isaiae 

(S'^^-.^i). 
Apoc  17  (?). 
Gospel  of  Matthew  (substantially). 
"  Hebrews." 

Gospel  of  Luke  (substantially). 


Acts  of  the  Ajjostles. 

Apocalypse  of  John  (in  present  form) 


lost  letters  of  Paul  (2  Th  3").  (?) 

from  Thess.  to  Paul.  (?) 

to  Corinth  (1  Co  5«). 

from  Corinth  to      Uerms     of     evan- 


Paul  (1  Co  71). 


to    Laodicea 
4I6). 


(Co 


gelic  composition. 
Notes  of  sayings 
and  deeds  of 
Jesus  begin  to 
be  collected  in 
Palestinian  com- 
munities. 


Jewish      Christian 
from   Philippi    to      sources         (pre- 
Paul  (?)  served  in  Luke), 

to  Philippi   (Phil 

Written  sources  for 
history  of  primi- 

Beginning     of  ac-     tive  community 
tivity  in  collec-     exist    (used     in 
ting      materials     Ac  1-16).  (??) 
for,  and  in  com- 
position of,  evan- 
gelic manuals. 

The  "  Logia"  of  Matthew,  before  70. 

[The    Ur- Marcus,     composed     from 
Petrine  narratives.] 


Fourth  gospel  (before  115). 


numerous  lost  gospels  (Lk  1' 


Gospel  of  Hebrews,  before  100. 


106 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


TABLE  VI. — Continued. 


A.D. 
105-120 


Appendix  to  fourth  gospel  (ch.  21). 

1  epistle  [of  John].     Ascensio    Isaiae 

(61-111  1123-40). 
2-3  epp.  John  the  presbyter. 

2  Tim.  (in  present  form). 
Titus  (in  present  form). 

1  Tim.  (substantially). 

An  evangelic  fragment  (Mk  16''"""). 

Epist.  James. 


Epist.  Judas  (before  130). 


2  Peter  (after  150). 


A  note  of  John  the  presbyter  (3  Jo  9). 

Final  editing  of  synoptic  gospels  (in 
Asia  Minor  ?). 

Composition  or  incorporation  of  frag- 
ments or  interi)olations. 


Incorporation  of  minor  glosses  and 
additions  in  epp.  noted  in  Ap- 
pendix iq.v.). 


Collection  and  editing  of  NT  scrip- 
tures. 


TABLE  VII. 

Four  Catalogrues :   Marcion. 

Murat.  (Roman  church). 
Apost.  Can.  (Eastern  ?). 
Apost.  Constit.   (Eastern  ?). 


108 


HISTORICAL   NEW    TKSTAMENT 


.t 

1  'I 

S| 

eg      . 

fi 

i^ 

1« 

III! 

<s 

'f- 

=8         X 

65 -« 

S2 

- 

ii 

^  1 

o^ 

jC- 

Is 

1 

s 

<:       cLi 

O 

^" 

1^ 

5 

II 

ij..  Ii 

g-s 

f%  1 

ii'S  "  = 

g 

<%3^>? 

"^ 

So 

1 

1     ^1   .  Il 

t- 

a. 

A                              to        8   ^ 

3 

w                                         ^         fHi* 

o 

o 

O 

i. 

a          ■<    •5- 

,, 

•E 

1    1 

Is- 

2| 

1 

:-s.|     Is   la   |t 

o 

a 

£.3 

OO 

_2 

S-S 

II 
1 

1 

S'-B 

Hfill  « i 

1 

1 

i  1 

o  s 

C3 

o 

<!CL, 

O 

< 

1 

'U' 

sT 

^ 

's 

o 

< 

e 

§ 

©^ 

<t   . 

"        C 

ao 

]B  -o      «'' 

»,^^     la 

Ss  1 

laailllJi 

9  . 

e  a        '-^ 

.^OrH<NOirt(NmOO-A' 

o 

^1  1 

i 

H 

1  1 

1 
H 

ll 


TABLE  VIII. 


Versions  : 

Peshitto. 

„  (Karkaph.)- 

Egyptian     (iVIemph.)' 
Armenian   (an). 


no 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


O 

s 


11 

1 

k 

1131 

g.§ 

o 

0) 

a 

■•3 

e 

is 

g 

-2     5 

S 

a 

H 

o      Is 

1 

1 

Jllll 

11 

1 

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w-^  a;  c 

_;;_■ 

^ 

-w  l.^   r; 

H 

ll^l 

§■ 

i 

•• 

.a 

"o 

J3 

i3 

s 

d 

^ 

'^ 

;j 

a. 

ail' 


2-    i 


Sop  A 


>H,H[S'<a 


TABLE  IX. 

MSS  Catalogues:  4th  ceut.  Codex  Sinaiticus  .s*. 

5tli  cent.       „         Alexand.  A.     Eastern  Church. 

4th  cent.       „        Vaticanus.         B. 

Gth  cent.       ,,         Claromont.  West.  Church. 

4th  cent.       „         Can.  Mommsen.  „  „ 


112 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


a 

pi 

Gospels 2:  Matt 

Mark 

John 

Luke 
Pauline  epp.  (13) 

Acts 

Apocalypse 

Catholic  epp.  Jo  1-3  ^^ 

(?  James)  "una  sola." 

Pet  1,24, 
(?  Jud)"  uria  sola." 

2  This  order  occurs  also  in  the 
Arabian  Masudi  (Nestle). 

i 

liospels :  Matt 

John 

Mark 

Luke 

Pauline  epp.  :    Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 
Gal 
Eph 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 
Tit 
Col 

Philemon 
Catholic  epp. :  1  Pet,  2  Pet 
James 
John  1-3 
Jud 
*  Barnabas i 
Apocalypse 
Acts  : 

Hermas  i 
Acts  of  Paul  1 
Apoc.  of  Peter  1 

1  Added  by  a  later  hand  (*  = 
Hebrews?). 

III 

i 

i 

< 

1 

Gospels :  Matt 

Mark 

Luke 

John 

Acts 

Catholic  epp.  :        James 

Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 
Pauline  epp.  (14)  :  Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 
Gal 
Eph 
Philip 
Col 

1  Th,  2  Th 
Heb 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 
Tit 

Philem 
Apocahiise  : 

Clem.  epp.  1,  2 
Psalt.  Solom. 

1 

M 

1 

s 

Gospels :  Matt 

Mark 

Luke 

John 

Pauline  epp.  (14) :  Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 
Gal 
Eph 
Philip 
Col 

1  Th,  2  Th 
Heb 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 
Titus 
Philemon 
Acts 
Catholic  epp.  :        James 

Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 
Apocah-pse : 
Barnabas 
Hennas  (pt.) 

TABLE  X. 

Eastern  Church:  Council  of  Laodicea: 
Asia  Mill. :  Greg.  Naz. 
Syria :  Chrysost. 

Palestine :       Euseb. 
Cyril. 
,,  Epiph. 

Alexandria  :  Athanas. 
Constant.  :     Leont. 
,,  Niceph. 


114 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

TABLE  X. 


Canon  59  :  Council 
OF  Laodicea, 

C.  360  A.D. 

Grbo.  Nazianz., 
325-390  A.D. 

Chrysostom, 
t  407  a.d. 

EUSBBIDS, 

t  340  A.D. 

CvRIIi, 
t  386  A.D. 

i^r)     hi     x«:,     -r?f 

Gospels- 
Matt 
Mark 
Luke 
John 

Gospels- 
Matt 
Mark 
Luke 
John  {oipavofoir-yi;) 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

Gospels 

Gospels 

1 

Acts 

Acts  (riiv  irofiiv  atod-r.) 

Gospels- 
John 
Matt 
Luke 
Mark 

Acts 

Acts 

Catholic  epp.— 
James 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 

Jud 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

■ 
Catholic  epp.— 

Catholic  epp.  i— 
James 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 

Acts 

Catholic  epp.— 

James 

1  Peter 

1  John 

Catholic  epp.  i— 
James 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 

James 

Peter  1,  2          : 
John  1-3 
Jud 

Pauline  epp.  (U)- 
Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 
Gal 
Eph 
Philip 
Col 

Thess  1,  2 
Heb 
Tim  1,2 
Tit 
Philemon 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

^a.(ra.i'ixM-    eiris  hi 
■yr/iirion. 

(Apocalypse) 

(i.Ti(r(^pa.yiirfJiM  h\ 

IMtByiTUV       TO       TiX- 

T«  h\  XoiTo.  a-«»-      \ 
TO,   iiu    xiiffSa    it 

hiuripu. 

So  Joan.  Damas- 
cen.    (t    7oO    a.d.) 
adding  at  the  dose. 

Apost.  Canon. 

1  Amphilochius  (of 
Ikonium) :    xctfloXj^i'v 

imo-ToXuv       rivli      lAv 
STTa   (paa-'n,  ei  hi   rpiii 
uivoc!  XP-''""-'  i^X^irScci. 
rrifh'  'ArToxa-Xu-^mtriv 
'ludvvov     troikiv  _  Tivis 
fAy  iyxplvova-iv,  ei  3-Xe- 
I'ovs       Bi       ye         tidov 
Xiyovnv. 

1  Among  the  TJamcs 
^ynXtyi/j.tva.,  J  2  Peter 
yyapi/jM  hi  Toi;]  2-3  John 
ToXXtii.             \  Jud 

HISTORICAL    TABLES 

TABLE  X. 


115 


Epiphani 
t  403  A.i 


Gospels 


Pauline  epp.  (14) 


Acts 

Catholic  epp.— 
James 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 


Apocal3'pse 


Wisd.  Solom. 
Ecclu<». 


Athanasius,  Leontu's, 

t373A.D.  ,  t620A.D. 


Gospels 


Catholic  epp.- 


James 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud 


Pauline  epp.  (14) 
Apocalypse 

puv  a.yccyivuen£itrda.i  rots  ecpri 
rrpoo-ip^/j-iyois  xxi  j3m>.of^ivoie 
xocTytXit(rBx,i  tov  t'/i?  ivtri^UK? 
Xityov. 

Wisd.  Solom. 

Ecclus. 

Esther,  Judttb,  Tobit. 

Dldache 


Gospels 


Catholic  epp. — 


Peter  1,2 
John  1-3 
Jud 


Pauline  epp.  (14) 
.Apocalypse 


NiCEPnoRus  :  in  his 

STICHOMETRT, 

1828  A.  D. 


Gospels 


So  Anastasius  Sinaita 
of  Antioch  (t  599) ;  but 
omitting  Apocalypse. 


Pauline  epp.  (14) 
Catholic  epp. 


{ApocaljTJse  of 
John. 
Apoo.  Pet. 
Barnabas. 
Gospal  of  He- 
brews. 


Tipidho!  Tlirpou- 

„     ©<»),«.£• 
Gospel  of 
Thomas. 
DldachS. 
Clem.  epp.  l-2_ 

Ignat.    Poly- 

karp. 
Hennas. 


116 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


if 

o"^ 

{de  Instit.  Div.  Lit.  xiv.) 
"  secundum  antiquani 
translationem  "  : 
Gospels 

Acts 

Catholic  epp.  : 
Peter  1-2 
James 
Jol(adParthos) 

Pauline  epp.  : 

Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 

Gal 

Philip 

Eph 

Col 

Heb 

1  Thess,  2  Thess 

Tim  1,  2 

Tit 

Philemon 
Apocalypse 

(Decretum    de   libris 
recipiendis  et  non  re- 
cipiendis) 
Gospels 

Acts 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

Apocalypse 

Catholic  epp. : 

James 

Peter  1,  2 

Jo  1-3 

Jud  (Zelot) 
Item  ordo  Scripturar- 
um  NT,   quem  Sancta 
Catholica  Romana  sus- 
cipit       et      venerat\ir 
ecclesia. 

Gospels 
Pauline  epp.  (14) 

Catholic  eiip. : 

Jo  1-3 

Peter],  2 

Jud 

James 
Acts 

Apocalypse 

Cetera  autem  .  .  non 
solum   repudianda  ver 
urn  etiam  noveris  esse 
damnanda. 

ii 

Gospels   (quadriga  Domini 

et  verum  Cherubim) 
Pauhne  epp. : 

To  seven  churches 
(Hebrews) 
Tim  1-2 
Tit 

Philem 
Acts 

Catholic  epp.  (tam  mysticas 
quam  succinctas,et  breves 
pariter  et  longas) : 
James 
Peter  1,  2 
Jo] -3 
Jud 
Apocalypse  (tothabetsacra- 
menta  quam  verba). 

Similarly  Rufinus  of  Aquil- 

eia(t  410  A.D.) 
Gospels 
Acts 

Pauline  epji.  (14) 
Catholic  epp. : 

Peter  1,  2 

James 

Jud 

Jo  1-3 

1' 

Gospels 

Pauline  epp.  (14) : 
Rom 

1  Cor,  2  Cor 
Gal 
Ephes 
Philip 

1  Thess,  2  Thess 
Col 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 
Tit 

Philem 
(Hebrews) 

Catholic  epp. : 

Peter  1,  2 

Jo  1-3 

Jud 

James 
Acts 
Apocalypse 

("Immer  zeigt  sich, 
dass    Act    und     Cath 
inniger    mit    einander 
als    mit      Paulus    zu- 
sammenhiingen  "— 

Jiilicher). 

Id 

Gospels:    Matt 

Mark 

Luke 

John 
Acts 

Pauline  epp.  (13) : 
one  to  the  Hebrews, 
(eiusdem  ad  Hebraeos 
Catholic  epp. :        [una) 
Peter  1,  2 
John  1-3 
Jud  (Jas) 
Jas  (Jud) 
Apocalj-pse 

(a  patribus  ista  accepi- 
nius  in  ecclesia  legenda). 

Liceat  autem  legi  pas- 
siones  martyruni   cum 
anniversarii  dies  eorum 
celebrantur. 

HISTORICAL    TABLES 


117 


5 1-1 
3- 

t 

Acts 
Pauline  epp.  : 

Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 

Gal 

Eph 

Philip 

Col 

1  Thess,  2  Thess 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 

Tit 

Philemon 

Peter  1,  2 

Jo  1-3 
(Heb 
James 
Jud 
Apoc) 

HP 

3 

1 

Acts 

Pauline  epp.  (14) 

Catholic  epp. :  Peter  1,  2 

Jo  1-3 

James 

Jud 
Apocalypse 

Si  quis  autem  libros  ipsos 
integros,  cum  omnibus  suis 
partibus,  prout  in  ecclesia 
catholica  legi  consueverunt, 
et  in  veteri  vulgata  Latina 
edition  e       habentur,     pro 
sacris  et  canonicis  non  sus- 
ceperit  ;"et  traditiones  prae- 
dictas   sciens    et    prudens 
contempserit  ;      anathema 
sit. 

if 

II 

■3 
1 

Acts 

Pauline  epp  :  (14) 

Catholic  epp. 

Apocalypse 

ii 

Is 

"Celebris  apud  eccle- 
siam  et  indubitata  tra- 
ditio." 

1 

Pauline    epp.     (15)  in- 
cluding- 

Laodiceans  (quindec- 
ima  est  ilia  quaeeccle- 
siae  Laodicensium  scri- 
t)itur,   et  licet,   ut    ait 
llieronymus,  ab  omni- 
bus explodatur,  tamen 
ab  apostolo  scripta  est). 

Catholic  epp. 

Acts 

Apocalypse 

1 

Catholic  epp.  : 

Peter  1,  2 

James 

Jo  1-3 

Jud 
Pauline  epp.  (15) : 

Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 

Gal 

Eph 

Philip 

1  Thess,  2  Thess 

Col 

Hebrews 

Tim  1,  2 

Tit 

Philemon 

Laodiceans 
Acts 
Apocalypse 

2 

"Quicquid  extra  hos 
fuerit  inter  haec  sacra 
et     divina     nullatenua 
recipiendum." 

Gospels :  Matt 

Mark 

Luke 

John 
Pauline  epp.  (14) : 
Rom 

1  Co,  2  Co 
Gal 
Eph 
Philip 

1  Thess,  2  Thess 
Col 

1  Tim,  2  Tim 
Tit 

Philemon 
Hebrews 

Catholic  epp. :  James 
Pet  1,  2 
Jo  1-3 
Jud 

Acts 
Apocalypse 

TEXT  AND   NOTES 


'Et  5^  (v  Toh  (ilfiXois  iripav  ^xoi'crt  rd^iv,  dav/xaarbv  ovoev  eirel  Kal  ol 
'jrpo<p7}TaL    ol    5w5e/ca  ovk    ((pe^rjs   dXXrjXoLS   6vTeS   Kara    tovs    xp^vous,   dXXa    iroXu 

5i€(7TrjK6T€S  dWTjXoov,  iv  TTJ  tCiv  ^i^Xiuv  rd^ei  eipe^TJs  el<n  Kelfievoi o/aws 

ffvvT]fifx.^voL  irdcrli'  eicriv  eKelvois,   ibv  to<xovtov  tiIi  xpoz/w  dLearyjKaai. 

MrjSeis  S^  irdpepyov  tovtov  Tf/eiffdia  rbv  irbvov,  firjd^  Trepiepylas  TrepiTTTJs  Tr]v 
T0iavT7]v  ipevvav  avvreXec  yap  tj/juv  irpbs  rd  ^rjToO/xeva  ov  fiiKpbv  6  tCov 
iiTKTroXCiv  xp^^oJ. — Chrysostom. 

Multo  autem  dignior  consideratii  est  ordo  clironologicus.  Eo  eonstituto, 
et  historia  apostolica  et  ipsae  epistolae  mutuam  sibi  lucem  afferuiit :  et  coii- 
gruentia  noematum  locutionumque  in  epistolis  uno  tempore  super  eodem  reruni 
statu  scriptis  cernitur  :  et  incrementum  apostoli  spirituale  cognoseitur. — 
Bengel. 

If  each  Letter  look  dim,  and  have  little  light,  after  all  study  ; — yet  let  the 
Historical  reader  reflect,  such  light  as  it  has  cannot  be  disputed  at  all,  .  .  . 
The  Letter  hangs  there  in  the  dark  abysses  of  the  Past :  if  like  a  star  almost 
extinct,  yet  like  a  real  star  ;  fixed  ;  about  which  there  is  no  cavilling  possible. 
That  autograph  Letter,  it  was  once  all  luminous  as  a  burning  beacon,  every  word 
of  it  a  live  coal,  in  its  time  ;  it  was  once  a  ])iece  of  the  general  fire  and  light  of 
Human  Life,  that  Letter  !  Neither  is  it  yet  entirely  extinct :  well  read,  there 
is  still  in  it  light  enough  to  exhibit  its  own  self ;  nay,  to  diffuse  a  faint 
authentic  twilight  some  distance  round  it.  By  degrees  the  combined  small 
twilights  may  produce  a  kind  of  general  feeble  twilight,  rendering  the  Past 
credible  !     Such  is  the  effect  of  contemporary  letters  always. — Carlylc. 


THE  LETTERS  OF  PAUL 

GENEEAL  NOTE 

A  YEAR  or  two  after  the  death  of  Jesus,  one  of  the  brilliant  leaders  in  the 
Jewish  party  of  the  Pharisees  suddenly  (Kare'hTjpicfydrjv  vtto  Xpiarov)  became 
a  Christian.  Like  John  Knox,  for  the  earlier  part  of  his  life  Paul  is 
largely  a  mystery,  and  even  after  his  change  into  the  Christian  faith  a 
serious  gap  occurs,  unfilled  by  many  incidents.  But  during  the  closing 
decade  of  his  life  he  had  a  brilliant  crowded  career  which  has  left  copious 
and  distinct  traces  of  its  effectiveness.  The  moral  and  spiritual  change  in 
Paul  turned  out  to  be  a  crisis  for  the  Christian  society  as  well  as  for  him- 
self.^ To  many  minds  and  hearts  in  that  age  he  proved  a  veritable  priest 
of  the  wonder  and  bloom  of  the  Christian  faith.  But  even  apart  from  the 
new  sweep  given  to  the  Christian  sj^irit  by  his  thought  and  practical 
energies,-  his  preaching  brought  to  a  head  the  conflict  which  had  been 
implied  in  previous  discussions,  esjjecially  in  the  matter  of  Stephen's 
attitude,  between  the  universalism  of  the  Christian  principle  and  the 
time-honoured  privileges  of  the  Xa6s,  the  vo^os,  and  the  ayios  tottos 
(Ac  21^^).  His  activity  represents  the  expansion  of  the  new  faith  into  its 
legitimate  sphere  and  destined  vocation.  It  implied  from  the  outset  the 
enterprise  of  reaching  the  Gentiles,  an  expansion  which  came  to  be  shaped 
constructively  in  controversy,  first  with  Judaic  principles,  then,  at  a  later 
period,  with  Hellenic  speculation.  These  phases,  especially  the  former, 
come  out  in  Paul's  letters,  and  give  them  a  large  part  of  their  historic 
significance.  In  the  mosaics  of  the  Arian  baptistery  at  Ravenna  Paul  is 
represented  beside  the  throne  of  Jesus  carrying  in  his  hand  two  rolls  of 
parchment ;  and  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  NT  literature  this  gives  an 
exact  symbol  of  his  position.  Others  may  have  written,  but  if  so  their 
writings  perished.  Several  of  Paul's  own  letters  have  been  also  lost.  But 
even  with  those  nine  or  ten  which  are  still  extant,  graphic,  pregnant,  and 
suggestive,  he  remains  the  chief  literary  witness  to  a  remarkable  side  of 
that  church  life  in  which  he  played  himself  so  notable  a  part.  He  threw 
himself  upon  his  age  with  an  energj^  of  insight  and  practical  service 
which — the  evidence  amjily  justifies  us  in  believing — was  not  equalled,  as 
it  was  hardly  ai^iiroached  by  any  one  of  the  original  disciples  or  of  their 
immediate  successors.  In  relation  to  the  Christian  faith,  he  performed  two 
signal  services :  reflection  and  expression.^   By  means  of  his  correspond  ence, 

1  "  Here,  if  at  any  point  iu  history,  we  may  believe  that  the  Spirit  of  the  World, 
if  the  world  has  a  spirit,  was  at  work  "  (Goldwin  Smith). 

-  Note    an   incidental   proof  of  his    immediate  impressiveness    and    attraction 

(Ac  925,  c',  ,j.uBr,Tc^)  ^Itav). 

3  "The  upshot  of  his  meditation  was  a  body  of  doctrine  which  for  subtlety,  pene- 
tration,   harmony,   and   completeness,    is  unsurpassed  iu   the  history   of  religious 
121 


122  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

it  is  feasible  to  construct  not  only  an  outline  of  liis  characteristic  person- 
ality, but  also  a  sketch  of  the  general  situation  within  many  of  the  early 
Christian  societies.  Thanks  to  those  writings  which  have  survived,  more 
materials  exist  for  gaining  some  inner  knowledge  of  the  Christian  history 
between  45  and  60,  than  for  almost  any  other  period  within  the  first 
century.  These  years  at  least  are  vocal.  To  step  after  step  within  the 
whole  of  that  jDeriod  Paul  is  a  contemporary  witness  in  the  same  exact  and 
historical  sense  as  (say)  Andokides  to  the  crisis  of  415-390  B.C.  in  Athens, 
Philo  to  the  sufferings  of  the  Jews  under  Sejanus  and  Caligula,  or 
Procoj)ius  to  the  African  campaigns  of  Belisarius.  His  letters  indeed  are 
transcripts  of  an  individual  mind.  The  "  beautiful  human  Paul,"  whom 
Steck  so  strangely  misses  outside  ^  the  pages  of  "  Acts,"  can  be  recognised 
most  distinctly  in  his  epistles.  At  the  same  time,  the  Pauline  letters  have 
an  even  wider  and  more  representative  value.  In  many  a  passage  they 
reflect  the  common  ideas  and  emotions  that  surged  round  himself  and 
other  members  of  the  Christian  communities  in  that  age  under  the  pres- 
sure exerted  by  its  civil  and  religious  environment.  Paul  stood  in  the 
mid-current  of  his  time.  He  has  gathered  up  in  himself  and  expressed 
not  merely  the  activity  and  far-reaching  views  which  characterised  the 
best  Christianity  among  his  contemporaries,  but  also  its  two  features  of 
supreme  interest  and  significance  —  the  transition  of  Judaism  into  or 
away  from  Christianity,  and  the  earliest  attempts  of  the  new  faith  to 
define  its  attitude  towards  the  responsibilities  and  destinies  involved  in 
a  mature  existence.  It  is  this  representative  element  that  brings  the 
Pauline  letters  irresistibly  to  the  mind  as  we  read  the  vaster  correspond- 
ence of  a  man  like  Bernard  in  the  twelfth  century.  Lying  at  opposite 
j)oles  of  conviction  and  interest,  both  mirror  as  they  helped  originally  to 
move,  in  its  personal  and  social  aspects,  a  religious  force  which  spread  with 
flooding  waves  over  contemporary  life  ;  both  also  are  the  revelation  of  a 
]jersonal  ascendancy  quite  unique  in  its  range,  and  of  a  strangely  isolated 
influence  over  these  communities  and  individuals  who  were  drawn 
within  the  circle  of  its  passionate  imperious  devotion,  to  be  swayed  and 
served. 

A  scheme  of  Paul's  life,  with  his  work  and  works,  lies  outside  the 
scope  of  these  pages.  At  this  point  there  is  only  need  and  room  for  an 
outline  of  the  author's  career  that  may  serve  as  a  setting  for  his  writings. 

To  conceive  of  literary  composition  as  anything  like  a  predominating 
interest,  and  thus  to  underestimate  the  absorbing  claims  of  his  practical 
mission,  would  be  as  erroneous  in  a  study  of  Paul  as  in  an  apprecia- 
tion, for  example,  of  Ezekiel's  career  among  the  Jews  in  Babylon.  But 
there  are  two  noticeable  features  upon  the  surface  of  his  biography,  (a) 
Paul's  literary  productions — those  at  least  which  have  come  down  to  us 
— were  evidently  occasional.     Within  the  closing  decade  of  his  life  they 

speculation.  It  bears  the  same  relation  to  dogmatic  Christianity  that  Platonism  does 
to  Greek  pliilosophy,  being  the  source  to  which  Christianity  has  liad  to  return  for 
refreshment  and  renewal  at  every  crisis  of  her  history.  It  proceeds  on  the  assump- 
tion that  if  Christianity  is  to  be  fitted  for  universal  acceptance,  it  must  rely  on 
something  more  than  the  mere  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  or  the  demonstrations  of 
fulfilled  propliecy— or  even  of  such  visions  as  he  himself  had  had  "  (J.  B.  Crozier, 
Hist.  LiteLl.  JJccdcqim.,  pp.  340,  341).  (Havet,  "  Je  ue  dirai  pas :  Voih'i  la  thoologie 
de  Paul.  Je  dirai :  Voila  la  theologie  !)  Cp.  also  Wrede,  Ucber  A  ii/gabe  u.  Methode 
d.  sogen.  NT  Th.  (1897),  p.  64  f. 

1  On  the  contrast  between  the  Paul  of  Acts  and  the  Paul  of  the  epistles,  see  Dr. 
Cone,  Paul  thu  Man,  the,  ^[issionary,  nnd  the  Teacher,  cli.  vii.,  where  most  of  the 
chief  points  are  thrown  into  sharp  relief. 


THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL 


123 


spring  up  to  meet  the  moment's  need,  although  they  presuppose  wide 
thought  and  labour,  and  are  the  outcome  of  a  lengthy  deep  experience. 


A.D. 

c.  30(31) 


31-34 
34 


49-52 


52-56 


56-58 


Conversion  of  Paul. 

Three  years  in  Arabia  :  Damascus. 

Visit  to  Jerusalem  (Gal  li8  =  Ac  Q^sf-  ?). 

Fourteen  years  in  Syria  and  Cilicia 
(Gal  1^1  -  2^)  —  with  Barnabas  in 
Syrian  Antioch — including  also 

First  Toue  :  with  Barnabas  through 
Cyprus  and  S.E.  Asia  Minor  (Ac 
13-»-142«). 


Visit  to  Jerusalem  : 
Apostolic  Council  (Gal  2^ : 


:Acl42M535). 


Second  Tour  :    with    Silas    through 
S.E.  Asia  Minor  and  Galatia — west- 
ward    to   Macedonia,    Athens   (two 
years),  Corinth,  Ti- "-  (Ac  IS^^MS^^), 
Return  to  Syrian  Antioch  : 
Dispute  with  Peter  (Gal  S^-^i). 

Third  Tour  :  through  Galatia  and 
Phrygian  highlands— Ephesus,  G  C^ 
(two  years  at  least),  I — across  to  and 
through  Macedonia,  C-,  Tt",  Achaia 
(Illyricum)— Corinth,  E,  6"^  (three 
mouths) — return  through  Macedonia 
— voyage  by  Troas  and  Miletus  to 
Tyre  (Ac  19^  2P). 

Last  visit  to  Jerusalem :  arrest  and 
imprisonment  for  two  years  in 
Caesarea  (Ac  21'»-2632),  T". 

Voyage  to  Rome — imprisonment  there 
for  two  years  (Ac  27'-28=^i),  Ci  P'"  E 
Ph  [Tn]. 


T.  1-2  =  1  and    2  epp. 
Thessalonika. 


G  =  ep.  to  Galatia. 
I  =  Intermed.  Letter. 
01- "  =  L  and  IL  epp.  to 

Corinth. 
Ttn  =  iiote  to  Titus  (Tit 

312.  13), 

E=ep.  to  Rome, 
e'l-note  to  Ephesus  (in 
Eo  16). 

T»  =  note   to    Timotheus 

(2  Ti  413-15.  21-22a). 

C  =  ep.  to  Colosse. 
Pm  =  note  to  Philemon. 
E  =  ep.  [to  Ephesus]. 
Ph  =  epp.  to  Philippi. 
Tn  =  note  to  Timotheus 
(2  Ti  1 15-18  4()-i--.  iu-19). 


even  in  their  most  unpremeditated  sallies.  His  writings  were  not  the 
true  events  of  his  life,  nor  were  they  intended  to  present  his  ordinary 
teaching  and  average  ideas.  Like  the  rest  of  the  apostles,  he  had  a 
mission  first  and  foremost  to  teach  and  preach  among  the  early  Christian 
communities.     But — 

"As  mistakes  arose  or  discords  fell, 
Or  bold  seducers  taught  them  to  rebel. 


^24  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

As  charity  grew  cold  or  faction  liot, 

Or  long  neglect  their  lessons  had  forgot, 

For  all  their  wants  they  wisely  did  provide, 

And  preaching  by  Epistles  was  suj)plied  : 

So  great  physicians  cannot  all  attend, 

But  some  they  visit  and  to  some  they  send. 

Yet  all  those  letters  were  not  writ  to  all, 

Nor  first  intended  but  occasional— 

Their  absent  sermons."  ^ 

(6)  Further,  he  did  not  outlive  himself  as  ca  writer.  His  last  letter  bears 
no  evidence  of  slackened  force  or  wavering  insight.  We  shut  up  the  story 
of  his  days  with  the  impression  of  a  mental  and  religious  fulness  which, 
so  far  from  being  on  tlie  point  of  degenerating,  seems  rather  to  combine 
the  riper  experience  and  grasp  of  age  with  something  of  a  youth's  vigour. 
Paul  dies  at  his  work,  and  he  dies  in  the  increasing  momentum  of  his 
power.  With  all  respect  to  its  authors,  the  attempt  to  explain  the  style  of 
Tim-Tit  by  discovering  throughout  these  writings  evidence  of  Paul  tlie 
old  man's  looser,  less  siistained,  less  vigorous  intellect,^  must  be  pro- 
nounced little  l:)etter  than  a  myth  of  desj^erate  and  needless  conservatism. 
It  is  not  quite  on  a  par  with  the  similar  attempt  to  explain  the  character- 
istics of  2  Peter  from  as  imaginary  a  senility  ;  but  it  scarcely  seems  to 
merit  any  more  serious  consideration.  The  difference  between  Galatians 
and  Col-Philippians  is  the  difference  between  the  earlier  and  the  later 
styles  of  a  man  for  whom  wider  interests  and  maturer  conceptions  have 
arisen,  necessitating  fresh  expressions.  The  difference,  again,  between 
Col-Philippians  and  the  "  pastorals  "  is  almost  the  difference  between  one 
world  and  another ;  and  the  element  of  undoubted  "  Paulinism  "  in  the 
latter  (both  in  idea  and  phrase)  only  serves  to  emphasise  their  perfectly 
new  setting  and  development.  Besides,  the  interval  in  the  latter  case — 
three  years  at  the  outside — would  not  be  adequate  to  account  for  so  com- 
plete an  alteration,  esi^ecially  in  a  style  like  that  of  Paul,  which,  for  all 
its  flexibility,  had  become  well  marked  and  characteristic.  Neither  the 
length  nor  the  contents  of  the  period  60-64  (64-67J  are  at  all  sufficient  to 
meet  the  demands  made  by  this  hypothesis  of  senility.  It  is  unnecessary 
and  unworthy.  The  apostle  disappears  from  the  NT  with  a  message  of 
strenuous  j>ersonal  confidence  (Ph  4^'-'  -^)  which  contains  implicitly  a 
note  of  quiet  triumph  ^  :  dcmd^ovTat.  vixus  navrei  ol  (iyioi,  fxc'iAicrTa  Se  ol  (k  rrjs 
Kaiaapos  oIkcus.  The  words  have  a  ring  of  satisfaction.  His  hope  had  been 
realised.  His  work  had  carried  the  church  into  the  heart  of  the  empire, 
and  the  consciousness  that  this  aim  had  been  successfully  achieved 
Ijrought  him  a  strange  new  joy  upon  the  very  edge  of  death. 

The  critical  scheme  of  his  epistles  involves  two  questions,  relating  to 
their  order  and  their  dates. 

A.  Their  Order. 

The  consecutive  arrangement  of  the  letters,  as  printed  in  this  edition, 
is  one  wluch  commands  the  support  of  a  consensus  of  excellent  author- 

1  Dryden  in  Thr.  Iliad  and  the  Panther,  part  ii. 

-  Dr.  Stalker's  hai.jjy  comparison  of  Paul's  style  {Life  of  St.  Paul,  p.  89)  to  that 
of  Cromwell,  in  point  of  rugged  effectiveness  and  a  certain  formless  originality, 
applies  pre-eminently  to  the  Galatian,  Corinthian,  and  Philippian  letters.  They 
were  appeals  struck  out  of  crises,  words  for  an  emergency. 

3  C]).  the  close  of  liis  biography  by  tlie  author  of  Acts,  ch.  283"-  3i.  The  cor- 
rect interpretation  of  It  »>«.<  tu  rfKiruplu  (Ph  V)  as  the  supreme  court  of  jmlicial 
authorities  is  given  by  Mommsen,  SliBA  (1895),  p.  498  f. 


THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL  125 

ities.  A  different  order,  however,  has  often  been  adopted  both  in  the 
earlier  and  in  the  later  letters,  for  which  a  case  can  be  reasonably  stated. 
When  reduced  to  its  simplest  terms,  ^  the  whole  question  at  issue 
turns  upon  the  relative  position  of  (I)  "  Galatians  "  in  the  earlier,  and 
(II)  "  Philippians  "  in  the  later  period. 

I.  The  relative  date  of  Galatians  depends  upon  two  questions — (a) 
Did  the  Galatians  addressed  belong  to  the  territory  of  northern  Galatia, 
a  district  inhabited  by  Kelts — especially  to  its  chief  cities,  Ancyra, 
Pessinus  (Juliopolis  ?)  Germa,  and  Tavium — or  to  the  Roman  province 
of  Galatia,  which  would  include  the  southern  cities,  Derbe,  Lystra, 
Ikonium,  and  Pisidian  Antioch  ?  The  letter  seems  to  imply  two  previous 
visits  (413,  fvrjyyeXirrdfxriv  iifiiv  to  ivporepov).  As  upon  the  northern  Galatian 
theory,  these  occurred  during  the  second  (Ac  16^)  and  third  (Ac  18^^) 
tours,  the  epistle — written  shortly  after  the  latter  of  these  visits  (Gal  1*'') 
— was  coniposed  later  than  Paul's  visit  and  epistles  to  Thessalonika. 
Upon  the  southern  Galatian  theory,  as  the  two  visits  took  place  on  the  hrst 
(Ac  13-14)  and  second  (Ac  16^*"')  tours,  the  epistle  can  be  put  much 
earlier  than  in  the  northern  Galatian  theory.  It  is  then  possible  to  place 
it  either  in  the  interval  between  the  second  and  third  tours,  or  in  the 
latter  jjart  of  the  second  tour  itself  ;  at  any  rate,  it  must  be  dated  before, 
not  after,  Ac  IS-'^''  {bLepxoixivos  Kade^iis  tijv  TaXuTiKriv  x<^pav),  which  refers 
to  a  third  visit  of  Paul. 

Still,  even  these  results  do  not  close  the  question  of  the  date.  Upon 
the  northern  Galatian  theory,  Galatians  must  be  subsequent  to  1  and 
2  Thessalonians  :  it  may  be  either  prior  or  subsequent  to  1  and  2  Corin- 
thians.    Upon  the  southern  Galatian  theory,  Galatians  must  be  prior  to 

1  and  2  Corinthians  :  it  may  be  either  prior  or  subsequent  to  1  and 

2  Thessalonians.  A  fixed  point  is  the  composition  of  1  and  2  Thessalonians 
at  Corinth,  a  few  months  after  Paul's  visit  thereupon  his  second  tour. 
The  southern  Galatian  theory  puts  Paul's  second  visit  to  Galatia  in  the 
earlier  part  of  this  tour ;  hence  the  epistle  to  the  Christians  of  that 
province  may  have  been  written  between  that  visit  and  Paul's  arrival 
at  Corinth.  In  this  case  it  would  be  the  earliest  of  his  extant  epistles.^ 
But  while  this  position  is  favoured  by  the  southern  Galatian  theory,^  it  is 
not  necessarily  involved  in  it.  So  far  as  the  facts  of  the  situation  are 
concerned,  Galatians  may  have  been  composed  either  at  Corinth  after 

1  The  older  theory  (of  Grotius,  Ewald,  Laurent,  and — from  his  own  standpoint — 
Baur)  which  put  2  Thess.  previous  to  1  Thess.  may  be  regarded  as  extinguished. 
2  Thess.  does  not,  it  is  true,  refer  (unless  ii.  2i  =  i.  4^" ;  cp.  ii.  2^^)  to  1  Thess.,  but  this 
is  because  it  goes  further  back  in  order  to  elaborate  part  of  the  oral  teaching  which 
preceded  that  epistle.  The  other  grounds  for  the  theory  are  even  less  conclusive,  and 
in  fact  the  reversed  order  is  not  only  needless  but  beset  with  additional  difficulties  of 
its  own  creation.  lu  the  ordinary  arrangeraeut,  from  whicli  there  is  no  reason  to 
depart,  the  first  epistle  lies  close  to  the  original  founding  of  the  Christian  community 
at  Thessalonika,  while,  if  the  second  be  genuine,  it  presupposes  an  interval  during 
which  matters  had  appreciably  developed  (cp.  Johannes,  Comm.  1  Thessalon.  (1898), 
pp.  124-128). 

2  So  Hausrath,  iii.  pp.  188,  219  (dating  Galatians  in  the  autumn  of  53,  and 
1  Thess.  54)  ;  Bartlet  (.4.4,  p.  113  f. ) ;  Weizsiicker  (.4^,  i.  270-275),  and  Pfleiderer, 
Urc.  pp.  57-78  ;  Kendall,  Exp.^  ix.  254  (from  Coriuth),  and  McGiffert,  A  A,  226-230 
(from  Antioch,  between  Ac  153"  and  16^). 

3  For  a  concise  statement  of  the  theory  and  a  list  of  authorities,  cp.  Ramsay's 
article  on  "Galatia,"  DB,  vol.  ii.  pp.  89  f.  Add,  in  favour  of  the  position,  Adeney,i>/, 
pp.  372,  373.  Mr.  Askwith  in  his  monograph  (The  Ep.  to  the  Gcdatians,  its  destina- 
tion and  date,  1899)  accepts  the  southern  Galatian  theory,  but  adheres  to  Light- 
foot's  order  of  the  epistles. 


126  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

1  and  2  Thessalonians,  or  slightly  later,  during  the  interval  between  the 
second  and  third  tours  (Ac  18-^%  TToirjaas  xpovov  riva),  which  Paul  sj^ent 
at  Antioch.i  The  conclusion  that  1  and  2  Thessalonians  preceded 
Galatians — an  order  which  is  imperative  upon  the  northern  Galatian,  and 
probable  upon  the  southern  Galatian  theory — is  corrol)orated  by  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  respective  epistles,  which  is  fairly  decisive  in 
regard  to  the  relative  position  of  Galatians  and  the  other  three  chief 
epistles  as  well. 

(b)  The  affinities  of  Galatians,  in  spirit  and  expression,  are  with 
the  Corinthian  and  Roman,  not  with  the  Thessalonian,  epistles.  The 
latter  stand  by  themselves,  their  theology  is  simple,^  their  atmosjihere 
unvexed  by  Judaistic  agitation  against  the  principles  of  the  gospel, 
or  the  mission  of  the  apostle.  It  is  true  that  Paul's  relations  with 
Thessalonika  were  comparatively  smooth  and  bright.  The  community 
there  drew  upon  itself  none  of  the  incisive  strokes  which  fell  from  him 
upon  the  vacillating  Galatae.  But  even  after  a  fair  allowance  has  been 
made  for  this  difference  in  the  character  of  the  two  churches,  it  seems 
almost  incredible  that  Galatians  should  have  preceded  1  and  2  Thessal- 
onians by  one  or  two  years,  leaving  hardly  a  trace  of  its  hot  arguments 
within  tiiese  letters,  and  yet  echoing  subsequently  in  several  of  its  moods 
through  the  Corinthian  and  Roman  letters.  Psychologically  this  order 
might  be  vindicated.  But  it  would  require  clearer  evidence  than  has  yet 
been  offered  to  make  the  theory  acceptable,  especially  when  arguments 
from  other  quarters  tell  decidedly  against  it. 

With  the  exception  of  the  hypothesis  in  regard  to  Galatians  which  we 
have  discussed  and  put  aside,  there  is  a  wide  agreement  among  scholars 
that  the  similarities  of  the  group  Galatians,  1  and  2  Corinthians,  Romans, 
can  be  most  satisfactorily  explained  if  the  four  epistles  are  dated  gener- 
ally within  one  epoch— and  that,  the  third  tour  of  Paul.  Between  his 
arrival  at  Ephesus  and  his  departure  from  Corinth  (a  period,  roughly 
speaking,  which  embraced  four  years),  the  letters  were  composed.  Within 
this  group,  1  Corinthians  and  2' Corinthians  hang  together.  The  former 
was  written  from  Ephesus  (1  Co  16*^) ;  the  latter,  at  a  later  stage  of  the 
tour,  from  Macedonia  (2  Co  7^).  During  this  interval  neither  Galatians 
nor  Romans  can  l)e  placed.  Further,  Romans  is  on  all  hands  allowed  to 
have  followed  2  Corinthians.  In  the  former  epistle  he  is  on  the  point  of 
conveying  to  Jerusalem  (Ro  15^5)  ^\^q  proceeds  of  that  collection  made 

^E.g.  Renan  {S.  Paul,  chaps,  x.-xi.),  Burton,  RLA,  Ramsay,  SPT,  pp.  189- 
192,  260  (with  Schiniedel's  review,  ThLz  (1897),  609-613,  adverse  to  the  southern 
Galatian  theory),  and  Kvp.^  June  1898,  pp.  401  f.,  where,  like  Haupt  {SK,  1900,  pp. 
137,  138),  he  unfavourably  criticises  the  recent  attempt  of  Zahn  {£inl.  i.  pp.  117- 
145)  to  place  Galatians  early  in  Paul's  first  visit  to  Corinth  (Ac  18i).  His  wliole 
application  of  the  southern  Galatian  theory  to  Galatians  (Exp.^  1898,  1899,  expanded 
and  reprinted  in  .1  Historical  Comm.  on  Galatians,  1899),  is  a  most  persuasive  and 
vivid  piece  of  historical  writing.  Volkmar,  however  (Paulus  von  Damascus  bis  zum. 
Galaterbrief,  p.  31  f.),  dates  Galatians  from  Antioch  at  the  close  of  Paul's  second 
missionary  tour  (Ac  18--);  while  Bartlet  (Exp.  October  1899,  pp.  263-280,  "Some 
Points  in  Pauline  History  and  Chronology";  AA.,  p.  83 f.),  dating  Paul's  conver- 
sion, 30-33,  puts  Gal.  48  (49)-49  (50)  a.d.  written  from  Antioch,  or  as  Paul  was  on 
his  journey  to  Jerusalem  to  fight  the  battle  of  Christian  freedom. 

a  Menegoz,  Le  Peche  et  la  Redemption,  pp.  3-9  ;  cp.  Holsteu,  Das  Evancjdinm 
(Us  Paulus,  viii.  To  Professor  Bruce  [St.  Paul's  Conopiion  of  Christianity,  pp.  15- 
25)  the  Thessalonian  ejiistles  represented  the  rudimentary  teaching  given  by  Paul  to 
a  young  Christian  community  :  they  were,  in  fact,  a  kind  of  Cliristian  primer. 
Certainly  Paulinism,  in  the  technical  sense  of  the  word,  is  as  imlistinct  in  the 
Thessalonian  letters  as  the  characteristic  genius  of  Carlyle  in  his  life  of  Schiller. 


THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL  127 

by  the  Greek  churches  which  forms  the  subject  of  his  appeals  and  praise 
in  the  earlier  letters  to  Corinth  (i.  16\  ii.  8^  9*).  The  latter  epistles 
were  of  course  composed  before  he  fiuallv  visited  the  city  on  the  Isthmus. 
Romans  then  falls  towards  the  time  of  his  departure  (Ac'20^)  from  Achaia, 
and  this  date  is  corroborated  by  the  fact  that  Sosipater  and  Timothy  (Ac 
20*)  were  in  his  company  then,  and  joined  in  his  greetings  (Ro  'iG^i). 
The  result  is  that  Galatians  must  fall  either  (i)  before  1  and  2  Corinthians; 
or  (ii)  between  2  Corinthians  and  Romans  ;  or  (iii)  after  Romans. ^ 

(i.)  is  the  generally  received  order  of  the  epistles  :  cp.  Baur,  Paul 
(Eng.  Tr.),  i.  260-267  ;  Renan,  S.  Paid,  passim  ;  Weiss ;  Havet,  Oriqines, 
iv.  pp.  101  f.  ;  Mackintosh,  Essays  toiv.  iV.  TJieol.  299-308  ;  J.  S.  Black, 
JEB,  art.  "Gal.";  Hilgenfeld,  Mnl.  pp.  249-327  ;  also  ZlFTh  (1883),  pp. 
303-343  ;  Sabatier,  Paul  (Eng.  Tr.),  pp.  135-211  :  Holtzmann,  Einl. 
pp.  217-245  ;  Sieftert  (-Meyer)  ;  Jiilicher,  Einl.  50-77 ;  Holsten,  Das 
Evglm.  des  Paulus ;  Lipsius,  HC,  ii.  ii.  j)p.  11,  12;  Ramsaj^,  SPT,  pp. 
189-192;  Sanday  and  Headlam,  "Romans"  {IGC,  1895),"  pp.  xxxvi, 
xxxvii ;  Warfield  {Journ.  Execj.  Soc,  December  1884)  ;  Burton,  BLA,  pp. 
212-216 ;  Godet  (INT),  Reuss  (pp.  76  f.),  Menegoz  (ojx  cit.)  ;  Professor 
Bruce,  St.  Paul's  Conception  of  Christianity,  pp.  53,  54,  etc.  ;  Bovon,  NTTh, 
ii.  pp.  73-120  ;  Vollert,  Tabellen  zur  neutest.  Zeitgesch.  (1897),  pp.  20-22  ; 
Drummond,  Ep.  to  Galat.  (1892),  pp.  17-22  (more  vaguely,  IH,  ii.  pp. 
189  f.)  ;  Schafer,  Ei^il.  p.  87  f,  etc. 

The  strength  of  this  theory  is  chiefly  to  be  felt  by  a  detailed  exposi- 
tion of  the  separate  writings  in  their  connection  and  development,  and 
can  only  be  shown  from  such  an  examination.  It  is  an  order  which,  it  may 
be  argued,  suits  most  accurately  the  controversial  and  dogmatic  move- 
ments of  Paul's  mind,  so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  reconstruct  those  from  the 
extant  sources  ;  but  it  is  further  corroborated  by  the  evidence  aflbrded 
when  each  writing  is  isolated  and  jjlaced  according  to  its  characteristic 
references.  Indeed,  the  latter  line  of  argument  is  often  more  convincing 
than  the  former.  The  stjde  and  inner  development  of  thought  through- 
out the  letters  cannot  be  said  to  give  anything  like  reliable  data  for 
determining  precisely  the  dates  and  order  ;  they  merely  converge  in 
favour  of  an  order  which  depends  ujjon  conclusions  drawn  from  the 
historical  data  of  each  writing  separately  viewed  and  sifted.  Certainly 
these  forbid  any  long  interval  between  the  Christianisation  of  the  Galatians 
and  this  epistle.  No  situation  suits  the  unequivocal  language  of  Gal 
1''  so  naturally  as  the  composition  of  these  words  at  a  period  earlier  than 
that  at  which  he  wrote  1  (Jorinthians  from  Ephesus. 

(ii.)  has  been  held  after  Lightfoot  {Galatians,  pp.  36-56)  by  several 
critics,  including  Hort,  Farrar,  Salmon,  and  Findlay,  Galatians,  Ex- 
positor's Bible  (1891)  :  GR  (1895),  p.  362  ;  cp.  also  Bleek,  Einl.  p.  548  f., 
and,  upon  the  whole,  S.  Davidson  {INT.  i.  pp.  73-83),  with  Adeney,  BI, 
pp.  374-375  ;  Dr.  Dods  seems  undecided  {DB,  ii.  pp.  95,  96). 

The  really  plausible-    element   in   this   theory   is   drawn   from   the 

1  The  curious  opiuion,  prevalent  especially  iu  the  Eastern  Church,  that  Gal. 
was  composed  during  Paul's  imprisonment  (at  Kome)  was  probably  due  to  the 
canonical  position  of  the  epistle  close  to  Ephesians.  From  this  several  ancient 
writers,  from  Eusebius  of  Emesa  to  Theodoret,  naively  concluded  that  it  must  have 
been  written  very  late  in  Paul's  life,  finding  also  in  420  an  allusion  to  confinement 
and  sutfering.  Zahn  quotes  a  modern  rehabilitation  of  this  fantasy  upon  slightly 
different  but  equally  impossible  lines  (Halmel,  Ueber  rcim.  Redd  im  Galat.  1895). 

-  Hartmann  (ZWTk  (1899),  pp.  187-194),  partly  following  Clemen,  argues  that  the 
reckonings  of  time  in  2  Co  12^  and  Gal  2i  imply  that  the  passages  Avere  written  in 
that  order. 


128  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

admitted  resemblances  in  style  and  subject  wliicli  accompany  the  dis- 
tinctive features  in  the  group  of  letters.  Galatians,  it  is  argued,  takes  up 
the  closing  tone  of  2  Corinthians,  while  in  its  turn  it  anticipates  and  is 
amplified  by  the  tone  of  Romans ;  consequently  its  place  is  not  merely 
with,  but  between,  those  writings.  But,  apart  from  the  special  considera- 
tions involved,  this  line  of  argument  is  too  logical  to  be  entirely  human. 
Romans,  in  some  aspects  (e.g.  the  ideas  of  the  spirit  and  sonship,  also  of 
works  and  the  law)  stands  unquestionably  near  to  Galatians,  but  the  Corin- 
thian epistles  need  not  therefore  Ije  dated  before  the  others.  The  fact 
may  be  admitted,  and  the  inference  denied.  In  his  letters  to  Corinth  the 
apostle  is  largely  preoccupied  with  local  questions  which  inevitably 
colour  and  shape  the  treatment  of  his  main  ideas.  In  Galatians  he  is — 
to  use  the  modern  jjlirase — more  objective,  for  all  his  versatile  and  urgent 
personality.  These  writings  to  Corinth  are  not  a  reliable  clue  to  the 
exact  and  average  nature  of  the  ideas  whicli  possessed  his  mind.  They 
represent  him  at  a  most  eager,  energetic  point,  it  is  true ;  but  for  the 
time  being,  turned  aside.  Hence  the  similarity  of  attitude  in  Galatians 
and  Romans  does  not  permit  any  safe  inference  as  to  the  period  of  their 
composition.^  Psychologically,  it  is  quite  reasonable  to  argue  that 
Romans  carries  forward  the  conceptions  of  Galatians  after  a  brief  lapse 
of  time,  during  which  other  and  more  pressing  questions  had  kept  these 
comparatively  latent  in  the  apostle's  mind.^  Besides,  it  may  be  disputed 
whether  the  coincidences  and  attinities  between  Galatians  and  Romans 
really  form  an  important  feature  in  either  epistle.  The  divergencies  are 
far  more  noticeable.  Pre-eminently  among  the  Pauline  e23istles  Galatians 
has  its  special  task  and  individual  setting.  Its  contents  are  too  isolated 
to  admit  of  reliable  inferences  being  drawn  from  them  to  determine  its 
date  through  its  connections  and  resemblances ;  and  the  absence  (in 
2  Corinthians)  of  doctrinal  controvei-sy  with  the  Judaistic  emissaries 
proves,  not  that  his  conflict  with  them  was  still  in  an  inchoate  stage 
compared  to  that  reflected  in  Galatians,  but  simply  that  the  particular 
conditions  and  local  circumstances  at  Corinth  demanded  tactics  of  a 
personal  rather  than  a  doctrinal  nature.  The  special  exposure  in 
2  Corinthians  is  not  inconsistent  with  a  previous  refutation  of  their 
principles  such  as  is  hurled  out  in  Galatians. 

(iii.)  has  been  recently  revived  and  ingeniously  stated,  not  only  for 

1  As  Renrlall  aptly  remarks  :  It  is  one  thing  to  note  in  two  letters  familiar  work- 
ings of  the  same  miud,  and  another  to  identify  their  dates  on  the  ground  of  that  re- 
semblance. The  force  of  such  a  presumption  depends  largely  on  circumstances  ;  a 
man  may  well  repeat  the  same  thoughts  and  the  same  expressions  at  considerable 
intervals,  if  the  intervening  tenor  of  his  life  and  his  environment  continue  constant 
(Exp.^ix.  p.  260).  So  too,  I  am  glad  to  find,  Mr.  C.  H.  Turner  (/>i>',  i.  p.  423): 
"  Perhaps  too  much  stress  has  been  laid  on  such  resemblances  taken  alone — as  though 
St.  Paul's  history  was  so  strictly  uniform  that  a  given  topic  can  only  have  been 
handled  at  a  given  moment — and  too  little  on  the  influence  of  external  circum- 
stances to  revive  old  ideas  or  to  call  out  new  ones."  (On  this  point  at  least,  though 
apparently  not  upon  the  date  of  Philippians,  he  has  broken  away  from  the  Lightfoot 
tradition).  Similarly  and  emphatically  Zahn,  Juiil.  i.  pp.  143,  144,  358  ("Paulus 
nicht  der  geistlose  Schulmeister  war,  welcher  zur  Zeit  und  zur  Uuzeit  seine  Ein- 
formigen  Lehrsiitze  wiederholte  "). 

-  W.  Briickner  (Chron.  pp.  174-192),  from  a  widely  different  standpoint,  comes  to 
the  same  conclusion  as  Lightfoot  upon  the  order  of  the  epistles,  dating  them — Cor. 
Ual.  Rom. — however,  in  the  years  61-62,  and  suspecting  the  historicity  even  of  Ac 
24,  25.  But,  like  Meuegoz,  he  heartily  agrees  that  if  1  Thess.  is  to  be  taken  as  a 
Pauline  document  it  must  be  dated  early  in  the  apostle's  life,  previous  to  these  four 
chief  epistles  {ibid.  pp.  193-199). 


THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL  129 

liis  own  purposes  and  reasons  by  Steck,i  but  also  by  Clemen  {Chron.  also, 
SK  (1897),  pp.  219-270,  "  Die  Reihenfolge  der  paul.  Hauptbriefe  ").  His 
scheme  -  involves  a  late  date  for  the  apostolic  council,  which  is  identified 
not  with  Ac  15  but  with  Ac  21,  and  therefore  placed  in  54  a.d. 
Previous  to  this  come — 

37.  Saul's  conversion  (2  Co  12^),  two  years  after  crucifixion. 

40-45.  First  mission  tour,  chiefly  in  Galatia. 

45-50.  (Spring),  second  tour,  through  Greece,  etc.,  to  Ephesus. 

47-48.  Stay  in  Corinth  (U  years)  (Thess.  epp.). 

49-50.  First  (lost)  epistle  to  Corinth  (1  Co  5"),  in  early  spring  of  50. 

50-52.  Stay  in  Ephesus  (2|  vears),  including  (1  Co,  2  Co  9)  visit  to 
Corinth  (2  Co  lO-ls'io). 

52-54.  Third  mission  tour  (2  Co  1-8,  1311-''"^),  in  summer  of  52. 

52-53.  Winter  in  Nikopolis  (Tit  Si-i-'). 

53-54.  Winter  in  Corinth  (Rom). 

54.  Apostolic    council    in    Jerusalem    (Ac    20-21-1),    dispute    at 

Antioch  (Gal). 
58.  Paul's  arrest  in  Jerusalem. 

The  stress  of  the  argument  lies  on  the  supposed  increase  of  contro- 
versy with  the  Judaisers  in  Galatians  as  compared  with  Romans,  for  which 
— on  this  hypothesis — the  events  at  Antioch  are  required  as  the  pre- 
liminary cause.  But  the  greater  probability  is  that  the  larger,  milder 
exposition  of  Paul's  teaching  on  the  law  followed  the  sharper  dialectic  of 
Galatians,  and  it  may  be  held  that  passages  like  Ro  5^^  V  show  quite 
as  clear  and  decisive  a  standpoint  in  regard  to  the  law  as  Gal  2^^. 
Clemen's  views  mean  development  in  the  ideas  of  the  law,  righteousness, 
the  person  of  Christ,  etc.,  but  neither  these  nor  his  somewhat  arbitrary 
treatment  of  "  Acts  "  have  moved  recent  scholarship  from  adhering  to  the 
old  verdict  pronounced  by  Baur's  insight  upon  Galatians  (see  prefixed 
note  below). 

There  need  be  little  hesitation,  then,  in  accepting  Galatians,  Corin- 
thians, and  Romans,  as  the  proper  chronological  order  of  the  writings  ; 
it  has  found  wide  assent  among  scholars,  and,  upon  the  whole,  may  be 
considered  as  the  hypothesis  which  is  most  successful  in  setting  the  facts 
and  feelings  of  the  author's  life  in  a  reasonable  and  natural  sequence. 

II.  The  crucial  point  in  the  problem  of  the  prison-letters  is  the 
position  of  Philippians.  Almost  certainly,  however,  this  letter  is  to  be 
ranked  as  the  latest.  It  has  always  impressed  editors  as  the  final 
expression  of  Paul's  mind  and  heart,  written  by  one  who  was  conscious 
of    standiug   near   tlie   last   step.     This   tone   does    not  appear   in   the 

1  Der  (•' alaierbfief  (18S8),  opposed  in  a  special  monograph  by  Glocl ;  Diejilngstc 
Kritik  des  Ualaterb'riefes  (1890),  and  by  R.  J.  Knowling,  Witness  of  the  Epistles 
(1892),  eh.  iii.  Zahn  also  refers  to  his  own  convincing  article  in  ZKWL  (1889),  pp. 
462-466.  Steck's  order  is  Romans,  1  and  2  Corinthians,  Galatians,  all  composed 
between  120  and  140  a.d. 

2  Cp.  Kiihu,  Xeue  kirchliche  Zeitschr.  (1895),  pp.  981-990,  on  the  argument  that 
the  evidence  of  the  epistle  agrees  with  the  tone  of  Paul  during  the  Caesarean 
imprisonment,  when  he  could  not  (4-")  get  away  to  visit  his  friends,  and  had  been 
maltreated  (61'')  by  the  Jews  (Ac  213-) !  Clemen's  theory  has  been  adversely  ex- 
amined by  Schmiedel,  LG  (1894),  pp.  1129-1131,  and  especially  F.  Sieffert  in  an 
essay  (ThSt,  pp.  332-357),  "Die  Entwickelungslinie  der  panlinischen  Gesetzeslehre, 
nach  den  vier  Hauptbriefen  des  Apostels."  Cp.  also  J.  Weiss'  review,  SK  (1895), 
pp.  252-296,  "Paulinische  Probleme  ;  die  Chronologie  der  Panlinischen  Briefe," 
Zahn,  Mnl.  i.  pp.  142,  143  (especially  on  the  incompatibility  of  Gal  2io  with  this 
theory),  A.  Robertson  (DB,  i.  pp.  485,  486),  and  Gercke  {GGA  (1894),  577-599). 


130  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

Colossian  (l^^  4^)  or  Ephesian  (6^^)  letters,  which  in  all  probability 
preceded  Philippians  ;  they  indicate  a  less  disturbed  situation,  in  which 
the  writer's  mind  was  free  to  deliberately  expand.  So  Sabatier 
(p.  250  f.),  Weiss  {INT,  ii.  pp.  131-137),  Godet  {INT,  p.  427  f.),  Eeuss 
(p.  106  f.),  Ramsav  {SPT,  pp.  357-359),  Lipsius  {EC,  ii.  2,  pp.  210,  211), 
von  Soden  {ihid.  iii ;  EBi,  i.  p.  816  ;  and  "  Der  Philipperbrief  "  (1889)), 
Klopper  (in  his  edition  of  Fhilip.  1893),  McGiffert  {A A,  pp.  364-393), 
Zahn  {Einl.  i.  pp.  380-391),  Bovon  {NTTh,  ii.  73-120),  VoUert  {Tabellen, 
pp.  32,  33),  Adenev  {BI,  p.  401  f.),  Bartlet  {A A,  p.  178  f.),  Schafer  {Einl. 
pp.  133-146),  Dr.  "H.  A.  A.  Kennedy  {Exp.  Ti.  x.  pp.  22-24),  Bernard 
{DB,  iii.  833),  Gibb  {DB,  iii.  841),  besides  those  who,  with  Holtzmann,i 
reject  both  Colossians  and  Ephesians.  Still,  neither  the  internal  evidence, 
which  may  be  drawn  from  the  character  and  prospects  of  the  epistle,  nor 
the  evidence  sought  in  its  relation  to  Col.-Ephes.,  is  absolutely  decisive  ; 
although,  in  the  absence  of  reliable  data,  they  serve  to  make  this 
position  inherently  probable.  In  writing  to  the  Philippians,  Paul  is 
no  longer  supported  by  the  companions  who  had  been  with  him  when 
the  earlier  epistles  were  composed.  Further,  the  letter  gives  the 
impression  of  having  been  written  at  a  time  when  the  author's  position 
had  become  serious  (I23-25  2'-3-  24^^  gg  acute,  indeed,  that  the  immediate 
future  must  end  in  a  total  change — death  or  liberation.  This  is  scarcely 
compatible  with  the  continued  imprisonment  which  would  be  required, 
were  Col.-Ephes.  placed  after  Philippians. 

Assuming,  then,  that  Philippians  and  (as  is  highly  probable) 
Colossians  and  Ephesians  were  all  written  from  Rome,  one  may  conclude 
that  Philippians  is  subsequent  to  the  others.  The  only  argument  on  the 
other  side  of  any  weight  is  furnished  by  the  admitted  excess  of 
dogmatic  teaching  in  Col.-Ephes.,  and  the  apparent  resemblance  of 
Philippians  to  Romans.  These  are  more  or  less  obvious  facts.  But  they 
do  not  necessarily  imply  chronological  sequence,  except  upon  the 
untenable  hypothesis  that  Paul  was  concerned  to  show  himself  a 
careful  and  logical  theologian.  All  three  letters  fall  within  less  than  a 
couple  of  years.  The  differences  between  them  involve  no  great  internal 
development  of  thought  in  Paul's  mind.  They  simply  arise  from  the 
different  objects  and  interests  roused  in  the  apostle  as  he  confronted 
the  varying  situations  ^  in  Asia  Minor  and  Macedonia.  Hence 
Philippians  follows  Romans  just  as  Galatians  precedes  it ;  all  these 
carry  forward  a  certain  and  coherent  train  of  argument,  but  im- 
mediately before  as  immediately  after  Romans,  Paul  finds  himself 
suddenly  brought  face  to  face  with  crises  and  controversies  which,  like  a 
living  and  versatile  missionary,  he  turns  aside  to  treat  upon  their  own 
lives.  Col.-Ephes.  intervene  after,  as  the  Corinthian  epistles  before, 
Romans.  They  spring  from  a  campaign,  with  its  quick  phases  and 
unexpected  transitions,  in   which   the   soldier  has   often   to    tight  and 

1  Philippians  "  ist  jedcnfalls  uach  den  3  anderen  gt'schrieTien.  .  .  .  Es  ist  das 
Testament  des  Apostels,  das  wir  vor  uns  liaben  "  {Einl.  p.  267). 

"  Ramsay  :  "  The  tone  of  Col.  and  Epiies.  is  determined  by  the  circumstances  of 
the  churches  addressed.  The  great  cities  of  Asia  were  on  the  highway  of  tl>e  world, 
which  traversed  the  Lycos  valley,  and  in  them  development  took  jilace  with  great 
rapidity.  But  the  Macedonians  were  a  simple-minded  people  in  comp;irisiin  with 
Ephesus  and  Laodiceia  and  Colossal,  lying  further  away  from  the  great  movLinents 
of  thought.  It  was  not  in  Paul's  way  to  send  to  Philippi  an  elaborate  treatise 
against  a  subtle  speculative  heresy  which  had  never  aiTetted  that  church." 

On  the  historical  situation  of  Col.-Ephes.  an  adequate  study  is  given  in  Renan'a 
U Antechrist,  ch.  iv. 


THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL  131 

move  abruptly.  It  is  much  safer  to  take  each  upon  its  own  merits  as 
a  living  product  of  Paul's  mood  and  duty  at  the  time  being,  than  to 
view  them  as  documents  which,  for  reasons  of  style  and  matter,  are  to 
be  plausibly  but  unnaturally  classified  in  certain  groups. 

The  main  positive  evidence  for  the  later  date  of  Philippians  is  drawn 
from  the  length  of  time  required  for  the  relations  which  the  letter 
presupposes  as  existing  between  Paul  and  the  Philippian  church. 
They  learn  of  Paul's  arrival,  send  him  funds  by  Epaphroditus,  and  hear 
of  the  latter's  illness.  Epaphroditus  further  is  informed  of  their 
anxiety,  which  naturally  implies  that  he  had  somehow  received  definite 
news  from  Philippi.  All  this  requires  a  considerable  time,  and  cannot 
be  crushed  into  a  few  months.  Further,  the  developed  state  of 
Christianity  in  the  capital,  with  its  propaganda  and  controversies,  is  an 
effect  which  is  distinctly  traced  by  Paul  (l^-"i'*)  as  in  part  due  to  the 
stimulus  of  his  presence  there,  and  cannot  be  wholly  set  down  to  the 
previous  exertions  of  the  local  Christians.  The  importance  and  ex- 
tension of  the  church,  as  these  are  represented  in  Philippians,  demand 
a  space  of  time  dating  from  the  hour  of  Paul's  entrance  into  the  city, 
and  thus  involve  a  considerable  retrospect.  On  the  more  difficult  evidence 
drawn  from  the  letter  with  regard  to  the  particular  stage  of  the  trial  at 
which  Paul  wrote,  see  the  recent  examination  by  R.  R.  Smith,  The  Epistle 
of  St.  Paul's  First  Trial  (1899),  where  the  epistle  is  placed  at  a  somewhat 
advanced  point  in  the  legal  process,  but  previously  to  the  verdict. 

This  place  of  Philippians  in  the  series  has  been  disputed  by  Light- 
foot  1  ("  Philippians,"  pp.  30-46),  Farrar  (St.  Paul,  ch.  xlvi.),  Hatch 
(article  "  Philippians,"  EB),  and  Hort  ("  Jud.  Christianity,"  pp.  115-129  ; 
"  Romans  and  Ephesians,"  p.  102).  These,  with  some  other  critics 
(including  Renan),  put  it  earliest,  partly  on  the  ground  of  its  coincidences 
with  Romans,  partly  because  the  ideas  of  the  church  and  of  Christ's 
person  in  Col.-Ephes.  are  considered  to  mark  a  further  stage  of 
theological  development.  The  foi-mer  of  these  arguments  has  no  more 
weight  here  than  in  regard  to  the  similar  question  of  the  relationshiji 
between  Galatians  and  Romans,  and  the  latter  epistle  has  equal  affinities 
with  Col.-Ephes.  The  latter  argument  is  inconclusive.  In  Col.- 
Ephes.  a  distinct  advance  in  theology  is  patent.  Philippians  does  not 
carry  the  theology  to  any  higher  expression,  but  this  fact  does  not  imply 
that  the  latter  epistle  must  have  preceded  the  former.  It  is  a  priori 
criticism  to  expect  a  graded  development  of  thought  in  one  epistle  after 
another,  instead  of  a  mobile,  versatile  j^ersonality.  The  different  tone 
of  Philippians  is  perfectly  credible  when  the  change  in  Paul's  situation 
is  taken  into  account,  along  with  the  specially  private  relation  to 
Philippi  (2-^  4^^)  which  occupied  his  mind  at  the  moment. 

Colossians  is  certainly  to  be  jjlaced  liefore  Ephesians  (when  the  last- 
named  is  taken  as  genuine),  though  priority  here  carries  with  it  very 
little  significance.  Both  letters  were  written  about  the  same  time,  anil 
reflect  essentially  the  same  temper  of  mind  ;  but  Ejshesians,  as  the  wider 
expanded  and  less  particular  treatment  of  the  topics,  is  more  naturally 
understood  as  a  subsequent  writing.^  Upon  any  theory  of  its  relation 
to  Colossians,  it  presupposes  that  more  concrete  epistle. 

1  So  still  Burtou  {RLA,  189.5),  Spitta  {Urc,  1.  p.  34),  Trenkle  {Einl.  pp.  49,  50), 
and  Dr.  Lock  (DB,  i.  pp.  718,  719,  article  "  Ephesians  "). 

2  "  On  comprend  qu'un  catechisme  general  puisse  etre  tire  d'une  lettre  par- 
ticuliere,  raais  non  qn'niie  lettre  particuliere  pnisse  etre  tire  d'une  catechisme 
general  "  (Renan) ;  Godet  {IJV7',  i.  pp.  490-492)  emphatically  agrees. 


132  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT 

The  note  to  Philemon  falls  with  the  Colossian  letter.  Apart  from 
this  connection  there  is  no  evidence  forthcoming  for  its  date.  Jiilicher, 
hesitating  ujjon  Ephesians,  puts  Philemon  close  to  Philippians,  i.e. 
62-64  A.D.  Weizsiicker,  on  the  other  hand,  persists  in  considering  it, 
with  Colossians,  as  an  allegorical  product  of  the  second  century  {A A,  ii. 
pp.  245,  383),  and  Steck  {J^iTh  (1891),  p.  571  f.)  finds  it  is  an  imitation 
of  Pliny's  ninth  epistle,  written  between  125  and  150  a.d.  But  this 
theory  of  Philemon  has  been  finally  superseded  Ijy  the  recent  verdict 
in  favour  of  Colossians,  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  seaworthy. 

To  the  period  of  Paul's  imprisonment  under  Felix  at  Caesarea,  some 
of  the  Asiatic  epistles  have  been  occasionally  assigned  :  Colossians  +  Phile- 
mon +  Ephesians  (by  Meyer,  Laurent,  Hilgenfeld,  Sabatier,  pp.  225-249, 
Reuss,  and  Weiss  ^\  Colossians  +  Philippians  (part  )  +  Philemon  (by 
Clemen,  Chron.  p.  249  f.),  Philippians  (by  0.  Holtzmann,  ThLz  (1890), 
p.  177  ;  Neutestam.  Zeitgetschichte  (J  895),  pp.  133-134  ;  Spitta,  Die  Afodel- 
geschichte,  p.  281 ;  Urc.  i.  34  ;  and  Macpherson,  Efhedanii,  pp.  86-94).  The 
difficulties  of  such  hypotheses,  however,  have  been  rightly  felt  by  the 
majority  of  scholars'  to  be  insuperable.  Tlie  few  indications  which 
seem  to  refer  to  Caesarea  are  capable  of  being  explained,  without  undue 
forcing,  upon  the  usual  Roman  theory  ;  and  Rome  gives  a  more 
satisfactory  background  ^  for  the  total  phenomena  of  the  letters. 
Negative  and  positive  evidence  alike  point  to  the  capital  as  the  locus 
of  the  prison  -  letters.  From  Rome  Paul  wrote,  in  all  likelihood, 
Colossians,  Pliilemon,  and  Ephesians,  certainly  Philippians.  He  may 
have  tauglit  in  Rome,  but  he  wrote  for  Asia  Minor. 

B.  Their  Dates. 

Apart  from  the  internal  evidence,  which  is  discussed  in  the  respective 
editions  and  Introductions,  the  chronology  of  the  epistles  depends  upon 
the  chronology  of  the  apostolic  age,  a  matter  which  naturally  did  not 
specially  interest  that  age  itself,  and  is  but  obscurely  reflected  in  the 
later  sources.  Here  we  have  a  question  of  considerable  difficulty,  in- 
volving the  discussion  of  some  half-dozen  separate  problems  in  Roman 
and  Palestinian  history  which  bear  more  or  less  u])on  the  main  issue, 
i.e.  the  rule  of  Aretas — the  Nabataean  monarch — in  Damascus,  the  exact 
date  of  the  famine  in  Claudius'  reign,  his  interference  with  the  Roman 
Jews,  the  period  of  Gallio's  proconsulship  in  Achaia,  the  precise  date  of 
Felix's  departure  and  Festus'  arrival  in  Judaea ;  and  linally  the  limits  of  the 
Neronic  persecution.  These  events  touch  here  and  there  the  biography 
of  Paul  and  the  history  of  the  early  church.  But  while  they  might  be 
expected  to  yield  several  fixed  points  in  the  chronology,  the  misfortune 
actually  is  that  they  themselves  are  not  absolutely  hxed.  Even  the 
most  crucial  point  of  all — the  date  of  the  change  in  the  procuratorship — 

1  So  reeeiitly  Haupt  (-Meyer).  But  all  the  probabilities  favour  the  Roman  origin 
of  Philemon  (cp.  recently  Bernard,  DB,  iii.  p.  833).  Paul  was  far  more  accessible 
to  outsiders  in  Rome  than  in  Caesarea,  and  runaway  slaves  naturally  took  refuge 
amid  the  crowds  of  the  metroiiolis  (Sallust,  CatU.  37^;  Tacit.  Annul.  ]5-"5).  And 
Philemon  is  contemporary  witli  the  others.  Surely,  too,  had  Col.-Ephes.  been 
written  at  Caesarea,  some  mention  of  Paul's  friend  Philip  (Ac  218-1-1)  -would  have 
occurred  among  the  list  of  his  helpers  and  companions. 

2  Philippians  must  be  decisively  placed  in  the  Roman  captivity,  when  V^  and 
422_to  say  nothing  of  other  passages— are  fairly  read.  The  past  extent  of  his 
influence,  his  present  situation,  and  his  prospects,  imperatively  demand  Rome  as  the 
place  where  this  letter  was  written  {vide  Hort,  "  Rom.  Ephes."  p.  100  f.). 


THE   LETTERS   OF   PAUL  133 

lies  in  dispute.  On  one  reckoning,  that  of  the  "accepted"  chronology, 
the  recall  of  Felix  falls  into  tlie  period  59-61  a.d.  ;  on  the  other,  that  of 
the  "new  "  or  "Eusebian"  chronology,  it  is  usually  thrown  back  to  55  ^ 
or  5G.  Broadly  speaking,  we  may  say  that  a  range  of  four  or  five  years 
is  thus  possible  for  any  of  the  chief  dates  in  the  life  of  Paul  which 
depend  upon  conclusions  drawn  from  this  event. 

In  the  accompanying  table  the  outstanding  events  of  Paul's  life  are 
arranged  according  to  the  various  schemes  of  several  prominent 
authorities.  Of  these,  the  majority,  it  will  be  seen  (in  tlie  main,  apart 
from  questions  of  detail),  I'epresent  the  "  accepted  chronology  "  upon  the 
whole.  Harnack  and  McGiffert,  on  tlie  other  hand,  base  their  schemes 
on  data  taken  from  the  "Eusebian"  chronicle,  which  practically  puts 
the  arrival  of  Festus  in  the  year  Oct.  55-Oct.  56  a.d.  This  position  has 
been  advocated  by  (among  others)  O.  Holtzinann  (Neutestavi.  Zeitgesch. 
pp.  118-135),  favoured  by  Blass  (Acta  Apostolorum,  proleg.  §10, 
pp.  21-24),  and  criticised  more  or  less  adversely  by  Batiffol  (lievue 
hihlique,  vi.  pp.  423-432),  Ramsay  {Exp.^  v.  p.  201  f.).  Bacon  {ibid. 
February  1898,  Nov.-Dec.  1899),  and  Zahn  {FAnl.  ii.  pp.  628-639). 

The  accepted  chronology  is  stated  ^  admirably  l)y  Schiirer  {HJP. 
I.  ii.  p.  182  f.;  ZioTh  (1898),  pp.  21-42),  Sabatier  (""Paul"  (Eng.  tr.), 
pp.  13-21),  Beet  {Corinthians,  Dissertation  iii.),  or  Wendt  (-Meyer**,  Acts, 
^  10).  Mr.  Turner's  study  {DB.  i.  415  f.)  is  by  far  the  most  lucid  and 
trustworthy  discussion  of  the  whole  question  which  has  yet  appeared, 
and  to  it  the  reader  is  referred  for  the  detailed  evidence  and  arguments ; 
although  exception  might  be  taken — as  I  find  has  been  done  by  Pro- 
fessor Bacon  {Expf'  ii.  p.  9  f.) — to  the  inadequate  importance  assigned  in 
that  article  to  Jewish  authorities  and  evidence,  e.g.  upon  the  calendar. 

The  results  upon  which  the  tentative  chronology  of  this  volume  is 
based,  as  compared  with  those  of  the  earlier  or  Eusebian  chronology,^ 
start  from  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  in  29  a.d.  The  conversion  of  Paul 
can  be  approximately  dated  a  year  or  so  later.  The  narrative  of  1  Co 
15^^-  certainly  implies  no  long  period  between  the  earlier  and  later  appear- 
ances of  Jesus  in  the  series,  while  upon  the  other  hand  some  interval  must 
be  allowed  between  the  death  of  Christ  and  Paul's  visit  to  Damascus  in 
order  to  admit  of  a  sufficient  development  of  Christianity.  Hence  the 
date  of  his  conversion  may  be  put  roughly  as  30  (31)  a.d.  To  date  it  in 
the  same  year  as  the  crucifixion  is  as  unsatisfactory  as  to  place  it  four 
or  five  year  afterwards.  Later  on,  a  fixed  point  is  gained  in  the 
accession  of  Festus,  c.  59  a.d.,  which  helps  to  determine  some  of  the 
preceding  and  subsequent  dates  in  Pauline  chronology.  With  the  close 
of  Paul's  imprisonment  for  two  years  in  Rome,  the  curtain  falls  upon 
his    life.    Any    reconstruction    of   his  further  career  depends  largely 

1  E.g.,  by  Weber  in  his  monograph,  Kritische  Geschichte  d.  Exegese  d.  IX.  Kap. 
d.  Romerbriefs  (1889),  p.  177  f.  A  good  conspectus  of  the  whole  question  is  given 
by  Votaw  (Bibl.  World,  xi.  pp.  112  f.,  177 f.). 

^  In  a  recent  and  careful  monograph,  which  exposes  blunders  in  Eusebius  — 
"Die  Todestage  der  Apostel  Paulus  u.  Petrus "  {TU,  neue  Folge,  vierter  Baud, 
Heft  1,  1899)— G.  Erbes  fixes  the  arrival  of  Festus  in  Palestine  and  the  journey  of 
Paul  to  Rome,  60-61  A.D.:  the  apostle  lost  his  case,  and  died  ou  the  22nd  of  Feb. 
63  a.d.  Peter  suffered  a  year  later.  Cp.  Zahn  {Einl.  i.  p.  435  f.,  ii.  p.  16  f.)  for  a 
long  defence  of  the  traditional  dates  of  Peter's  and  of  Paul's  martyrdom. 

■>  Besides  one  or  two  older  scholars  like  Bengel,  the  adherents  of  this  position 
include  a  Pi,oman  Catholic  critic,  Kellner,  who  is  quoted  in  support  of  the  Eusebian 
data  (article  "Felix"  in  Hergenrother's  Kirchanlexicon,  2nd  ed.  iv.  p.  1311  f .  ; 
Katholik  (1887),  p.  146  f.  ;  Zeitschr.f.  kath.  Theologie  (1888),  p.  640  f.). 


134 


HISTOPJCAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


Iz; 

§5S  ;^ 

44  (45) 
47 

55 

57 

67 

67 
N  e  t  e  1  e  r 
( Untersuch- 
nng      neu- 
testament- 
licher  Zeit- 
verhalt- 
7its5e,1894). 

«5 

•  coco     . 

46 
49 
49 
53 
57 
60 

67 
G.  G.  Find- 
lay,  "Paul 
the   Apo- 
stle" {DB, 
iii.  pp.  696- 
731). 

^i^^ 

47 
49 
49 
52 
56 
59 
64-65 
64-65 
C.H.Turner, 
"Chron- 
ology   of 
the     N.T." 
(DB,  i.  pp. 
415-425). 

9 
g 

30 
31-32 
34-35 

45 

K 

45 

47  (46) 

47  (46) 
50 

54  (53) 

57  (56) 
64 
64 
H  ar n  a  c  k : 
Chron.   pp. 
233-243, 
707,   708. 
He      dates 
Paul's      free- 
dom, 59(58)- 
64.  Blassalso 
inclines        to 
date    Council 
in  46  (47),  the 
Roman     ca})- 
tivity,  57-59. 

^ 

30 

33  (32) 
35 
45-46 

47 
49-50 

50 

53 

57 

60 
[80] 
(66)  67 
Ramsay, 
SPT,     pp. 
363f.,    and 
GRE,  p.  168. 
In   Exp.^    ii. 
pp.  88-105 
("a  second 
fixed      point 
in      Paul, 
c  h  r   0    n  - 
ology"),      he 
attempts      to 
confirm      his 
hypothesis 
that    59    was 
the     year    of 
Festus'  acces- 

I 

1-5 

§U^    i 

52 
52-53 
55-56 
59-60 

62 

(64) 
Jiilicher, 
EM.  pp.  2i)- 
27.        He  re- 
j  e  c  t  s     the 
second     visit 
to  Jerusalem, 
and  fills  38- 
52  with  work 
in  Syria  and 
the  neigh- 
bouring   pro- 
vinces. 

^^ 

CO  CO  CO  Ttl 

48 

51 

51 

54 

58 

61 

64 

67 
Lightfoot, 
Biblical     Es- 
says (i->]).2\5- 
233; paper 
written  as  far 
back  as  1863). 
So  practi- 
cally Sch- 
miedel    [IIC, 
II.  i.  p.  3). 

Crucifixion  of  Jesus, 
Conversion  of  Paul,  . 
First  visit  to  Jems., 
Second    „         „ 

First  mission  tour,    . 

Council  at  Jems., 
Second  mission  tour. 
Third  mission  tour,  . 

Arrest  in  Jerus.,    . 
Arrival  in  Rome, 
Death  of  Peter, 
Death  of  Paul,  . 

THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL 


135 


30 
36  c. 
39 

45-46  (?) 

46 
51c, 
51 
54 
58 
61 

65 
Professor     E. 
D.      Burton, 
RLA,    pp. 
201-207. 

03 

;^5§  ; 

50-51 

52 
52-55 

55 
58-59 
61-62 

Sabatier,    The 
Apostle  Paul 
(Eng.  tr.),  p. 
13f.        The 
second     visit 
to   Jerusalem 
he    also     re- 
gards as  apo- 
cryphal. 

P5 

s?^^;  : 

bef.  51 

51 

51 

54 

58 

61 

64 

64 
Renan,  Les 
Ap6tres,Saiiit 
Paul,L'Ante- 
christ.    Simi- 
larly Laurent, 
pp.     67  -  91 : 
second     visit 
to  Jerusalem, 
47 ;  first  mis- 
sion tour,  47- 
50  ;     second, 
52-55 ;  arrest, 
59 ;  arrival  in 
Rome,  62. 

o 

CO 

coco 

45-49 
46-50  (?) 

54-58 
57-61 

Von  Soden,  Ehi,  i.  799-819. 
In  an  impartial  but  scarcely 
lucid  way,  he  leaves  the  details 
of   the    general    chronology 
largely  an  open  question,  con- 
tenting himself  with  giving 
the  alternative  schemes.  This 
makes  it  somewhat  difficult 
to  follow  the  arguments  or  to 
grasp  the  results  of  the  article 
as  a  whole.     After  Schleier- 
macher,  he  identifies  the  two 
visits  to  Jerusalem    (Ac  11 
and  Ac   15),    but    considers 
that     the     former     x^'^'^'^^gs 
places  it  with  greater  chron- 
ological accuracy. 

i 

COMCOtH 

50-51 

52 

52 

54 

58 

61 

64 
66-67 
Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp. 
628-639.      Farrar 
[Life  and  Work  of 
St.  Paul)  dates  tlie 
conversion  as  late  as 
37;  the  first  visit  to 
Jerusalem,  39 ;  sec- 
ond, 44  ;  first  tour, 
451'.;  the  Council, 
51;  the  second  tour, 
53-56  ;  the  arrest, 
58  ;    the  arrival  in 
Rome,  60  ;  and  the 
death  in  68.    Chase 
{DB,  iii.  p.  777  f.) 
also  accepts  64  as 
the  year  of  Peter's 
martyrdom. 

o 

0  03  01      • 

CvicNco     : 

46 
47 
49 
53 
56 

64 
0.     Holtzniann, 
Neutestament- 
liche       Zeitges- 
chichte     (1895), 
§§  15-17.       He 
places       Paul's 
travels  in  Syria 
Cilicia  between 
32  and  46  ;  his 
first     stay      at 
Corinth,  48-49  ; 
and  his  journey 
to  Rome,  55-56. 

Crucifixion  of  Jesus, 
Conversion  of  Paul,  . 
First  visit  to  Jerus., 
Second      ,,        ,,      . 
(Ac  1127f.  12'^5) 

First  mission  tour,    . 

Council  at  Jerus., 
Second  mission  tour, 
Third  mission  tour,  . 

Arrest  in  Jerus.,    . 
Arrival  in  Rome, 

Death  of  Peter,      . 
Death  of  Paul,  . 

136 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


q 

COCO'* 

-t 

45  (46) 

49 
49-52 
52-57 

57 
60  (spring) 

67 
B  e  Ise  r, 

"zurChron- 
ologie     des 
P  a  u  1  u  s  " 
(TQ,    1898, 
pp.       353- 
379).      The 
bracket  ted 
dates  are 
less  pro- 
bable, but, 
in    Belser's 
judgment, 
not  imposs- 
ible.    He 
puts    the 
arrival      of 
Festus,    58 
(59). 

p 

:s^^ 

46 

51 
51-54 
54-58 

Dr."j. 
Drummond, 
Epistle     to 
Galatians 
,1892,,     p. 

^ 

;^jj^ 

46-47 
48 
49 
52 

Wan  del: 
"zurChron- 
ologie     des 
L  e  b  e  u  s 
Pauls" 
(ZKWL. 
1887-1888). 

M 

29 
31-32 
34-35 

46 

47 
49 
49 
52 
56 
59 

61-62 
Vernon  Bartlet, 
AA,    jjp.     xiii, 
xiv,    and     pas- 
sim.   He  places 
the  visit  of  Gal. 
21-10  prior  to  46, 
as      a      private 
visit      previous 
even   to    the 
famine  visit   of 
that   year,    and 
passeil  over  by 
Acts  on  account 
of    its    n 0 n  - 
representative 
character. 

O 

:g3S| 

45-47 

48 
49-51 
52-56 

56 

59 

65  (66)-68 
Prof.  G.  H. 
Gilbert, 

Biblioth- 
eca     Sacra 

244f.;'Zt/e 
of  Paul, 

^ 

•  coeo^ 

52 
52 
55 
59 
62  1 

Weiss,  "iXT,   i. 
p.  154f.   Work- 
man 1     (Exp. 
Ti.  xi.  pp.  316- 
319)   argues 
from  the  Jewish 
calendar       (Ac 
279)  that  Paul's 
voyage       could 
not     have     oc- 
curred   in     the 
years  55,  58,  61, 
but  only  in  56, 
or     more     pro- 
bably in  59. 
Even  60  he  re- 
gards   as    beset 
with  difficulties. 

^ 

betw.45&50 
52 
52 
55 
59 
62 

64 
W  e  n  d  t 
(-Meyer,)8 
Acts,  pp. 
53-60).   He 
rejects    the 
sec.  visit  to 
Jerusalem 
as    an    un- 
historical 
mistake. 

1 

^  ■  =  • 

52 

c.  60 

64 
Weingar- 

teu,      Zeit- 
tafcln   und 
Oberblicke 
zur  Kir- 
chenges- 
chi chte 
(1891),     p. 
4f. 

Crucifixion  of  Jesus, 
Conversion  of  Paul,  . 
First  visit  to  Jerus., 
Second     „        „      . 

(Ac  1127f.  1225) 
First  mission  tour,    . 

Council  at  Jerus., . 
Second  mission  tour. 
Third  mission  tour,  . 

Arrest  in  Jerus.,  , 
Arrival  in  Rome, 

Death  of  Peter,  . 
Death  of  Paul,  . 

THE    LETTERS    OF    PAUL 


137 


upon   conjecture   and   the   vague   inferences    drawn    from    an    inferior 
tradition. 

As  an  expert  does  well  to  remind  us,  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  in 
ancient  chronology  is  to  be  met  in  the  question  of  Pauline  chronology, 
namely,  "  the  fact  that  in  almost  every  case  the  reasoning  which  assigns 
an  event  to  a  special  year  would  he  almost,  if  not  quite,  equally  well 
satisfied  by  the  year  next  to  it"  (Ramsay,  ifx];.^  ii.  pp.  88,  89).  In 
consequence,  the  whole  arrangement  of  this  jieriod  is  uncertain  in  details, 
and  has  been  variously  sketched.  Fortunately,  however,  the  divergence 
of  these  chronological  results  does  not  preclude  an  attempt  to  exhibit  a 
general  and  relative  chronology  of  the  epistles.^  These,  to  some  degree, 
are  independent  of  absolutely  accurate  conclusions  upon  several  of  the 
jioints  above  noted ;  hence  it  is  possible  to  draw  up  a  further  table  which 
will  represent  some  recent  and  varying  lines  of  criticism  on  the  literature, 
and  prove  tliat  the  records  can  be  approximately  fixed  in  relation  to  each 
other,  if  not  to  definite  points  in  the  history. 

1  There  is  a  nionograpli  by  Rovers  ("  De  chronolog.  volgorde  der  brieven  van  het 
NT")  iu  the  Bibliotheek  van  Moderne  Theol,  en  Letterkunde,  xi.  p.  487 f.,  which 
I  have  not  been  able  to  see. 


Clemen, 
McGiffert. 

Substantially, 
Renan,  Weiss,  Holtzinaiin, 
Lightfoot,  Sabatier,  Lau- 
rent, Godet,  etc. 

Jiiliclier. 

Harnack, 
Ramsay. 

Zahn. 

1  Thess  . 

[-  47-48 

52-55 

±54       j 

48-49                          ' 

ggf  Spring- 

48  :  McG. 

51-52 :  R, 

i  Summer 

Galat     . 

54-55 

46:  McG. 

55 :  Lips.  Sieffert. 
56      ±58:  Lgft.  Salmon. 

55-57 

53:  R. 
50-53 

51-52  :  Reudall. 

53  (be-.) 

1  Cor      . 

[50-52 

57-58 

J- 56-58 
158-60 

55:  R. 
53 

66:  R. 

57 

Rom       . 

53-54 

58         59:Laurent,Holtz- 

60-61 

53-54 

58 

52-53 :  McG. 

58-59:  Lips. 

56-57 :  R. 

Coloss    . 

\  58 

Philem 
Ephes     . 

j          56-58:  McG. 

59:  Laurent. 
58-61     so  von  Soden  (— 
Ei^h). 
^                61-63 :  Lgft. 

63-64 

57-59  (-Eph.) 
Early  in  61 :  R. 

62 

Philipp  . 

56-58:  McG. 

62-63 
1                63-64:  Lips. 

62-64 

;  Late  in  61 :  R. 

63 

There  is  nothing  tame  about  these  brief  pages,  nothing  vague  or  indefinite  ;  ' 

on  the  contrary,  they  breath  a  spirit  of  strong  faith  and  overflowing  life,  and  i 

above  all,  an  ardour  of  hope  destined  before  long  to  be  extinguished.     They  .] 

give  a  first  sketch  of  Paul's  doctrine,  corresponding  with  that  primitive  period  ' 

when  it  possessed  all  its  vigour  without  having  as  yet  attained  its  fulness.  ... 
This  early  type  of  Paulinism  is  still  closely  allied  in  its  general  conceptions  to  ! 

the  preaching  of  the  other  apostles,  but  bearing  within  it  already  the  new  and  , 

bold  ideas  to  which  it  subsequently  gave  birth.     It  is  admirably  calculated  to  ' 

serve  as  a  transition  and  means  of  organic  connection  between  the  apostolic 
preaching  with  which  Paul  set  out  and  the  independent  conception  of  the  gospel 
to  which  he  afterwards  attained. — Sabatier. 


1^  Greeting^. 

i--Ji"  Personal :  thanksgiving  for  their  Christian  life  :  its 
l^-io  origin,  i 

2^"^"  connection  with  himself  and  his  ministry, 

2^^'!^  endurance.  i 

•217.310  his  anxiety  for  them  :  the  mission  and  report  of  Timotheus.  | 

3^°"^^  his  prayer  for  them. 

/f^-5-^  Counsels  on:  moral  purit}', 
4"'^-  brotherly  love  and  sober  diligence. 

the  second  Arrival  of  the  Lord  :  in  relation  to 
4i='-i8  the  dead. 

5^"^^  the  living — need  of  watchfulness.  j 

5'^'!''  social  duties.  j 

5^^'-^  religious  duties.  1 

5^^-^*  a  prayer  for  them.  j 

52D-28  Conclusion. 


I.  THESSALONIANS 

1  Paul  and  Silvanus  and  Timotlieus 

to  the  Community  of  the  Thessalonians  in  God  the  Father  and  the 

Lord  Jesus  Christ : 
grace  to  you  and  peace. 

2  We  always  give  thanks  to  God  for  you  all  when  we  make  mention  of 

3  you  in  our  prayers,  as  we  remember  without  ceasing  your  active  faith 
and  labouring  love  and  patient  hope  in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  before 

4  our  God  and  Father.     For,  lirothers  l^eloved  by  God,  we  know  that  you 

5  were  chosen  ;  because  our  gospel  came  to  you  not  in  word  only,  but  in 
power  as  well,  in  the  holy  Spirit  with  much  assurance  (as  you  know  the 

G  kind  of  men  we  showed  ourselves  among  you  for  your  sake),  and  you 
became  imitators  of  us  and  of  the  Lord,  and  accepted  the  word  amid 

7  great  distress  with  the  joy  of  the  holy  Spirit,  so  that  you  became  a 

8  pattern  to  all  the  believers  in  Macedonia  and  in  Achaia.  For  the  word 
of  the  Lord  has  sounded  out  from  you — not  only  in  Macedonia  and 
Achaia  but  in  every  place,  your  faith  to  God  has  gone  abroad.     We  do 

9  not  need  to  speak  of  it  at  all.  The  people  themselves  acknoAvledge  with 
regard  to  us  what  kind  of  entrance  we  had  to  you,  and  how  you  turned 

10  to  God  from  idols,  to  serve  a  living  and  a  real  God,  and  to  wait  for  his 
Son  from  heaven,  whom  he  raised  from  the  dead,  Jesus  our  rescuer  from 
the  wrath  to  come. 

1  1        Brothers,  you  know  yourselves  that  our  entrance  to  you  has  not  proved 

2  in  vain.  Although  we  had  already  suffered  and  been  ill-treated  (as  you 
know)  at  Philippi,  yet  confident  in  our  God  we  spoke  the  gospel  of  God 

3  to  you  amid  great  conflict.     For  our  appeal  does  not  proceed  from  fraud, 

4  or  from  impurity,  nor  does  it  work  by  guile  ;  nay,  as  God  has  held  us 
fit  to  1)6  intrusted  with  the  gospel,  so  we  speak,  to  please  not  men  but 

5  God,  who  tests  our  hearts.  For  ncA^er  were  we  found  using  either  words 
of  flattery  (you  know  that)  or — God  is  witness — a  pretext  for  covetous- 

6  ness,  or  seeking  human  credit,  either  from  you  or  from  others  ;  we  could 

7  have  claimed  authority  as  apostles  of  Christ,  but  we  behaved  among  you 

8  gently,  as  a  nursing  mother  cherishes  her  children.  Yearning  thus  over 
you,  we  were  ready  and  willing  to  impart  to  you  not  merely  the  gospel 

9  of  God  but  also  our  very  souls,  since  you  had  won  our  love.  You  re- 
member our  labour  and  "toil,  brothers  ;  night  and  day  Ave  worked  so  as 
not  to  be  a  burden  to  any  of  you,  while  we  preached  to  you  the  gospel  of 

10  God.     You  are  witnesses,  and  God  is  witness,  how  holy  and  upright  and 

11  blameless  was  our  behaviour  to  you  believers,  how  (as  you  know)  we 
treated  each  one  of  you  as  a  father  treats  his  children,  comforting  and 

12  encouraging  you,  and  charging  you  to  walk  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the 
God  who  calls  you  to  his  own  reign  and  majesty. 

13  And  for  this  we  also  give  thanks  to  God  without  ceasing,  namely,  that 
in  receiving  from  us  the  Avord  of  the  divine  message,  you  accepted  it  not 
as  men's  Avord  but  as  Avhat  it  reallv  is,  God's  word— Avhich  also  is  active 

139 


140  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [3^^-4^2 

14  in  you  believers.  For,  brothers,  you  became  imitators  of  the  Communities 
of  God  which  are  in  Judaea  in  Christ  Jesus,  since  you  suffered  also  at  the 
hands  of  your  fellow-countrymen  in  the  very  same  way  as  they  did  at 

15  the  hands  of  the  Jews — who  killed  both  the  Lord  Jesus  and  the  prophets, 
and  harassed  ourselves,  who  please  not  God,  and  are  against  all  men, 

16  who  forbid  us  to  speak  to  the  Gentiles  for  their  salvation  ;  and  all,  that 
they  may  fill  ui^  their  sins  evermore.  [The  Wrath  has  come  upon  them 
at  last.] 

17  But  wlien  we  were  bereft  of  you,  brothers,  for  a  short  while — distant 
in  person,  not  in  affection — we  endeavoured  more  and  more  eagerly  to  see 

18  you  with  great  longing.     (We  did  desire  to  come  to  you,  I  Paul  once 

19  and  again,  yet  Satan  hindered  us.)    For  who  is  our  hope  or  joy  or  wreath 

20  to  exult  in — who  if  not  you — before  our  Lord  Jesus  at  his  arrival  ?     Yes, 

3  1  indeed,  you  are  our  credit  and  joy.  Therefore,  unable  to  bear  it 

2  any  longer,  we  preferred  to  be  left  behind  at  Athens  by  ourselves  ;  send- 
ing Timotheus,  our  brother  and  God's  minister  in  the  gospel  of  Christ,  to 

3  establish  and  encourage  you  for  the  furtherance  of  your  faith,  that  no  one 
should  be  shaken  l;>y  these  distresses.     For  you  know  yourselves  that  we 

4  are  destined  to  this ;  indeed  we  told  you  beforehand,  when  we  were  with 

5  you,  "  We  are  to  suffer  distress."  And  so  it  befel,  as  you  know.  For  my 
part  then,  unable  to  bear  it  any  longer,  I  sent  in  order  to  learn  your  faith, 
in  case  after  all  the  temjiter  had  tempted  you,  and  our  labour  proved  in  vain. 

6  But  when  Timotheus  reached  us  a  moment  ago  from  you,  bringing  us 
the  good  news  of  your  faith  and  love,  and  of  how  you  always  have  a  kindly 

7  remembrance  of  us,  longing  to  see  us  as  we  long  to  see  you,  then  amid 
all  our  troiible  and  distress  we  were  cheered  about  you,  brothers,  by 

8  your   faith.     This  is   life  to  us  now,  if  you  stand    firm  in  the  Lord. 

9  Yes  !  how  can  we  render  thanks  to  God  for  you,  for  all  the  joy  we  have 

10  on  your  account  before  our  God  ?     Night  and  day  we  pray  especially 

11  to  see  you  and  to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  your  faith.  May  our 
God  and  Father  himself,  and  our  Lord  Jesus,  direct  our  way  to  you  ! 

12  And  may  the  Lord  make  you  increase  and  excel  in  love  to  one  another 

13  and  to  all  men  (as  we  also  do  to  you),  to  establish  your  hearts  blameless 
in  holiness  before  our  God  and  Father  at  the  arrival  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
with  all  his  saints  ! 

4  1        Well,  then,  brothers,  our  prayer  and  appeal  to  you  in  the  Lord  Jesus 

is  to  excel  more  and  more  in  walking,  as  you  received  word  from  us  how 

you  ought  to  walk,  so  as  to  please  God — and  as,  indeed,  you  are  Avalking. 

2,  3  You  know  the  charges  we  gave  you  hj  the  Lord  Jesus.     For  it  is  God's 

4  will  that  you  be  hoi}-,  that  you  abstain  from  fornication,  that  each  of 

5  you  learn  to  possess  his  own  wife  in  chastity  and  honour,  not  in  the 

6  appetite  of  lust  like  the  Gentiles  icho  know  not  God,  to  prevent  any  man 
overreaching  and  taking  advantage  of  his  brother  in  this  afiair  ;  since, 
as  we  told  you  before  and  testified  to  you,  God  is  the  avenger  in  all  these 

7  matters.     For  God  did  not  call  us  to  be  impure  ;  his  is  a  holy  calling. 

8  Therefore  he  who  contemns  this,  contemns  not  man  so  much  as  God  tcho 

9  gives  you  his  holy  Spirit.  But  in  regard  to  brotherly  love  you  have  no 
need  of  anyone  to  write  to  you.     You  are  yourselves  taught  by  God  to 

10  love  one  another;  indeed,  you  act  thus  to  all  the  brothers  in  all 
Macedonia.     Still  we  exhort  you,  brothers,  to  excel  more  and  more  in 

11  that  ;  also  to  make  it  your  ambition  to  live  quietly,  to  mind  your  own 

12  affairs,  and — as  we  charged  you — to  work  with  your  hands,  so  as  to 
behave  yourselves  with  propriety  to  those  outside  and  be  dependent  on 
no  one. 


4i3_528]  '  J     THESSALONIANS  141 

13  In  regard  to  those  who  sleep,   we  would   not  have   you   ignorant, 

14  brothers,  that  you  may  not  grieve  like  the  rest,  who  have  no  hope.  If 
we  believe  that  Jesus  died  and  rose,  so  also  will  God  bring  with  him 

15  through  Jesus  those  who  have  fallen  asleep.  For  by  a  word  of  the  Lord 
we  tell  you  this  :  "  We,  the  living,  who  survive  until  the  arrival  of  the 

16  Lord,  shall  not  precede  those  who  have  fallen  asleep.  The  Lord  himself, 
with  a  shout,  with  the  voice  of  the  archangel  and  with  the  trumpet  of 
God,  shall  descend  from  heaven,  and  first  the  dead  "  in  Christ  "  shall 

17  rise  :  then  we,"  the  living,  "  who  survive,  shall  be  caught  up  in  the 
clouds  along  with  them  to  meet  the  Lord  in  the  air.     And  thus  we  shall 

18  be  ever  with  the  Lord."     So  comfort  one  another  with  these  words. 

5  1        But  in  regard  to  the  times  and  the  seasons,  brothers,  you  have  no 

2  need  of  being  written  to  ;  you  know  perfectly  well  that  the  day  of  the 

3  Lord  comes   like   a  thief  in  the   night.     When   they  are   speaking  of 
"  peace  "  and  "  safety,"  then  sudden  upon  them  destruction  comes,  as  birth- 

4  pangs  on  a  woman  with  child  ;  and  they  shall  not  escape.     But  you  are 
not  in  darkness,  brothers,  for  the  Day  to  overtake  you  like  thieves.' 

5  You  are  all  sons  of  light  and  sons  of  the  day. 
AVe  belong  not  to  the  night  nor  to  the  darkness  : 

G        Well,  then,  let  us  not  sleep  like  the  rest,  but  be  wakeful  and  sober. 

7  For  sleepers  sleep  at  night. 

And  drunkards  are  drunk  at  night : 

8  But  as  for  us  who  belong  to  the  day,  let  us  be  sober. 

Putting  on  faith  and  love  as  our  coat  of  mail; 
And,/o?-  a  helmet,  the  hope  of  salvation; 

9  since  God  appointed  us  not  to  wrath  but  to  possess  salvation  through  our 

10  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  died  for  us  that  whether  we  wake  or  sleep  we 

11  should  live  along  with  him.  Therefore  exhort  one  another,  and  let  each 
build  up  the  other — as  indeed  you  do. 

\-2        Now,  brothers,  we  pray  you  to  respect  those  who  labour  among  you 

13  and  preside  over  you  in  the  Lord  and  admonish  you;  for  the  sake  of 
their  work  esteem  them  with  especial  love.     Be  at  peace  among  your- 

14  selves.  Also  we  appeal  to  you,  brothers,  to  admonish  the  irregular, 
encourage  the  faint-hearted,  "^support  the  weak,  be  long-suffering  to  all. 

15  See  that  no  one  renders  evil  for  evil  :    always  aim  at  what  is  good  for 
IG,  17  one   another   and   for  all   men.      Always   rejoice,   pray    without    ceas- 

18  ing,  in  everything  give  thanks  :  such  is  God's  will  in  Christ  Jesus  for 
10,  20, 21  you.     Quench  not  the  Spirit,  despise  not  prophecies :    test  everything, 

22  retain  the  good,  abstain  from  every  kind  of  evil. 

23  May  the  God  of  peace  himself  sanctify  you  perfectly,  and  may 
your  spirit,  soul,  and  body  be  kept  entire,  blameless  at  the  arrival  of  our 

24  Lord  Jesus  Christ !     He  who  calls  you  is  faithful  :  he  will  do  it. 
25,  26        Brothers,  pray  for  us.     Salute  all  the  brothers  with  a  saints'  kiss. 

'27        I  adjure  you  by  the  Lord  to  have  this  letter  read  to  all  the  l)rothers. 
28        The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  you. 
1  Reading  xXiimxi. 


II.  THESSALONIANS 

This  letter  purjjorts  to  have  been  written  shortly  (2^^)  after  1  Thessa- 
lonians,  partly  to  give  farther  encouragement  to  the  Christians  of  that 
city  under  their  depressing  trials,  but  especially  to  steady  them  against 
a  feverish  outburst  of  excitement.  Symptoms  of  unrest  were  visible 
generally  throughout  the  Empire  at  the  time.  But  the  particular  and 
immediate  cause  at  Thessalonika  was  furnished  by  the  idea  of  the  second 
Advent,  the  near  approach  of  which  had  been  j^roclaimed  by  several 
teachers  as  a  revelation  from  God.  They  had  also  appealed  to  some 
written  words  of  Paul  himself. ^  Against  this  delusion  and  its  moral 
consequences  the  epistle  is  written.  It  supplements  the  first  epistle, 
while  at  the  same  time  it  faces  a  novel  develojiment  of  the  situation. 
Paul  had  thought  his  friends  did  not  require  special  instruction  on 
eschatology  (1  Th  5-).  He  now  hnds  they  do,  and  proceeds  to  give  the 
I'equisite  explanation  and  information  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
last  things.  This  is  done,  as  the  subject  necessitated,  in  characteristically 
Jewish  form.  The  spirit  is  Christian  and  Pauline,  but  the  writer  has  for 
the  time  being  become  to  the  Jews  a  Jew. 

The  reasons  which  have  made  many  scholars  unsure  of  its  authenticity 
and  disposed  to  look  for  a  later  date,  vary  in  weight.  Some  are  obviously 
minor.  The  style  of  2  Thessalonians  is,  on  the  whole,  genuinely  Pauline 
(cp.  besides  Bornemann's  copious  discussion  in  Meyer,  ad.  loc,  and  Zalm, 
]£inl.  i.  pp.  181-183  ;  Jowett,  Epp.  of  Paul,-^  i.  pp.'  70-76),  and  no  stress 
can  be  safely  put  on  the  linguistic  arguments.  The  emphasis  on  Paul's 
authority  ("  die  betreffenden  Wendungen  haben  ein  mehr  offizielles 
Gepriige,"  Spitta)  is  not  unnatural  in  the  circumstances,  and  cannot  be 
regarded  with  suspicion  as  exaggerated.  The  different  motives  for  his 
labour  (1  Th  2^,  2  Th  3'')  are  not  contradictory  but  correlative.  In  fact 
the  really  crucial  points  which  determine  the  question  of  the  later  date 
lie  exclusively  in  the  eschatological  features  of  the  writing.  An  estimate 
of  these  is  decisive,  and  the  other  evidence  must  be  used  chieHy  to 
corroborate  the  conclusion  reached  ui^on  surer  grounds. 

i.  The  idea  of  the  Antichrist  has  been  frequently  taken  as  imi)lying 
the  Montanist  conceptions  of  the  second  century  ;  the  commoner  inter- 
pretation, however,  linds  in  it  a  reference  to  the  legendary  return  of 
Nero  after  his  death.  This  gives  a  good  sense,  but  it  is  not  a  necessary 
inference  from  the  text.     Nero's  reappearance  is  merely  one  of  several 

1  Perhaps  in  1  Thessalonians  {5^-^^  21*'},  but  not  necessarily.  Before  the  date  of 
that  epistle  Paul  may  well  have  written  others,  and  even  some  (two)  to  Thessalonika 
itself  (as  Professor  Rendel  Harris,  Exp.^  viii.  161  f.,  401  f.,  has  recently  suggested), 
which  are  no  longer  extant.  At  any  rate,  the  reference  to  the  admitted  practice  of 
forgery  (2-  3'")  is  no  valid  argument  against  the  Pauline  authorship  (cp.  Joseph. 
Antiq.  xvi.  10.  4)  ;  nor  is  there  sufficient  reason  for  supjiosing  that  the  rumour  was 
unfounded  and  Paul's  fear  mistaken.  The  difficulty  of  2-  is  not  eased  liy  Dr.  Field's 
ingenious  conjecture,  on  Hi  f./ycay,  "  as  pretending  to  be  ours"  (cum  irrisione  quadam 
plerumque  ponitur  is  S>,,  Ast),  O/ium  Norvicerise,  part  iii.  (1899),  ji.  202. 
14-2 


II.    THESSALONIANS  143 

facts  that  suit  the  concej^tion  of  Antichrist  in  this  writing.  If  any 
political  significance  had  to  be  found  for  it  here,  then,  as  Grotius  saw 
long  ago,  the  irreligious  procedure  of  the  madcap  Caligula  (Hausrath, 
ii.  pp.  31-74)  with  his  claim  to  deity  (2*)  would  furnish  an  even  apter 
basis  ;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  coincidences  between  the  Apocalypse 
and  this  epistle  mostly  occur  in  passages  of  the  Apocalypse  (chaps.  13,  17), 
where  on  other  grounds  critics  have  suspected  an  original  apocalyptic 
piece  belonging  to  Caligula's  reign.  ^  But  the  conception  of  an  enemy  of 
God  and  his  manifestation  is  really  a  dogmatic  postulate  ^  taken  over  from 
the  OT  (Schiirer,^  HJP,  ii.  ii.  p.  164  f.).  It  required  no  one  emperor 
to  suggest  it.  The  whole  scheme  was  prompted  rather  by  the  inner  glow 
of  expectation  for  the  future  and  indignation  at  the  present,  which 
possessed  the  loyal  heirs  of  the  OT  prophecies.  Resemblances  with 
outer  conditions  might  be  traced,  but  the  aptness  of  the  prophecy's 
repetition  never  depended  altogether  on  its  exact  and  detailed  applica- 
bility to  such  conditions.  Here,  as  in  the  Apocalypse  of  John,  a  certain 
contentment  with  indefiniteness  is  one  of  the  self-denying  ordinances  of 
good  criticism.  Nor  again  has  the  reference  of  2  Th  2''-  '^  to  the  restrain- 
ing influence  of  the  Roman  Empire,  which  still  seems  the  most  satis- 
factory view,*  any  necessary  connection  with  the  individual  Caligula, 
much  less  with  Vespasian.  The  tone  agrees  perfectly  with  subsequent 
Pauline  passages  like  Ro  IS^-''.  It  is  the  emperor  officially  not  individu- 
ally, who  is  meant.  Indeed,  the  disposition  on  the  part  of  many  critics 
to  assume  a  frequent  reference  to  political  affairs  in  Paul's  epistles  is  often 
little  better  than  a  modern  conceit.  Paul  viewed  the  world  largely  suh 
specie  aeternitatis.  He  had  by  birth  and  training  his  apocalyptic  categories 
and  possibly  an  apocalyptic  tradition  of  Jesus  (1  Th  4^^)  from  the  early 
church.      These  are  quite  sufficient  of   themselves  to  exj^lain  this  and 

1  Oil  Ins  attempted  insult  to  the  Jews,  cp.  Tacit.  Hist.  v.  9,  "  Jussi  a  Caio  Caesare 
effigiem  eius  in  templo  locare,  arma  potius  sumpserunt :  quern  motuni  Caesaiis  mors 
direiiiit."  There  is  quite  a  case  for  dating  3  Mac  at  this  period  as  a  book  of 
consolation  written  for  Alexandrian  Jews. 

■-  In  Ps  Sol  nr-i-'M^  Ponipey,  the  first  violator  of  the  temple,  is  «  avofj-oi,  his  people 
«('  avt/xoi.  Cp.  passages  like  Ps  882^  and  Dan  7-^  ll^''-  ''^~,  with  their  traditional 
interpretation  in  Judaism  (Gunkel,  Schopfung  unci  Chaos,  p.  221  f.). 

3  He  will  not  accept  the  epistle  as  authentic  {EB,  article  "Thessalonians  "),  but 
the  reference  to  Nero  is  not  one  of  his  grounds  for  that  decision.  Bousset's  re- 
searches into  tlie  Antichrist  tradition  (Antichrist,  pp.  115f.,  129f.,  132f.)  throw 
some  light  n]Miii  its  liistory.  His  aim  is  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  Jewish  tradition 
going  back  tn  Il.in.l's  time  or  even  to  the  later  Maccabees,  in  which  the  ideas  of  a 
tyrant  who  is  (.^mI's  opponent  and  of  a  false  Messiah  were  not  strictly  distinguished 
at  all  points.  Tliis  originally  unpolitical  tradition  (cp.  his  edition  of  Apoc.  pp. 
431  f.)  would  be  reflected  in  the  NT  in  2  Th  2,  the  small  apocalypse  of  the  synojitic 
gospels,  and  Apoc  ll^is.     Cp.  also  Assumpt.  Mos.  8-10  and  DidachO,  c.  16. 

*  Cp.  Weiss,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  305-311.  In  this  event  the  obstinate  malevolence  of 
Judaism  underlies  the  "mystery  of  iniquity."  Warfield,  however  {Exp.^  iv. 
pp.  30-44),  prefers  to  reverse  the  usual  interpretation.  He  takes  the  man  of  sin  as 
representing  the  imperial  line  and  its  rage  for  deification.  The  restraining  power 
is  the  Jewish  state,  which  "hid  the  tender  infancy  of  the  churcli  within  the 
canopy  of  a  protecting  sheath  until  it  should  grow  strong  enough  to  withstand  all 
storms."  As  a  modern  reading  of  the  history,  this  has  some  truth.  The  question 
is  whether  it  would  have  occurred  to  Paul.  It  seems  scarcely  possible  that  lie 
would  have  subtly  combined  in  one  letter  a  polemic  against  Jewish  obstinacy  and 
antagonism,  and  also  a  theory  of  tlieir  providenti.nl  and  unconscious  service  to  the 
Christian  communities.  For  the  eschatological  atmosphere  and  vista  of  the  epistle, 
cp.  Sabatier,  pp.  117-123,  and  Deuney,  "Thessalonians"  {Expos.  Bible,  1891), 
pp.  303-337,  besides  the  catena  of  details  in  Bornemann's  or  Schmiedel's  ex- 
cursus, and  Klopper's  pai-agrajDhs  in  the  monograph  cited  below. 


144    .  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

many  other  passages  in  liis  wiitings,  witliout  the  importation  of  outside 
allusions.  Further,  the  general  reference  to  the  restraint  of  the  Empire 
is  borne  out  by  the  Jewish  character  of  "  the  man  of  lawlessness,"  who 
plays  in  the  main  the  role  of  a  pseudo-Messiah  ^  (4  Esdras  4')  among  the 
Jews.  The  Antichrist  is  religious,  not  political.  The  secret  antagonism 
which  the  Christian  faith  had  to  encounter  is  in  all  likelihood  the 
hostility  of  Judaism  both  in  Palestine  and  in  the  jjrovinces,  and  the  con- 
ception of  Rome  as  a  bar  to  this  antagonism  could  hardly  have  survived  the 
seventh  decade  witli  its  Neronic  frenzy.  If  this  interpretation  be  correct, 
it  helps  to  explain  the  almost  cryptic  and  oracular  vagueness  of  Paul's 
reference  to  the  removal  of  the  restraining  force.  Allusions  to  an 
emperor's  death  had  of  necessity  to  be  couclied  in  very  guarded 
language. 

ii.  Even  were  the  alleged  contradiction  between  the  views  of  the 
two  epistles  upon  the  second  Advent  established,  it  would  tell  in  favour 
of  the  authenticity  of  2  Thessalonians  ratlier  than  otherwise.  The  dis- 
crepancy would  be  easier  of  explanation  as  the  variation  of  one  man's 
mind,  than  as  the  work  of  a  later  Christian  who  ostensibly  intended  to  re- 
produce Paul's  ideas,  and  yet  allows  himself  to  openly  dispute  the  apostle's 
written  utterances.  But  between  passages  like  1  Th  5-  and  2  Th  2^  there 
is  little  discrepancy — except  on  ]>aper.  To  be  instantaneous  and  to  be 
heralded  by  a  historical  prelude,  are  not  contradictory  ideas  (e.g. 
Mt  24-^'^^,  Ajjoc  3'' =  6^  *•).  The  second  passage  represents  another  aspect 
of  the  belief  which  Paul  afterwards  found  it  useful  to  press.  Then,  as 
ever,  he  was  more  concerned  for  the  practical  situation  of  his  readers  than 
careful  to  be  strictly  and  verbally  consistent  with  his  past  utterances.^ 
Apostasy  as  a  prelude  to  the  second  Advent  is  neither  to  be  taken  as  an 
essential  dogma  of  Paulinism  up  to  the  last,  nor  to  be  set  aside  as  in  itself 
an  impossible  conception  for  the  apostle.  At  this  time  he  cannot  have 
had  then  any  crystallised  dogma— if  he  ever  had — upon  the  contents  of 
the  interval  between  the  present  and  the  finale.  For  practical  purposes 
it  was  enough  to  insist  now  on  the  unexpectedness  of  the  Advent,  now  on 
its  possible  delay,  according  to  the  trend  of  current  notions  upon  the 
subject.  In  reality  the  future  outlook  in  both  epistles  is  substantially 
identical  :  the  crisis  is  not  localised  in  either,  yet  it  is  not  far  away. 

Baur,  who  rejected  both  the  Thessalonian  epistles,  dated  the  second 
after  Paul's  death,  c.  68-70,  the  Antichrist  being  Nero,  the  apocalyptic 

1  This  is  corroborated  if  the  scene  of  the  beast's  activity  in  Apoe  11  is  interpreted 
to  be  Jerusalem.  So  Bousset  (Antichrist,  eh.  i.),  who  accepts  the  authenticity  of 
2  Thessalonians,  "without,  however,  laying  too  much  weight  on  this  assumption." 
He  rightly  quotes  Jo  b*'^  as  a  direct  parallel  to  2  Th  2"i"-.  But  one  is  less  sure  about 
his  theory  of  the  jiersonal  pseudo-Messiah.  This  figure  he  traces  back  to  the 
dragon-oi)ponent  of  God  in  the  old  myths,  but  without  proving  that  such  an  incar- 
nation of  rebellion  must  necessarily  have  been  viewed  as  a  false  Messiah  by  the 
Jews.  At  the  same  time,  so  far  from  being  a  political  personality,  he  is  "  a  purely 
eschatological  figure  in  every  sense  of  the  word,"  neither  Simon  Magus  nor  Bar- 
Kokhba. 

^  "Dass  P.  immer  viel  liber  die  Griindc  des  Verzuges  der  Parusie  nachgedacht 
hat,  ist  selbstverstiiudlich,  halb  freute  er  sich  desselben,  halb  war  darob  betriibt ;  er 
kann  aber  auch  lebensliinglich  ])ei  der  Anschauung  von  2  Th  2  stehen  geblieben 
sein.  Eine  religiose  FundanR-ntalfrage  war  es  niclit,  was  vor  der  Parusie  sich  noch 
abspieleu  miisse  ;  die  Kalechuiuenen  hat  er  darilber  unterrichtet,  an  solche  wendet  er 
sich  aber  nicht  in  seintii  si)iitercu  Briefen,  braucht  also  auf  den  Gegenstand  nicht 
einzugehen  "  (JiiliLhcr) ;  v\>.  ClfUicn,  Chron.  pp.  41-43,  also — from  an  opposite  stand- 
point—Holtziuann,  yiTh,  ii.  1!!0-192,  and  Dr.  0.  Cone,  Paul  the  Man,  the  Mis- 
sionary, and  the  Teacher  (pp.  102,  103),  (lospcl  and  its  Inicrpretations,  pp.  348,  349. 


II.    THESSALONIANS  145 

"  beast"  (Paul  (Eng.  tr.),  ii.  85-97,  314-340),  and  Schmiedel  (HC,  ir.  i.)  lias 
recently  supported  tliis  date  witb.  much  candour.  On  the  later  form  of 
this  view,  the  epistle  is  an  apocalypse  ^  which  desires  to  win  Pauline 
sanction  for  its  conceptions,  founding  itself  upon  1  Thessalonians  and  the 
Corinthian  epistles  especially.  If  a  later  date  than  the  usual  one  has  to 
be  taken,  certainly  the  close  of  the  seventh  decade  is  infinitely  more  prob- 
able than  one  in  Trajan's  reign,  when  the  background  of  the  writing 
would  consist  of  antinomian  Gnostic  controversies.  The  latter  position  is 
held,  after  Hilgenfeld,  by  Bahnsen  ("  Zum  Verstiindniss  von  2  Th  2," 
JpTh.  (1880),  pp.  681-705,  the  "  restraint "  being  in  this  case  the 
episcopate),  Pfleiderer  (Urc.  77-78,  356-358),  who  considers  it  as  a 
pendant  to  the  Johannine  Apocalypse,  composed  not  earlier  than  Trajan's 
reign,  and  Bruckner,  Cliron.  pp.  253-256.  Havet  (Origines,  iv.  p.  373) 
thinks  of  Vespasian  as  the  Kurixcov  (2^,  J.  Weiss  {SK  (1892),  jap.  253,  254) 
assigns  both  epistles  to  Silvanus  ("  Der  nutzmassliche  Schreiber  oder 
Inspirator  des  ersten  Petrusbriefes  die  Thessalonicherbriefe  zum 
wenigstens  mitgestaltet  habe"),  while  C.  Ranch  again  (ZivTh.  (1895), 
jDp.  457-465)  regards  2  Thessalonians  as  composed  fifty  years  after  Paul's 
death,  subsequent  to  the  Apocalypse  and  previous  to  Barnabas,  in  order 
to  exhibit  Pauline  eschatology  under  Jewish-Christian  conceptions.  On 
all  these  theories  the  letter  is  a  revision  of  1  Thessalonians.  The  writer 
has  Avorked  over  and  remodelled  that  writing,  using  Paul's  style  as  far  as 
he  could,  to  convey  later  eschatological  teaching  through  the  medium  of 
Pauline  traditions. - 

Holtzmann  closes  his  discussion  (Einl.  pjj.  212-216),  however,  with 
the  significant  admission,  "  The  question  at  the  present  time  is,  not 
whether  the  second  epistle  should  be  thrust  down  into  the  post-apostolic 
age,  but  whether,  on  the  contrary,  it  does  not  reach  back  to  the  lifetime 
of  the  apostle,  and  is  not  therefore  authentic  and  written  shortly  after 
1  Thessalonians,  i.e.  about  54  a.d."  Upon  this  position  the  above-noted 
lines  of  interpretation  converge.  Indeed,  despite  the  inferiority  of 
interest  and  vigour  of  which  so  much  has  been  made,  the  impression 
of  the  letter's  genuinely  Pauline  character  has  been  spreading  among 
critics.^  Even  Spitta,  Avho  is  unwilling  to  accept  its  authenticity  (Offen- 
barung  Joh.  497-590,  Urc.  i.  pp,  111-153),  feels  bound  to  do  justice  to 
what  are  its  undoubtedly  Pauline  elements.  The  contents,  he  supposes, 
with  their  somewhat  formal  and  official  strain,  were  not  dictated  to,  but 
rather  composed  in  the  name  of  the  others  (2  Th  1^)  by  Paul's  companion 
Timothy,  whose  acquaintance  with  Jewish  fables  and  scriptures  is 
inferred  from  the  tradition  embodied  in  the  "  Pastorals  '  (Ac  16^). 
More  thoroughly  the  Pauline  authorship  and  the  52-54  a.d.  date  have 
been  frankly  accepted  by  Reuss  (pp.  73-75) ;  Grimm  (SK  (1850),  pp. 
753-816)  ;  Schenkel,  Das  Christusbild  d.  Aipostel,  pp.  68, 69  ;  Renan,  Saint 
Paul,  pp.  248-255  ;  Mangold  (-Bleek,  §  143) ;  Sabatier  ;  Weiss,  INT,  i.  pp. 

1  The  dreaded  outbreak  being  of  course  the  return  of  Nero  redivivus,  and  the 
restraint  the  imperial  power  of  Vespasian  or  Galba. 

2  Weizsacker,  A  A,  i.  pp.  295-298  ;  cp.  von  Soden,  SK  (1885),  p.  263  f.  ;  and 
S.  Davidson,  INT,  i.  pp.  250-265.  The  improbability  of  such  a  method  after 
Paul's  death  is  brought  out  very  forcibly  by  Zahn  {EM.  i.  p.  177  f.),  especially  in 
its  connection  with  Nero  redivivus. 

»  Especially  among  those  who,  like  Haupt  (Die  eschatol.  Ausscujen  Jesu  (1895), 
pp.  136,  137),  and  Zahn,  Eml,  i.  pp.  159,  160,  are  able  to  accept  the  synoptic 
eschatology,  with  its  prediction  of  false  prophets  and  apostasy,  as  a  genuine  deliver- 
ance of  Jesus,  c.  29  a.d.,  to  which  subsequent  Christian  teaching — as  here  and  in  the 
Apocalypse — owes  its  initiative  and  justification. 
lO 


146  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

232-235,  AJT,  i.  338-344  ;  Gloel,  DiejUngste  Kritik  des  Galaterbriefes,  pp. 
40-42  ;  Salmon,  INT,  pp.  365-369  ;  Godet  (INT,  i.  p.  164  f.)  ;  Jowett ; 
Sanday  and  Headlam,  "  Romans  "  {ICG),  p.  xiv  ;  G.  G.  Findlay  ("  Thessa- 
lonians,"  Cambridge  Bible,  1891)  ;  Jiiliclier,  Einl.  pp.  40-44 ;  Clemen, 
Oiron.  pp.  240-246  ;  McGiffert,  A  A,  pp.  257-253  ;  and  Adeney,  BI,  pp. 
357-360.  The  most  wealthy  exposition  is  that  of  Bornemann  (-Meyer)  ; 
there  is  a  Dutch  monograph  by  Westrik,  "  De  echtheid  van  den  tweeden 
brief  aan  de  Thessal."  (1899),  especially  useful  on  the  question  of  stjde, 
and  a  skilful  defence  of  the  authenticity  by  A.  Klijpper,  Theol.  Stud.  k. 
Shizzen  cms  Ostfreuzzen,  Heft  8,  1889.  So  too  Monnet,  "Les  epitres  aux 
Thess."  {Tliese  aux  Montauban,  1889);  Schiifer,  Einl.  pp.  81-84;  and 
Zahn,  Einl.  i.  pp.  160-183  ;  also  Dr.  Drummond  (IH,  ii.  pp.  6-13),  who 
decides  that  "  the  very  passages  which  are  relied  upon  as  an  evidence  of 
forgery  are  more  surprising  from  a  forger  than  from  Paul."  It  is  a  pity, 
however,  to  introduce  the  alien  conception  of  forgery  at  all  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  such  problems  in  ancient  literature. 

Of  the  three  Pauline  epistles  which  cannot  be  accepted  without 
scrutiny  and  hesitation,  2  Thessalonians  perhaj^s  comes  next  to  Colossians 
in  point  of  genuine  self-attestation.  To  a  less  degree  than  Ephesians  it 
ultimately  justifies  the  doubt  raised  by  a  first  survey  of  its  contents  and 
allusions  ;  and  this  estimate  is  true,  even  although  the  result  of  investiga- 
tion is  to  leave  it  a  problem  as  well  as  an  authority  for  the  study  of 
early  Christianity.  ^ 

1  As  I  rewrite  this  note,  the  disorder  produced  by  eschatological  superstition  in 
Thessalonika  (2  Th  S^')  is  curiously  paralleled  by  a  recent  instance  of  similar  dis- 
organisation in  Tripoli.  Letters  from  that  district  (quoted  in  tlie  Westminster 
Gazette,  Nov.  1899)  "report  an  amazing  state  of  affairs  consequent  upon  the  report 
that  the  end  of  the  world  will  come  on  November  13.  The  Israelites  are  sending 
their  wives  to  pray  in  the  synagogues,  and  most  workmen  have  ceased  work. 
Debtors  refuse  to  pay  their  debts,  so  that  trade  is  almost  paralysed.  On  Monday 
last  one  of  the  cases  before  the  Tunis  native  court  was  that  of  an  Arab  who  sued  a 
Jew  for  a  small  sum  of  money.  The  debtor  acknowledged  the  debt,  but  asked  for 
fifteen  days'  delay  to  jjay  it.  The  Arab  refused  to  grant  the  delay  on  the  ground 
that  the  world  would  be  destroyed  before  it  expired.  The  judge  sent  the  debtor  to 
prison." 


II.  THESSALONIANS 

Tlie  whole  of  the  epistle  is  written  under  what  may  be  termed  "the  feeling 
of  persecution"  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  sense  of  resignation,  on  the  one  hand,  to 
the  present  will  of  God  ;  on  the  other  hand,  a  sure  and  certain  hope  that  ' '  times 
of  refreshment "  were  at  hand.  Such  was  the  feeling  of  the  apostle  himself, 
and  he  implies  the  existence  of  a  similar  feeling  in  the  church  to  which  he 
was  writing.  Sadness  and  consolation,  hope  and  fear,  the  array  of  glory  and 
of  terror,  were  present  with  them  or  passing  before  them.  A  life  thus  divided 
between  this  world  and  another  was  naturally  liable  to  become  a  life  of  excite- 
ment and  disorder.  Times  of  persecution  needed  extraordinary  religious  sup- 
ports ;  the  withdrawal  of  those  supports,  the  momentary  clouding  of  the 
heaven  above,  would  from  time  to  time  lead  to  reaction.  —  Jowett. 


11-2  Greeting:. 

2^3_2i7  Thanksgiving  and  prayer  for  faith  under  persecution  : 

courage   in   prospect    of    tlie   Lord's 
second  Arrival. 
2i"i-  the  time  of  the  second  Arrival — 


Paul's  apocalypse—"  The  man  of 
sin,"  "the  mystery   of  law- 


2^^'!^  renewed  thanksgiving 

2'^"^''  and  prayer  for  them. 

31-16  Personal :  prayer  asked  for  himself: 

his  wish  and  hope  for  them. 

Warning  against  the  disorderly  and  the  idle- 
a  prayer. 

317-18  Conclusion. 


II.  THESSALONIANS 

1  1  Paul  and  Silvanus  and  Timotlieus 

to  the  Community  of  the  Thessalonians  in  God  our  Father  and  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ : 

2  grace  to  vou  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  tlie  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

3  We  are  l)ound  to  give  thanks  to  God  always  for  you,  brothers,  as  is 
fitting,  because  your  faith  is  growing  greatly,  and  the  love  of  each  one  of 

4  you  all  to  one  another  is  increasing,  so  that  we  ourselves  exult  about  you 
among  the  Communities  of  God  for  your  patience  and  faith  amid  all  your 

5  persecutions  and  the  distresses  that  you  endure  ;  these  clearly  prove  the 
just  judgment  of  God,  namely,  that  you  are  to  be  held  worthy  of  the 

6  reign  of  God,  on  behalf  of  which  yon  also  suffer— seeing  that  God  con- 

7  siders  it  but  just  to  render  distress  to  those  who  distress  you,  and  to  you 
who  are  distressed  relief  with  us,  at  the  revelation  of  the  Lord  Jesus  from 

8  heaven  with  the  angels  of  his  power  in  flaming  fire,  luhen  he  inflicts 
punishment  on  those  who  know  not  God,   and  on  those  who  obey  not  the 

9  gospel  of  ou.r  Lord  Jesus,  men  who  shall  pay  the  penalty  of  eternal 
destruction  from   the  presence  of  the  Lord,  and  from  the  majesty  of  his 

10  might,  ivhen  he  comes  to  he  exalted  in  his  saints,  and  to  be  wondered  at 
among  all  believers  (because  our  witness  did  find  belief  with  you)  in  that 

1 1  day.  Wherefore  we  also  pray  for  you  always,  that  our  God  may  hold 
you  worthy  of  your  calling,  and  powerfully  accomplish  every  desire  of 

1-2  goodness  and  work  of  faith,  so  that  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  onay  be 
exalted  in  you  and  you  in  him,  through  the  grace  of  our  God  and  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 
2  1  Now,  brothers,  with  regard  to  the  arrival  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
■2  and  our  gathering  together  to  him,  we  pray  you  not  to  be  hastily  dis- 
turbed from  your  sober  mind,  nor  to  be  disquieted  by  a  spirit,  or  by  a 
word,  or  Ijy  a  letter  (as  if  fronn  us)  to  this  effect,  that  the  day  of  the  Lord 

3  is  imminent.  Let  no  one  Ijeguile  you  at  all.  For  the  apostasy  must 
come  first,  with  the  revelation  of  tlie  man  of  lawlessness,  the  son  of 
perdition, 

4  the  adversary  who  uplifts  himself  over  all  that  is  called  divine  or 

that  is  an  object  of  worship, 
and  finally  sits  down  in  the  sanctuarv  of  God,  giving  himself  out  to 
be  God. 

5  Do  you  not  remember  that  I  used  to  tell  you  this  when  I  was  still  with 

6  you  ?  Well,  you  know  now  what  restrains  him  from  being  revealed 
before  his  proper  season. 

7  For  the  secret  of  lawlessness  is  at  work  already  ; 

Only,  it  cannot  be  revealed  until  he  who  at  present  restrains  it  is 
removed. 

8  Tlien  shall  the  lawless  one  l)e  revealed, 


2^-3^®]  IL    THESSALONIANS  149 

Whom  the  Lord  Jesus  shall  slay  with  the  breath  of  his  mouth. 
And  put  down  by  his  ai3j)earing  and  arrival — 
9  The  hiAvless  one,  whose  arrival  is  due  to  Satan's  force, 

With  all  the  power  and  signs  and  wonders  of  falsehood, 

10  And  with  all  the  deceit  of  inicpiity  for  the  perishing, 

Because  they  did  not  accept  the  love  of  the  truth  for  their  salvation. 

11  Therefore  God  sends  them  a  force  of  error. 

So  that  they  believe  the  falsehood, 

12  That  all  might  be  judged  who  believed  not  the  truth 

But  delighted  in  iniquity. 

13  But  we  are  bound  always  to  give  God  thanks  for  you,  brothers, 
beloved  by  the  Lord,  because  God  has  chosen  you  from  the  beginning  for 
salvation  through  sanctihcation  by  the  Spirit  and  belief  in  the  truth  : 

14  for  this  he  has  called  you  through  our  gospel,  even  to  jjossess  the  majesty 

15  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     So  tlien,  brothers,  stand  firm,  and  hold  to  the 
IG  traditions  that  you  have  been  taught  by  word  or  by  letter  from  us.     May 

our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  himself,  and  God  our  Father  who  has  loved  us 
1 7  and  given  us  eternal  comfort  and  good  hoj^e  through  his  grace,  encourage 
your  hearts  and  establish  them  in  every  good  work  and  word  ! 
3  ]         Pray,  then,  for  us,  brothers, 

that  the  Lord's  word  may  speed  on  and  be  exalted, 
even  as  it  has  been  with  you, 

2  and  that  we  may  be  rescued  from  those  who  are  perverse  and  evil — 

for  the  faith  is  not  possessed  by  everyone. 

3  But  the  Lord   is  faithful :    he    shall   establish   a'ou   and   preserve   you 

4  from  the  evil  one.  We  rely  upon  you  in  the  Lord,  confident 

5  that  ^  you  are  doing  and  will  do  as  we  charge.  May  the  Lord  direct 
your  hearts  into  the  love  of  God  and  into  the  patience  of  Christ ! 

6  Now,  brothers,  we  charge  you  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
to   avoid    every  brother   whose   walk   is   irregular   and   not    after    the 

7  tradition  received  from  us.     You  know  yourselves  how  you  ought  to 

8  imitate  us.  We  did  not  lead  an  irregular  life  among  you,  nor  did  we 
eat  bread  at  any  man's  hand  for  nothing,  but  with  labour  and  toil  we 

9  worked  night  and  day,  so  as  to  be  no  burden  to  any  of  you.  It  was  not 
that  we  lacked  the  right ;  it  was  simply  to  set  ourselves  as  a  pattern  for 

10  you  to  imitate.     We  gave  you  this  charge  even  when  we  were  with  you  : 

11  "  If  any  man  will  not  work,  neither  let  him  eat."  Whereas  we  hear  of 
some  who  are  leading  an  irregular  life  among  you,  not  busy,  but  busy- 

12  bodies.     Such  people  we  charge  and  beseech  in  the  Lord  Jesus  to  work 

13  (|^uietly  and  eat  their  own  bread.     As  for  yourselves,  brothers,  never  lose 

14  heart  in  well-doing.  But  if  anyone  obeys  not  the  word  we  send  by  this 
lettei',  note  him,  keej)  no  company  -  with  him,  that  he  may  be  shamed. 

15  Yet  do  not  consider  him  as  if  he  were  an  enemy  :  admonish  him  as  a 

16  brother.  And  may  the  Lord  of  peace  himself  ever  give  you  peace 
in  every  way  I 

The  Lord  be  witli  you  all. 

17  The  salutation  is  by  the  hand  of  me,  Paul — it  is  a  token  in  every 
letter ;  such  is  my  way  of  writing. 

18  The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  you  all. 

1  Omitting  [[««']]■  '  Reading  trvv«iia//.l'yyvtrei 


This  epistle  places  us  in  the  midst  of  the  great  excitement  of  the  critical 
struggle  which  had  begun  between  Judaism  and  Christianity,  in  the  decision 
of  the  momentous  question  whether  there  should  be  a  Christianity  free  from 
Judaism  and  essentially  different  from  it,  or  whether  Christianity  should  only 
exist  as  a  form  of  Judaism,  that  is  to  say,  as  nothing  else  than  a  modified  and 
extended  Judaism.  .  .  .  There  can  scarcely  be  any  doubt  with  regard  to  these 
Judaisiug  opponents,  that  from  the  way  in  which  the  apostle  opposed  them, 
the  conflict  was  now  being  carried  on  for  the  first  time.  We  see  that  this  is 
the  first  time  this  subject  has  been  handled  ;  the  apostle  perceives  that  he  is 
absolutely  obliged  to  give  an  account  of  how  he  was  summoned  to  his  apostolic 
office,  and  he  speaks  of  it  in  such  a  manner  as  he  could  not  have  done,  if  he  had 
ever  before  come  in  contact  with  these  opponents  in  the  same  way.  He  puts 
himself  thoroughly  in  opposition  to  them  ;  as  thoroughly  as  can  only  be  done 
Avhen  for  the  first  time  the  full  importance  of  a  principle  dawns  upon  a  man, 
and  when  the  maintenance  of  this  principle  against  a  vexatious  opposition  con- 
stitutes the  task  of  his  whole  life. — Baur. 


1'"^     Introduction. 

in_2-'i  Personal :  the  independence  of  his  gospel — 
from  God  not  man  : 
his  early  relations  with  the  apostles,  and  especially  Peter. 

3-4  Dogrmatic  :  the  Law  and  the  Sjiirit — 

tlie  Law  provisional :    the  problem  of  Abraham  and    his 

faith— 
the  Law  superseded  :  the  allegory  of  Plagar — 
Christianity,  final  and  free. 

5'-G'^  Ethical :  Christian  freedom  : 

Paul's  gospel  a  gospel  of  liberty, 
Init  not  of  licence. 
The  ethics  of  the  Spirit. 

(jii-18  Epilogue: 


GALATIANS 

1   1  Paul,  an  ajiostle  not  from  men  nor  l\v  a  man,  but  by  Jesus  Christ  and 
■2  God  the  Father  who  raised  him  from  the  dead,  with  all  the  brothers  who 
are  beside  me, 

to  the  Communities  of  Galatia  : 

3  grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  the  Father  and  our  Lord  Jesus 

4  Christ,  who  gave  himself  for  our  sins  that  he  might  deliver  us  from  the 

5  present  evil  world  according  to  the  will  of  our  God  and  Father,  to  whom 
be  the  honour  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen. 

6  I  wonder  that  you  are  going  over  so  hastily  from  him  who  called  you 

7  through  the  grace  of  Christ,  going  over  to  a  different  gospel. — It  is  not 
another  gospel :  only,  there  are  certain  persons  who  trouble  you  and 
want  to  pervert  the  gospel  of  Christ. 

8  But  even  though  we  or  an  angel  from  heaven  were  to  preach  ^  a  gospel 

contrary  to  that  which  we  preached  to  you, 
let  him  be  accursed. 

9  As  we  have  said  before,  so  now  I  say  again  : 

If  anyone  preaches  to  you  a  gospel  contrary  to  that  which  you  received, 
let  him  be  accursed. 

10  Now  is  that  "  speaking  to  conciliate  men,"  or  God  ? 

Trying  "  to  please  men  "  ! 

'  If  I  were  still  pleasing  men,  1  should  not  be  Christ's  slave. 

11  I  tell  you,  brothers,  about  the  gospel  preached  by  me, 

It  is  not  after  the  manner  of  man  : 

12  I  did  not  receive  it  from  man,  nor  was  I  taught  it ; 

Nay,  I  had  it  by  a  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ. 

13  You  have  heard  of  my  conduct  at  one  time  in  Judaism,  that  I  persecuted 

14  the  Community  of  God  and  made  havoc  of  it  beyond  measure,  and  that  I 
advanced  in  Judaism  beyond  many  of  my  contemporaries,  zealot  as  I  was 

15  more  and  more  for  the  traditions  of  my  fathers.     But  when  it  was  the 
good  pleasure  of  him  ^    who  set  me  apart  from  my  mother's  loomh  and 

16  called  me  through  his  grace,  to  reveal  his  Son  for  me,  that  I  might  preach 
him  among  the  Gentiles,  I  did  not  immediately  communicate  with  Hesh  and 

17  blood,  or  go  up  to  Jerusalem  to  those  who  were  apostles  before  me.    No,  I 

18  went  away  to  Arabia,  and  returned  once  more  to  Damascus.     Then,  after 
three  years,  I  went  up  to  Jerusalem  to  become  acquainted  with  Kephas, 

19  and  with  him  I  stayed  for  fifteen  days.    I  saw  no  one  else  of  the  apostles, 

20  except  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord.     (Lo,  before  God,  I  swear  I  am 

21  not  lying  in  what  I  write  to  you !)     Then  I  came  to  the  regions  of  Syria 

22  and  Cilicia.     And  still  I  was  personally  unknown  to  the  Communities  of 

23  Judaea  which  were  in  Christ.     They  only  lieard  reports  that  "  he  who 

24  once  persecuted  us,  is  preaching  now  the  faith  of  which  he  once  made 
2  1  havoc  " ;  and  they  magnified  God  on  my  account.  Then  after 

fourteen  years  I  went  up  to  Jerusalem  once  more,  along  with  Barnabas  ; 

1  Omitting  [["^^^v]].  2  Omitting  [[« fls^]]. 

151 


152  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^-3^ 

2  I  also  took  Titus  with  me.  Now  I  went  up  owing  to  a  revelation.  And  I 
laid  before  them  the  gospel  I  preach  among  the  Gentiles — it  was  in  ])rivate, 
however,  before  those  of  repute — lest  haply  I  might  l)e  running  or  might 

3  have  run,  in  vain.     (But,  Greek  as  he  was,  even  Titus  my  companion 

4  was  not  compelled  to  have  himself  circumcised.  On  account  of  the  false 
brothers  stealthily  introduced,  men  wdio  crept  in  by  stealth  to  spy  out 
that  freedom  wliich  we  possess  in  Christ,  for  the  purpose  of  enslaving  us, 

5  we  did  not  yield  in  the  way  of  submission  for  a  single  hour  ;  in  order  that 

6  the  truth  of  the  gospel  might  remain  with  you.)  But  from  those  of  some 
repute — whatever  they  were  at  one  time  makes  no  difference  to  me,  God 
regards  no  man's  person  :  to  me  certainly  they  communicated  nothing. 

7  On  the  contrary,  when  they  saw  that  I   had  been  intrusted  with  the 

8  gospel  for  the  Uncircumcision  just  as  Peter  had  been  for  the  Circumcision 
— for  he  who  worked  by  Peter  for  a  mission  to  the  Circumcision,  worked 

9  also  by  me  for  the  Gentiles— and  when  they  recognised  the  grace  given 
to  me,  then  James  and  Kephas  and  John,  those  who  were  of  repute  as 
pillars,  gave  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  to  myself  and  to  Barnabas,  on 
condition  that  we  should  be  for  the  Gentiles,  and  they  for  the  Circum- 

10  cision.     Only,  we  were  to  "be  mindful  of  the  poor" — the  very  thing  I 

1 1  endeavoured  to  do.  But  when  Kephas  came  to  Antioch  I  opposed 

12  him  to  his  face.  The  man  stood  self-condemned.  For,  before  certain  per- 
sons came  from  James,  he  ate  with  the  Gentiles ;  but  when  they  came,  he 
began  to  draw  back  and  separate  himself,  as  he  feared  those  who  belonged 

13  to  the  Circumcision.  And  along  with  him  the  rest  of  the  Jews  also  dis- 
sembled, so  tliat  even  Barnabas  was  carried  away  by  their  dissembling. 

14  But  when  I  saw  tliat  their  course  was  not  straightforward,  in  line  with  the 
truth  of  the  gospel,  I  said  to  Kephas  before  them  all,  "  If,  Jew  as  thou 
art,  thou  livest  like  the  Gentiles  and  not  like  the  Jews,  how  is  it  thou  art 

15  trying  to  compel  the  Gentiles  to  Judaise  ?"  We  are  by  nature 

16  JeVs,  and  not  "  sinners  of  Gentiles  "  !  Yet  as  we  know  that  a  man  is  not 
justified  by  deeds  of  law,  but  only  through  faith  in  Christ  Jesus,  we  our- 
selves believed  on  Christ  Jesus,  that  we  might  be  justified  by  faith  in  Christ 
and  not  by  deeds  of  law  ;  for  by  deeds  of  law  no  flesh  shall  be  justified. 

17  Now  if  we  ourselves,  as  we  sought  to  be  justified  in  Christ,  "were  found 

18  also  to  be  sinners,"  is  Christ  then  a  minister  of  sin?  God  forbid  !  Rather 
I  prove  myself  to  be  a  transgressor,  if  I  build  up  again  that  which  I 

19  destroyed.     For  I  through  the  law  died  to  the  law,  that  I  might  live 

20  for  God.  I  have  been  crucified  with  Christ,  and  it  is  no  longer  I  who 
live,  Christ  lives  in  me  ;  the  life  I  now  live  in  the  llesh  I  live  in  faith, 

21  faith  in  the  Son  of  God  who  loved  me  and  gave  up  himself  for  me.  I 
do  not  frustrate  the  grace  of  God  ;  for  if  uprightness  is  through  the  law, 
then  Christ  died  without  a  cause. 

3  1        0   foolish   Galatians,    who   bewitched   you — you   before   whose  eyes 

2  Jesus  Christ  was  depicted  on  the  cross  ?  I 'would  learn  merely  this  from 
you  :    was  it  by  deeds  of  law  that  you  received  the  Spirit,  or  by  the 

3  message  of  faith  ?     Are  you  such  fools  ?     Did  you  begin  in  the  Spirit 

4  only  to  stop  now  with  the  flesh  ?     Had  you  all  'that  experience  in  vain 

5  (if  'indeed  it  is  really  in  vain)  ?  Does  he  who  supplies  you  witli  the 
Spirit  and  works  miracles  among  you,  do  that  by  deeds  of  law  (pray)  or  by 

6  the  message  of  faith  ?     It  is  just  as  with  Abraham,  who  believed  God,  and 

7  it  was  counted  to  him  as  ni)ri(jht)iess.  Understand    then 

8  that  those  who  depend  on  faith  are  the  sons  of  Al)vaham.  IMoremei- 
the  scripture,  foreseeing  that  it  is  by  faith  God  justifies  the  Gentiles, 
preached    the    gospel    beforehand    to   Abraham  :    In   thee   shall   all   the 


3^-4^1]  GALATIANS  153 

9  nations  be  blessed.     So  that  those  who  depend  on  faith  are  blessed  with 

10  Abraham  the  faithfuL  For  all  who  depend  on  deeds  of  law  are 
under   the  curse  :    for  it  is  written,  Cursed  is   everyone  who  abides  not 

11  by  all  the  things  written  in  the  booh  of  the  law,  to  do  them.  Further, 
that  in  the  law  no  one  is  justified  before  God  is  clear,  because  it  is 

12  by  faith  that  the  \if  right  shall   live.     Now  the  law  does   not   exist   by 

13  faith  ;  nay,  he  who  does  them  shall  live  thereby.  Christ  ransomed  us  from 
the  curse  of  the  law  by  becoming  accursed  for  us  (For  it  is  written, 
Cursed  is  everyone  who  hangs  upon  a  gibbet), 

14  That  the  blessing  of  Abraham  might  reach  the  Gentiles  in  Christ 

Jesus, 
That  through  faith  we  might  receive  the  promised  Spirit. 

15  Brothers,  when  a  man's  will  has  been  ratified— to  use  a  merely  human 
way  of  speaking — no  one  sets  it  aside  or  adds  new  conditions,  though 

16  it  be  but  the  will  of  a  man.  Now  it  was  to  Abraham  that  the  promises 
were  spoken,  a^id  to  his  offspring.  He  does  not  say  "and  to  offsprings" 
in  the  plural,  but  in  the  singular  '^and  to  thy  qfspring" — which  is  Christ. 

17  My  point  is  this:  the  law  which  came  four  hundred  and  thirty  years 
later  does  not  cancel  a  will  previously  ratified  by  God,  so  as  to  annul 

18  the  promise.     If  the  inheritance  is  by  law,  it  is  no  longer  by  promise. 

19  Now  God  has  bestowed  it  on  Abraham  by  promise.  What  of  the  law 
then  ?  It  was  added  to  produce  tlie  transgressions,  until  the  coming  of 
the  seed  to  whom  the  promise  has  been  made  ;  and  it  was  given  through 

20  the   administration   of   angels   by  the   agency  of  a  mediator.     (Now  a 

21  mediator  implies  more  than  one  ;  whereas  God  is  one.)  Is  the  law  then 
opposed  to  the  promises  of  God  ?  God  forbid  !  Had  a  law  been  given 
which  was  able  to  make  alive,  uprightness  would  have  really  been  by 

22  law  ;  but  the  scripture  shut  up  all  things  under  sin,  in  order  that  the 
promise  which  is  by  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  might  be  given  to  those  who 
believe. 

23  Now  before  that  faith  came,  we  were  guarded  under  control  of  law, 

24  shut  up  with  a  view  to  the  faith  which  w^as  to  be  revealed.  So  that  the 
law  proved  our  tutor  till  Christ  came,  in  order  that  by  faith  we  might 

25  be  justified.     But  faith  has  come,  and  w^e  are  under  a  tutor  no  longer. 
26,  27  You  are  all  God's  sons  through  faith  in  Christ  Jesus  ;  for  all  of  you  who 

28  had  yourselves  baptized  into  Christ,  put  on  Christ.  There  is  no  place  for 
Jew  or  Greek,  there  is  no  place  for  slave  or  freeman,  there  is  no  place  for 

29  male  and  female  :  all  of  you  are  one  being  in  Christ  Jesus.  _  Now, 
if  you  are  Christ's,  why  then,  you  are  Alwaham's  offspring,  heirs  owing  to  the 

4  1  promise.    As  long  as  the  heir'is  a  child,  I  mean,  he  does  not  differ  at  all  from 

2  a  slave,  though  he  is  lord  of  all.     He  is  under  guardians  and  trustees  until 

3  the  term  previously  fixed  by  his  father.     So  also  with  us  :  when  we  were 

4  children  we  were  held  in  slavery  under  the  elements  of  the  world  ;  but 
when  the  fulness  of  the  time  came,  God  sent  forth  his  Son,  born  of  a  woman, 

5  born  under  law,  that  he  might  ransom  those  who  are  under  law,  that  we 

6  might  get  our  sonship.     And  because  you  are  sons  God  sent  forth  the 

7  Spirit  of  his  Son  into  our  hearts,  crying^  "  Abba  !  Father  1 "  So  Uiou  art 
a  slave  no  longer,  but  a  son  ;  and  if  a  son,  an  heir  also  through  God. 

8  But  at  that  time,  since  you  did  not  know  God,  you  were  in  servitude 

9  to  gods  which  by  nature  are  no  gods.  Now  that  you  have  come  to  know 
God,  however,  or  rather  to  be  known  by  God,  how  is  it  you  are  turnmg 
back  again  to  the  weak  and  beggarly  elements,  desiring  to  be  slaves  to 

10  them  once   more  ?      Observe  davs  and  months  and  festal   seasons  and 

11  years  !     You  !— I  am  afraid,  after  all,  I  may  have  laboured  on  you  in  vain. 


154  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4^--5^^ 

12  Turn  to  be  like  me,  brothers,  I  entreut  you  ;  I  also  have  turned  to  be  like 

13  you.     You  have  done  me  no  wrong.     Rather,  though  (as  you  are  aware) 
it  was  owing  to  bodily  sickness  that  I  preached  the  gospel  to  you  on  my 

14  former  visit,  and  though  my  flesh  was  a  trial  to  you,  you  did  not  despise 
nor  spurn  me.     Nay,  you  received  me  as  an  angel  of  God,  as  Christ  Jesus. 

l.j  You  pronounced  yourselves  "haj^py."    Then  where  is  that  happiness  ?   (I 
bear  you  witness,  you  would  have  plucked  out  your  very  eyes  and  given 

16  them  to  me,  had  it  been  possil^le.)     So  I  have  become  your  enemy  by 

17  dealing  honestly  with  you?     These  men  are  not  paying  you  court  with 
any  honourable  zeal  I    Xay,  they  would  shut  you  out  from  others  in  order 

18  that  you  may  have  to  pay  court  to  themselves.     It  is  a  capital  thing  to  be 
courted  zealously  in  an  honourable  cause,  and  that  at  all  times,  not  merely 

19  when  one  is  with  you,  0  my  children — you  with  whom  I  am  once  more  in 

20  travail,  until  Christ  be  formed  in  you  !     Would  that  I  could  be  with  you 
just  now,  and  alter  my  tone  I  for  I  am  perplexed  about  you. 

21  Tell  me,  you  who  would  fain  be  under  law,  do  you  not  understand 

22  the  law  ?     Surely  it  is  written  that  Abraham  had  two  sons,  one  by  the 

23  bondmaid  and  one  by  the  free  woman  ;  but  while  the  son  of  the  bond- 
maid was  born  after  the  flesh,  the  son  of  the  free  woman  was  born  through 

24  the  promise.     This  is  allegorical.    These  women  are  two  covenants.    One 
is  from  Mount  Sinai  and  bears  children  for  bondage  ;    that  is  Hagar 

25  (Hagar  is  Mount  Sinai  in    Arabia).      She  corresponds   to  the  present 

26  Jerusalem,  for  she  is  in  bondage  along  with  her   children.      But  the 

27  Jerusalem  on  high  is  free  ;  and  she  is  our  mother.     For  it  is  written. 

Rejoice,  thou  harren  who  bearest  not  : 
Burst  out  with  joyful  cry,  thou  who  travailest  not : 
For  many  are  the  children  of  the  desolate, 
Many  more  than  hers  tvho  is  married. 
28,  29  Now  you  are  like  Isaac,  brothers,  children  of  j'romise.     But  as  at  that 
time  he  who  was  born  after  the  flesh  jaersecuted    him  who  was  born 

30  after  the  Spirit,  so  is  it  now.    Nevertheless,  what  saith  the  scripture  ?    Cast 
out  the  bondmaid  and  her  son,  for  the  son  of  the  borubnaid  shall  not  be  heir 

31  along  with  the  son  of  the  free  woman.   Therefore,  brothers,  we  are  children 
not  of  a  bondmaid  but  of  the  free  woman. 

5  1        It  was  for  freedom  that  Christ  freed  us.     Stand  firm  then,  and  be  not 

2  caught  once  more  in  a  yoke  of  bondage. — Behold,  I  Paul  tell  you  ;  if  you 

3  have  yourselves  circumcised,  Christ  will  be  no  use   to  you.     Again    I 
protest  to  everyone  who  has  himself  circumcised,  he  is  under  obligation 

4  to  obey  the  whole  law.  You  who  would  fain  be  justified  by  law,  you  are 
')  done  with  Christ,  you  are  fallen  from  grace.  For  by  faith  we  wait  in  the 
G  Spirit  for  uprightness,  our  hope.    Neither  circumcision  nor  uncircumcision 

7  is  of  any  avail  in  Christ  Jesus,  but  only  faith  that  works  through  love.   You 

8  were  running  nobly.     Who  hindered  you  from  obeying  the  truth  ?     The 

9  i)ersuasion  to  that  does  not  come  from  him  who  calls  you.     (A  little 

10  leaven  leavens  the  whole  lump.)     For  myself,  I  am  confident  about  you 
in  the  Lord  that  you  will  not  go  wrong.   But  as  for  him  who  is  troubling 

11  you,  he  will  have  to  bear  the  doom,  whoever  he  may  be.     As  for  me, 
brothers,  if  I  am  "  still  preaching  circumcision,"  why  am  I  still  persecuted  1 

12  In  that  case  the  hindrance  of  the  cross  is  abolished  !     0  that  those  who 
are  unsettling  you  would  have  themselves  mutilated  also  ! 

13  You  were  called  to  be  free,  Inothers.    Only,  do  not  turn  your  freedom 
into  an  opportunity  for  the  flesh,  but  serve  one  another  through  love. 

14  For  the  whole  law  is  fulfilled  in  one  word,  in  the  command:  Thou  shall  love 

15  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.     But  if  you  "bite  and  devour  one  another,''  take 


S^^-e^S]  GALATIANS  155 

16  care  tlmt  you  do  not  consume  one  another.  I  tell  you,  walk  by 

1 7  the  Spirit :  then  you  shall  not  fulfil  tlie  lust  of  the  Hesh.  For  the  flesh  lusts 
against  the  Spirit,  and  the  Spirit  against  the  flesh  (these  are  opposed 
to  one  another),  in  order  that  you  may  not  do  the  things  that  you  would. 

18,  19  And  if  you  are  led  by  the  Spirit  you  are  not  under  law.  Now  the 
works  of  the  flesh  are  obvious  :  they  consist  of  fornication,  impurity, 

20  sensuality,  idolatry,  magic,  enmities,  quarrelling,  jealousy,  angry  passions, 

21  factions,  dissensions,  parties,  envies,  bouts  of  drunkenness,  of  revelry,  and 
such  like.  I  tell  you  beforehand  as  I  already  told  you  beforehand,  that  those 

22  who  practise  such  things  shall  not  inherit  the  reign  of  God.  But  the  fruit 
of  the  Spirit  is  love,  jo}',  peace,  longsuft'ering,  kindness,  goodness,  faith- 

23,  24  fulness,  gentleness,  self-control :  against  such  things  there  is  no  law.  And 
those  M'ho  are  of  Christ  Jesus  have  crucified  the  flesh  with  its  passions  and 

25,  26'  lusts.     If  we  live  by  the  Spirit,  by  the  Sjsirit  let  us  walk.  Let  us 

6  1  have  no  empty  pride,  nettling  one  another,  envying  one  another.    Brothers, 

even  though  a  man  is  detected  in  some  trespass,  do  you  as  spiritual 

people  restore  such  a  one  in  the  spirit  of  gentleness  :  look  to  thyself  lest 

2  thoii  also  be  tempted.    Bear  one  another's  burdens,  and  so  fulfil  the  law  of 

3  Christ.     For  if  a  man  imagines  himself  to  be  something  great  wdien  he  is 

4  a  mere  nobody,  he  is  cheating  himself.  Let  each  man  test  his  own  work, 
and  then  he  shall  have  something  to  exult  about  in  himself,  and  not 

o  in  comparison  with  his  neighbour.     For  each  shall  bear  his  own  load. 

6  Let  him  who  is  instructed  in  the  word  share  with  his  instructor, 
in  all  good  things. 

7  Be  not  misled  :  God  is  not  to  be  mocked, 

8  For  whatever  a  man  sows  that  shall  he  also  reap. 

He  who  sows  to  his  flesh  shall  from  the  flesh  reap  destruction. 
But  he  who  sows  to  the  Sjiirit  shall  from  the  Spirit  reap  life  eternal. 

9  Let  us  not  lose  heart  in  doing  good  :  for  we  shall  reap  in  due  season, 

10  if  we  faint  not.  So  then  while  we  have  ^  time,  let  us  work  at  what 
is  good  toward  all  men,  but  especially  toward  those  who  belong  to  the 
household  of  the  faith. 

11  Look,  with  what  large  letters  I  write  you,  with  my  own  hand. 

12  The  men  who  are  comiDelling  you  to  be  circumcised  are  those  who 
would  like  to  make  a  fine  display  in  the  flesh  ;  it  is  only  to  avoid  being 

13  persecuted  for  the  cross  of  Christ.  Why,  even  those  who  get  circumcised 
do  not  observe  the  law  themselves  !     Nay,  they  would  have  you  circum- 

1-4  cised  so  as  to  exult  in  your  flesh  !     But  never  he  it  mine  to  exult  save  in 
_  the  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through  which  the  world  has  been 

15  crucitied  to  me  and  I  to  the  world.     For  circumcision  is  nothing  and 

16  uncircumcision  is  nothing,  but  a  new  creation  is  everything.  And  as  for 
all  who  walk  by  this  principle,  peace  be  on  them  and  mercy,  yea  on  the 

^  Israel  of  God. 
1*7        In  future  let  no  man  molest  me,  for  I  bear  on  my  body  the  brands  of 
Jesus. 

18  The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  your  spirit,  brothers  : 
Amen. 

1  Reading  'ix'/*^'- 


The  apostle,  who  had  himself  fouuded  the  Coriuthian  church,  specially  loved 
it,  and  nurtured  it  with  uncommon  care.  His  experiences  among  these  converts 
were  diversified,  his  difficulties  peculiar  ;  and  the  human  side  of  his  individual- 
ity is  seen  in  what  he  writes  to  them  more  clearly  than  in  any  other  epistle. 
His  practical  sagacity,  spiritual  insight,  tact  and  delicacy,  were  called  into 
exercise  by  the  weighty  problem  to  be  solved— the  planting  of  a  new  religion  in 
Greek  soil.  .  .  .  Nowhere  is  the  manysidedness  of  the  apostle's  mind  so 
evident — the  breadth  and  largeness  of  view  that  touch  topics  of  multifarious 
difficulty  with  masterly  ability.  All  his  powers  were  needed  for  the  successful 
solution  of  the  problem,  which  the  first  church  reared  on  the  classic  ground 
of  ancient  Greece  presented  ;  nor  did  they  fail  to  meet  it  successfully. — 
S.   Davidson. 


p-^  Greeting :  introduction. 

^io_^2i  Party-spirit  and  parties  in  the  church: 

lio_oi  rpj^g  genuine  character  of  Christianity  as  evidenced  in  Paul- 

its  "  foolisliness  "  and  "wisdom." 
.3°-4-^  The  genuine  character  of  the  ministry  as  evidenced  in  Paul  — 

subordinate  and  co-operant. 
51-^2  A  case  of  incest. 
gi-9a  Litigation   in   pagan  courts. 
61" -0  Fornication. 

7-16'*  Answer  to  Corinthian   letter  on  : 

Mahriaue  and  its  problems — the  principle  of  celibacy. 
8-11^  Food   offered   to   idols — the   principles    of   forbearance    and 

liberty, 
ll^-is  WoRSHir  :  (a)  The  rules  for  women. 

n^"!-^  {[3)  The  rules  for  the  Lord's  supjier. 

12-14  (7)  Spiritual    gifts  :    their    nature,    degree,    and 

purpose. 

13  The  pre-eminence  of  love  : 

14  practical  application. 

15  The  Resurrection  of  the   dead— of  Christ,  of  mankind  : 

its  necessity  and  reasonableness. 
I6I-*  The  Collection. 

Ig5-18    Personal. 
1619-24  Farewell. 


I.  CORINTHIANS 

1  1  Paul,  called  to  be  an  ajjostle  of  Christ  Jesus  througli  the  will  of  God, 
and  Sostheiies  the  bi'other, 

2  to  the  Community  of  God  which  is  in  Corinth,  to  those  who  are 
sanctified  in  Christ  Jesus,  called  to  be  saints,  along  with  all  who  in  every 
place  call  on  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  theirs  as  well  as  ours  : 

3  grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
-i        I  always  thank  my  God  for  you,  for  the  grace  of  God  granted  you  in 

5  Christ  Jesus,  because  in  him  you  were  enriched  in  everything,  in  all 

6  speech  and  all  knowledge,  since  the  testimony  borne  to  Christ  was  con- 

7  tirmed  in  you  ;  so  that  you  do  not  suffer  want  in  any  privilege,  while  you 

8  wait  for  the  revelation  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  also  will  confirm  you 

9  to  the  end,  to  be  irreproachable  in  the  day  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  God 
is  faithful,  In'  whom  you  were  called  into  fellowship  with  his  Son  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord. 

10  Now  I  appeal  to  you,  brothers,  by  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
to  be  all  in  unison  and  have  no  divisions  among  you,  Vjut  be  at  harmony 

11  together  in  the  same  mind  and  the  same  judgment.  For  I  have  news 
of  you,  my  brothers,  from  the  household  of  Chloe  to  this  effect,  that  there 

12  are  quarrels  among  you.     What  I  mean  is  this  :  each  of  you  is  saying, 

13  "  I  am  of  Paul,"  or  "  1  of  Apollos,"  or  "  I  of  Kephas,"  or  "  I  of  Christ."  Is 
Christ  divided  up  ?     Was  it  Paul  who  was  crucified  for  you  ?     Or  did 

14  you  get  baptized  into  the  name  of  Paul  ?     I  am  thankful  I  baptized  none 

15  of  you  except  Krispus  and  Gains,  that  no  one  may  say  you  got  baptized 

16  into  my  name  (well,  I  did  baptize  the  household  of  Stephanas  also  ;  for 

17  the  rest,  I  do  not  remember  if  I  baptized  anyone  else).  Christ  did  not 
send  me  to  baptize,  but  to  preach  the  gospel — not  in  wisdom  of  word, 
lest  the  cross  of  Christ  should  be  rendered  void. 

18  For  the  word  of  the  cross  is  foolishuess  to  the  perishing, 
But  God's  250wer  to  us  who  are  l^eing  saved. 

1 9  For  it  is  written, 

I  ivill  ruin  the  wisdom  of  the  ivise, 

And  the  cleverness  of  the  clever  I  ivill  frustrate. 

20  Uliercisthetviseman  1    Where  is  the  scribel    Where  is  the  debater  of  this  age? 

Has  not  God  made  the  wisdom  of  the  world  foolish  ? 

21  For  since  in  the  wisdom  of  God  the  world  through  its  wisdom  failed 
to  know  God, 

It  pleased  God  to  sa^'e  those  who  believe,  through  the  foolishness  of 
Avhat  is  preached  ; 

22  Seeing  that  Jews  demand  signs  and  Greeks  require  wisdom, 

23  While  we  preach  Christ  crucified, 

To  Jews  a  hindrance,  to  Gentiles  foolishness, 

24  But  to  those  who  are  called  (both  Jews  and  Greeks),  Christ  God's 
power  and  God's  wisdom  : 

25  For  the  foolishness  of  God  is  wiser  than  men. 
And  the  weakness  of  God  is  stronger  than  men. 


158  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [i2C_2i6 

26  Why,  lock  at  your  calling,  brothers  : 

There  are  not  many  wise  after  the  flesh,  not  many  i^rinciiml  men,  not 
many  of  high  birth  ; 

27  Nay,  God  has  chosen  the  foolish  things  of  the  world  to  put  the  wise 
men  to  shame. 

And  God  has  chosen  the  weak  things  of  the  world  to  put  the  strong 
things  to  shame, 

28  And  God  has  chosen  the  low-born  things  of  the  world  and  the  despised 
things — the  things  which  are  not,  to  put  down  the  things  which  are, 

29  That  no  flesh  should  exult  before  God. 

30  From  him  you  have  your  being  in  Christ  Jesus, 

Whom  God  made  our  "wisdom,"  that  is,  uprightness  and  sanctification 
and  redemption  ; 

31  So  that,  even  as  it  is  written. 

Let  him  vjho  exults,  exult  in  the  Lord. 
2  1        And  so,  brothers,  when  I  came  to  you,  I  did  not  come  proclaiming 

2  the  testimony  of  God  to  you  by  way  of  elaborate  speech  or  wisdom.     I 
decided  not  to  know  anything  among  you  except  Jesus  Christ — and  him 

3  crucified.     And  when   1  was  with  you  I  was  in  weakness  and  fear  and 

4  great  trembling ;   nor  did  my  speech  and  preaching  rest  on  persuasive 
words  of  wisdom,  but  on  a  "demonstration  "  of  the  Spirit  and  of  power  ; 

5  that  your  faith  might  not  rest  on  men's  wisdom,  but  on  God's  power. 

6  Wisdom  however  we  do  speak  among  the  mature, 

But  not  a  wisdom  which  belongs  to  this  age 

Or  to  the  leaders  of  this  age  (who  are  being  put  down) ; 

7  It  is  God's  wisdom  as  a  secret  that  we  speak. 

The  hidden  wisdom  which  God  fore-appointed  before  the  ages  in  our 
honour. 

8  None  of  the  leaders  of  this  age  knows  it 

(For  had  they  known  it,  they  had  not  crucified  the  Lord  of  majesty)  ; 

9  Nay  it  means,  as  has  been  written. 

Things  no  eye  has  seen,  no  ear  has  heard, 

That  have  not  entered  the  mind  of  man. 

Even  all  that  God  has  prepared  for  those  ivho  love  him. 

10  To  us  God  has  revealed  them  through  the  Spirit, 

For  the  Spirit  searches  all  things,  even  the  depths  of  God. 

11  Among  men,  who  knows  the  things  of  a  man 

Save  the  spirit  of  the  man  that  is  within  him  : 
So  is  it  also  with  the  things  of  God, 

None  has  knowledge  of  them  save  the  Spirit  of  God. 

12  Now  we  received  not  the  spirit  of  the  world,  Ijut  the  Spirit  which  is 
from  God, 

That  we  might  know  the  things  bestowed  on  us  by  (jod  ; 

13  And  these  are  what  we  speak  in  words  taught  by  no  human  wisdom, 
but  by  the  Spirit, 

Interpreting  spiritual  things  to  sjiiritual  men. 

14  The  natural  man  rejects  the  things  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  to  him  they 
are  foolishness  : 

Indeed  he  cannot  understand  them,  for  they  are  estimated  spirit- 
ually. 

15  Whereas  the  sjjiritual  man  has  an  estimate  for  everything, 

Yet  no  man  has  an  estimate  for  him. 

16  For  loho  has  known  the  Lord's  mind,  so  as  to  instruct  him'^ 

No  man  :  and  our  mind  is  the  mind  of  Christ. 


3^--^]  I.    CORINTHIANS  159 

3  1  And  so,  brothers,   I   could  not  speak  to  you  as  spiritual  men,  but  as 

2  creatures  of  flesh,  as  mere  children  in  Christ.     I  fed  you  with  milk,  not 
with  solid  food  ;  you  were  not  able  for  solid  food.     No,  and  you  are  not 

3  able  yet.     You  are  fleshly  still.     For  in  so  far  as  jealousy  and  quarrelling 
exist  among  you,  are  you  not  fleshly?   are  you  not   walking   after  the 

4  manner  of  men  ?     When  one  says,  "  I  am  of  Paul,"  and  another,  "  I  am  of 
Apollos,"  are  you  not  merely  human  ? 

5  What  is  Apollos,  then  ?     What  is  Paul  ? 

Ministers  through  whom  you  believed— each  indeed  in  the  measure 
granted  him  hy  the  Lord. 

6  I  planted,  Apollos  watered. 

But  God  made  the  growth. 

7  So  then  neither  planter  nor  waterer  is  anything, 

But  God  who  makes  the  growth. 

8  Planter  and  waterer  alike  are  one, 

Yet  each  shall  receive  his  individual  reward  according  to  his  indi- 
vidual labour. 

9  For  we  are  God's  fellow- workers  ; 

You  ai-e  God's  held,  God's  building. 

10  By  virtue  of  God's  grace  granted  me  I  laid  the  foundation  like  an  expert 
master-builder ; 

But  another  man  is  building  on  it. 

Let  each  man  take  care  how  he  builds  on  it. 

11  (For  no  man  can  lay  any  other   foundation  than  the  foundation  laid, 
namely,  Jesus  Christ.) 

12  If  any  man  is  building  on  the  foundation  gold,  silver,  precious  stones, 
wood,  hay,  stubble — 

13  Each  man's  work  shall  be  disclosed  : 

The  Day  will  make  it  plain,  for  the  Day  is  revealed  with  fire, 
And  the  fire  itself  will  test  each  man's  sort  of  work. 

14  If  the  work  built  up  by  any  man  survives. 

He  shall  receive  a  reward  : 

15  If  any  man's  work  be  burned  up. 

He  shall  be  a  loser  ; 

He  shall  be  saved  himself,  yet  saved  as  through  fire. 

16  Do  you  not  know  that  you  are  God's  sanctuary,  and  that  God's  Spirit 
dwells  in  you  ? 

17  If  any  man  is  destroying  God's  sanctuary,  him  shall  God  destroy. 
For  God's  sanctuary  is  holy — and  such  are  you. 

18  Let  no  man  beguile  himself  : 

If  anyone  among  you  imagines  he  is  wise  in  this  age. 
Let  him  become  a  fool  to  become  wise — 

19  For  with  God  the  wisdom  of  this  world  is  foolishness. 
For  it  is  written, 

He  icho  seizes  the  wise  in  their  craftiness, 

20  and  again 

The  Lord  knoivs  that  the  designs  of  the  icise  are  futile. 

21  So  let  no  man  exult  in  men  ; 

For  all  things  are  yours, 

22  Be  it  Paul  or  Apollos  or  Kephas, 
Or  the  world  or  life  or  death, 
Or  the  present  or  the  future, 

23  All  are  yours,  and  you  are  Christ's,  and  Christ  is  God's. 


160  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4^-5^ 

4  1  Let  a  man  look  on  us  as  servants  of  Clirist  and  stewards  of  the  secrets 

2  of  God.     Well,  then,  in  this  matter  of  stewardship,  it  is  required  that 

3  a  man  be  foiind  faithful.  But  with  me  it  is  a  very  small  thing  that 
I  should  be  cross-questioned  by  you  or  by  any  human  court.     I  do 

4  not  even  cross-question  myself.  For  though  I  am  conscious  of  nothing 
against  myself,  that  does  not  clear  me ;  he  who  cross-questions  me  is  the 

5  Lord.  So  judge  not  at  all  before  the  time,  until  the  Lord  come,  who  will 
bring  to  light  the  hidden  things  of  the  darkness  and  also  disclose  the 
counsels  of  the  hearts :  then  shall  each  man  get  his  praise  from  God. 

6  Now,  brothers,  I  have  transferred  these  things  by  a  fiction  to 
myself  and  Apollos  for  your  sake,  so  that  from  our  case  3'ou  might  learn  the 
maxim  :  "  Up  to  what  is  written,  and  no  further,"  not  to  be  putted  up  one 

7  against  another  in  favour  of  this  one  or  the  other.  Who  singles  thee  out  ? 
What  hast  thou  that  thou  didst  not  receive  ?     Why  exult  as  if  thou  hadst 

8  not  received,  when  thou  didst  receive  ?  Have  you  been  sated  alread}'  ? 
Grown  rich  already  ?     Come  to  reign,  apart  from  us  ?    Ah,  would  that 

9  you  had  come  indeed  to  reign,  for  us  to  share  your  reign  as  well !  For 
God,  I  think,  has  exhibited  lis  apostles  last  and  lowest,  as  men  doomed 
to  death  ;  Ave  are  made  a  spectacle  to  the  world,  both  to  angels  and  to  men. 

10  We  ai*e  fools  for  Christ's  sake,  you  are  sensible  in  Christ ;  we  are  weak, 

11  you  are  strong;  you  are  illustrious,  we  unhonoured.     Even  to  this  hour 

12  we  hunger  and  thirst,  we  are  ill-clad,  butt'eted,  waifs,  and  toilers,  working 
with  our  own  hands.     Keviled,  we  bless  :  persecuted,  we  bear  patiently  : 

13  defamed,  we  strive  to  appease  :  to  this  hour  we  are  made  like  ott'scourings 

14  of  the  world,  the  refuse  of  all  things.  I  am  not  writing  this 

15  to  shame  you,  but  to  admonish  you  as  my  beloved  children.  For  though 
you  should  have  ten  thousand  tutors  in  Christ,  yet  you  have  not  more 

16  than  one  father  :    in  Christ  Jesus  through  the  gospel  I  begot  you.     I 

17  apjaeal  to  you  then,  become  imitators  of  me.  For  this  reason  I  have 
sent  you  Timotheus,  my  beloved  and  faithful  child  in  the  Lord  ;  he  will 
remind  you  of  those  methods  in  Christ  Jesus,  which  I  teach  everywhere 

18  in  every  Community.     Certain  people  have  got  putted  up,  however,  as 

19  though  I  were  not  coming  to  you  ?  But  I  shall  come  to  you  soon,  if  the 
Lord  will,  and  learn  not  what  is  the  word  of  those  who  are  putted  up, 

20  but  what  is  their  power  ;  for  God's  reign  is  not  a  matter  of  words  but  of 

21  power.  What  is  your  choice  1  Must  I  come  to  you  with  a  rod,  or  with 
love  and  the  spirit  of  gentleness  1 

5  1        It   is  actually  reported   that   there   is   fornication   among  you,  and 

fornication  such  as  does  not  even  exist  among  the  Gentiles,  namely,  that  a 

2  man  has  his  father's  wife.  And  yet  you  are  puffed  up  !  You  ought  rather 
to  have  mourned,  so  that  the  perpetrator  of  this  deed  might  be  removed 

3  from  your  midst.  For  my  part,  absent  in  body  but  present  in  spirit, 
I  have  already — as  though  really  present — passed  judgment  upon  him 

4  who  has  practised  this  deed,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  (you  being 
gathered  together  and  my  spirit  also,  with  the  power  of  our  Lord  Jesus), 

5  to  have  the  man  in  question  delivered  to  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the 

6  flesh,  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord.^  Your 
exulting  is  discreditable.    Do  you  not  know  that  a  little  leaven  leavens  the 

7  whole  lump  ?  Purge  out  the  old  lea\en,  that  you  may  be  a  new  lump ;  even 
as  you  are  free  from  leaven,  for  indeed  Christ,  our  paschal  lamb,  has  been 

8  sacrificed.  So  then  let  us  keep  festival  not  with  old  leaven,  nor  with  the 
leaven  of  malice  and  wickedness,  but  with  the  unleavened  l)read  of  sincerity 

9  and  integrity.  I  wrote  you  in  my  letter  to  keej)  no  company 

1  Omitting  ['I-«r>C]. 


5^-6^^]  I.    CORINTHIANS  161 

10  witli  fornicators — not  that  I  meant  you  absolutely  to  sliun  tlie  fornicators 
of  this  world,  or  the  covetous  and  extortionate,  or  idolaters,  since  in  that 

11  case  you  would  be  obliged  to  withdraw  from  the  world.  What  I  did 
write  to  you  was  this  :  if  anyone  who  bears  the  name  of  "  brother  "  be  a 
fornicator,  or  covetous,  or  an  idolater,  or  a  reviler,  or  a  drunkard,  or 
extortionate,  keep  no  comjDany  with  him,  with  such  a  man  do  not  even 

12  eat.     As  for  those  outside,  what  have  I  to  do  with  judging  them  ?     Is  it 

13  not  those  inside  that  you  judge?  Those  outside  are  judged  by  God. 
Banish  the  ivicked  one  from  your  midst. 

6  1         Dare   any   of  you,  with   some   dispute   against  another,  go   to   law 
before  the  unjust  instead  of  before  the  saints  1 

2  What !  do  you  not  know  the  saints  shall  rule  the  world  ? 

And  if  the  world  is  to  be  ruled  by  you,  are  you  unfit  to  adjudicate 
upon  mere  trifles  ? 

3  Do  you  not  know  we  shall  rule  angels,  let  alone  secular  affairs  1 

4  So  then,  if  you  have  to  adjudicate  on  secular  affairs,  do  you  set  up  as 

judges  people  who  in  the  Community  are  of  no  account  whatever  ? 

5  I  say  this  to  rouse  your  shame.  Has  it  come  to  this,  that  there  is 
not  a  single  wise  man  forthcoming  among  you,  who  can  decide  a  dispute 

G  between  his  brothers  ?     Must  brother  go  to  law  with  brother,  and  that 

7  before  unbelievers  1  Nay,  so  far  as  that  goes,  it  is  altogether  a  defect  in 
you  that  you  have  law-suits  with   one  another.     Why   not   rather  be 

8  wronged  1  Why  not  rather  be  defrauded  ?  Instead  of  which  you  your- 
selves  inflict   wrong   and  practice  fraud,  and  that  upon  your  brothers. 

9  What !  do  you  not  know  that  unjust  men  shall  not  inherit  the  reign  of 
God  ?     Be  not  misled  :  neither  fornicators  nor  idolaters  nor  adulterers 

10  nor  volujituaries  nor  sodomites  nor  thieves  nor  covetous  peojDle  nor 
drunkards  nor  revilers  nor  extortioners  shall  inherit  the  reign  of  God. 

]  1  And  such  creatures  some  of  you  were  ;  but  you  washed  yourselves,  but 
you  were  sanctified,  but  you  were  justified  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  in  the  Spirit  of  our  God. 

12  "  All  things  are  lawful  for  me"  1 

Yes,  but  not  ail  things  are  profitable. 
All  things  are  lawful  for  me  : 

Yes,  but  I  will  not  be  brought  under  the  power  of  anything. 

13  "  Foods  for  the  belly,  and  the  belly  for  foods  "  : 

Yet  God  shall  do  away  with  it  and  them  alike. 
But  the  body  is  not  for  fornication,  it  is  for  the  Lord  and  the  Lord  for 
the  body  : 

14  God  raised  up  the  Lord,  and  by  his  power  he  will  also  raise  up  us. 

15  Do  you  not  know  that  your  bodies  are  members  of  Christ  ? 

Am  I  to  take  Christ's  members  then,  and  make  them  members  of  a 
harlot  1     God  forbid  ! 

16  What  !  do  you  not  know  that  he  who  joins  himself  to  a  harlot 

Is  one  body  with  her 

(For  the  two,  it  is  said,  shall  become  one  flesh)  1 

17  But  he  who  joins  himself  to  the  Lord 

Is  one  spirit  with  him. 

18  Flee  from  fornication  : 

Every  sin  a  man  does  is  outside  the  body, 
But  the  fornicator  sins  against  his  own  body. 

19  What !  do  you  not  know  that  your  body  is  a  sanctuary  of  the  holy  Spirit 

which  is  in  you. 
Which  you  have  from  God  ? 
1 1 


162  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [fJ-^-V"*^ 

20  And  you  are  not  your  own,  you  were  bought  with  a  price  ; 

Then  honour  God  in  your  body. 
J  1        Now  in  regard  to  the  matters  of  which  you  -w-rote  to  me. 

2  It  is  an  excellent  thing  for  a  man  not  to  touch  a  woman.  Still,  on 
account  of  fornications,  let  each  man  have  his  own  wife,  and  let  each 
woman  have  her  own  husband. 

3  Let  the  husband  render  to  the  wife  her  due. 

And  likewise  the  wife  to  the  husband. 

4  The  wife  has  not  authority  over  her  own  body,  but  the  husband  : 

And  likewise  the  husband  also  has  not  authority  over  his  own  body, 
but  the  wife. 

5  Defraud  not  one  another,  unless  for  a  time  perhaps  by  agreement,  that 
you   may  have   leisure  for  prayer,  and   then  come   together  again — so 

6  that  Satan  tempt  you  not  on  account  of  your  incontinence.     But  I  say 

7  this  by  way  of  permission,  not  by  way  of  command.  On  the  contrary, 
I  would  that  all  men  were  what  I  am.  Yet  each  is  endowed  by  God  in 
his  own  way,  one  for  this  and  another  for  that. 

8  To  unmarried  men  and  to  widows  I  say  :  it  is"  an  excellent  thing  for 

9  them  if  they  remain  as  I  am.     Still,  if  they  have  no  self-control,  let 

10  them  marry.  Better  marry  than  be  afire  with  lust !  Married 
people   I  charge  (not  I,  but   the   Lord)   that  the   wife   should   not  be 

11  separated  from  her  husband — should  anyone  have  actually  separated,  let 
her  remain  unmarried  or  else  be  reconciled  to  her  husband— also,  that 

12  the  husband  should  not  dismiss  his  wife.  To  the  rest  I  say 
(I,  not  the  Lord)  : — 

If  any  brother  has  an  unbelieving  wife,  and  she  consents  to   dwell 
with  him. 

Let  him  not  dismiss  her. 

13  And  if  a  woman  has  an  unbelieving  husband,  and  he  consents   to 

dwell  with  her, 

Let  her  not  dismiss  her  husband. 

14  ■    For  the  unbelieving  husband  is  sanctified  in  the  wife. 

And  the  unbelieving  wife  in  the  brother. 
Else,  of  course,  your  children  are  unclean  ; 
While  as  it  is  they  are  holy. 

15  (However,  if  the  unbeliever  is  bent  on  separating,  separation  let  it  be  :  in 
such  cases  the  brother  or  the  sister  is  under  no  constraint.) 

It  is  for  a  life  of  peace  that  God  has  called  us.^ 

16  Why,  how  dost  tliou  know,  O  wife,  whether  thou  shalt  not  save  tliv 

''husband  ? 
Or  how  dost  thou  know,  O  husband,  whether  thou  shalt  not  save 
thy  wife  ? 

17  Only,  let  each  walk  as  the  Lord  has  assigned  him  his  lot, 

As  God  has  called  him. 
(And  such  are  my  instru'ctions  in  all  the  Communities.) 

18  Was  any  man  called  after  being  circumcised  'd 

Let  him  not  become  uncircumcised. 
Has  any  man  been  called  in  uncircumcision  ? 
Let  him  not  be  circumcised. 

19  Circumcision  is  nothing,  and  uncircumcision  is  nothing, 

But  to  keep  the  commandments  of  God  is  everything. 

20  Every  man  in  the  condition  in  which  he  was  called, 

There  let  him  remain. 

1  Rcadiii"  i.iJLKt. 


7-^-8-]  I.    CORINTHIANS  163 

21  Thou  wast  called  a  slave?  Never  mind.  (At  the  same  time,  if  thou 
art  able  to  get  free,  avail  thyself  of  it  rather  than  not.) 

22  For  the  slave  called  in  the  Lord  is  a  freedman  of  the  Lord  ; 

Likewise  the  free  man  who  was  called  is  a  slave  of  Christ. 

23  (You  were  bouglit  with  a  price,  do  not  turn  slaves  of  men.) 

24  iirothers,  wherein  every  man  was  called, 

Therein  let  him  remain  with  God. 

25  In  regard  to  maidens  I  have  no  command  of  the  Lord,  but  I  give  my 
opinion  as  one  who  is  trustworthy  owing  to  the  mercy  he  has  ol)tained 

26  from  the  Lord.  I  think  then  that,  considering  the  present  trouble,  this 
is  an  excellent  i3lan  :  namely,  for  a  man  to  be  just  as  he  is. 

27  Art  thou  bound  to  a  wife  ?     Seek  not  release. 
Art  thou  loosed  from  a  wife  ?     Seek  not  a  wife. 

28  Still,  even  if  thou  shalt  marry,  there  is  no  sin  in  that ; 

And  if  a  maiden  marry,  there  is  no  sin  in  that. 
(At  the  same  time  such  persons  shall  be  distressed  in  the  flesh,  and  I 

29  would  spare  you  that.)     What  I  mean  is  this,  brothers  : — 

The  time  is  shortened. 
Let  those  then  who  have  wives  be  as  though  they  had  none, 

30  The  weeping  as  though  they  wept  not. 
The  joyful  as  though  they  rejoiced  not. 

The  buyers  as  though  they  grasped  not  their  possessions, 

31  Those  who  use  this  world  as  not  using  it  to  the  full, 

for  the  fashion  of  this  world  is  passing. 

32  I  would  have  you  free  from  anxiety. 

The  unmarried  man  is  anxious  about  the  affairs  of  the  Lord, 
how  he  may  please  the  Lord  : 

33  The  married  man  is  anxious  about  the  affairs  of  the  world, 

how  he  may  please  his  wife — and  his  attention  is  divided. 

34  So  also  with  the  wife  and  the  maiden. 

The  unmarried  woman  is  anxious  about  the  affairs  of  the  Lord, 
that  she  may  be  holy  both  in  body  and  in  spirit  : 

The  married  woman  is  anxious  about  the  affairs  of  the  woidd, 
how  she  may  please  her  husband. 

35  I  say  this  for  your  own  advantage.  It  is  not  that  I  may  restrict  your 
liberty,  but  to  promote  propriety  and  undistracted  attendance  upon  the 

36  Lord.  But  if  anyone  considers  that  he  is  not  treating  his  unmarried 
daughter  properly,  then,  should  she  be  past  her  bloom  and  should  it  re- 
(|uire  to  be  thus,  let  him  do  what  he  pleases,  there  is  no  sin  in  it — let  her 

37  be  married.  But  the  man  of  firm  purpose  who  has  made  up  his  mind, 
who  instead  of  being  under  any  compulsion  possesses  power  to  carry 
out  his  own  wish,  and  has  determined  in  his  own  heart  to  keep  his 
daughter  unmarried,  he  shall  do  well. 

38  So  then  he  who  gives  his  unmarried  daughter  in  marriage  does  well  ; 
He  who  refuses  to  give  her  shall  do  better. 

39  A  wife  is  bound  during  the  lifetime  of  her  husband  ;  but  if  he  be 
fallen  asleep,  she  is  free  to  be  married  to  anyone  whom  she  pleases^ 

40  only,  in  the  Lord.  Slie  is  liai)pier,  however,  if  she  remains  as  she 
is  ;  that  is  my  opinion,  and  I  think  that  I  also  possess  the  Spirit  of 
God. 

8  1        In  regard  to  food  offered  to  idols,  we  are  aware  that  "  we  all  have 
knowledge."     Knowledge  puffs  up,  love  builds  up. 
2        Whoever  imagines  that  he  knows  something. 
Does  not  yet  know  as  he  ought  to  know  : 


164  HISTOEICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [8^-9^^ 

3  But  wlioever  loves  God, 

The  same  is  known  by  him. 

4  — -In  regard  to  eating  food  offered  to  idols,  then,  we  are  quite  aware  that  "an 
idol  in  the  world  is  a  mere  nothing,"  and  that  "  there  is  no  God  but  one." 

5  For  though  there  be  so-called  gods,  in  heaven  or  on  earth, — as  gods  there 
G  are  in  plenty  and  lords  in  plenty  ! — yet  for  us 

there  is  one  God,  who  is  the  Father, 
from  whom  all  things  exist 
(and  we  exist  for  him), 
and  one  Lord,  Jesus  Christ, 
through  whom  all  things  exist 
(and  we  exist  through  him). 

7  Yet  knowledge  is  not  in  all  men.  Some,  hitherto  accustomed  to  an 
idol,  eat  the  food  as  food  offered  to  an  idol ;  and  as  their  conscience  is 

8  weak,  it  is  defiled.     Now,  food  will  not  present  us  to  God. 

If  we  do  not  eat,  we  are  not  inferior  : 
And  if  we  do  eat,  we  are  not  superior. 

9  Biit  take  care  lest  haply  this  right  of   yours  prove  a  stumljling-block 

10  to  the  weak.  For  if  anyone  should  see  thee,  a  man  with  knowledge, 
reclining  at  meat  in  an  idol's  temple,  will  not  his  conscience  (as  he  is  a 

11  weak  man)  be  emboldened  to  eat  food  offered  to  idols?  Then  certainly 
he  who  is  weak  perishes  through  thy  knowledge,  the  brother  for  whose 

12  sake  Christ  died.     In  sinning  thus  against  the  brothers,  and  wounding 

13  their  weak  conscience,  you  sin  against  Christ.  Wherefore,  if  food  be  a 
hindrance  to  my  brother,  eat  flesh  I  never  will,  never  ! — that  I  may  not 
be  a  hindrance  "to  my  brother. 

9  1        Am  I  not  free  1     Am  I  not  an  apostle  ?     Have  I  not  seen  Jesus  our 

2  Lord  ?     Are  you  not  my  work  in  the  Lord  ?     If  to  others  I  am  no  apostle, 

yet  to  you  at  least  I  am,  for  you  are  the  seal  of  my  apostleship  in  the 

3,  4  Lord.     My  defence  to  my  inquisitors  is  this.     Have  we  no  right  to  eat  and 

5  drink?     Have  we  no  right  to  take  about  a  sister  as  a  wife,  like  the  rest 

6  of  the  apostles  and  the  brothers  of  the  Lord  and  Kepluis  ?  AVhat !  Do  we 
alone,  I  and  Barnalias,  lack  the  right  to  abstain  from  working  at  a  trade  ? 

7  Who  ever  serves  in  war  at  his  own  expense  ? 
Who  plants  a  vineyard  without  eating  of  its  fruit  ? 

Or  who  shepherds  a  flock  without  drinking  of  the  milk  of  the  Hock  '? 

8  Is  this   to  speak   from   a   merely   human   standpoint  ?     Does   not    the 

9  scripture  say  the  very  same  ?  Why,  it  is  written  in  the  law  of  Moses  : 
Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  cm  ox  lohen  he  is  treading  out  com.  Is  God's  concern 
for  the  oxen  ? 

10  Or  does  he  say  it  altogether  for  our  sakes  ? 

Assuredly  for  our  sakes  it  was  written. 
For  the  jjloughman  needs  to  plough  in  hope. 

And  the  thresher  to  thresh  in  the  hope  of  partaking. 

11  If  we  sowed  you  spiritual  good. 

Is  it  a  great  matter  if  we  reap  your  material  good  ? 

12  If  others  partake  in  this  right  over  you,  why  not  we  still  more  ?  But, 
you  say,  we  did  not  avail  ourselves  of  this  right.  No,  we  bear  anything 
so  as  to  avoid  jiutting  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  gospel  of  Christ. 

13  Do  you  not  know 

that  those  who  perform  sacred  rites 

get  their  food  from  the  sacred  jjlace, 
that  those  who  attend  on  the  altar 

have  their  portion  along  with  the  altar? 


O^'^-IO"]  I.    CORINTHIANS  165 

14  So  too  the  Lord's  instructions  are 

that  those  who  proclaim  the  gospel 
should  "  live  by  the  gospel.'' 

15  But  I  have  not  availed  nwself  of  these  provisions  at  all,  nor  am  I 
writing  thus  that  it  may  come  to  this  in  my  case.     Better  for  me  to  die 

16  than  tTiat  anyone  should  render  my  exultation  void  ?  For  if  I  preach 
the  gospel  I  have  nothing  to  exult  about  ;  necessity  is  laid  on  me.     Woe 

17  to  me  if  I  preach  not  the  gospel  !  For  if  I  act  thus  from  my  own  choice, 
I  have  a  reward  ;  but  if  it  is  not  from  my  choice,  then  I  am  intrusted 

18  with  a  stewardship.  What  then  is  my  reward  1  This,  that  in  preaching 
the  gospel  I  make  the  gospel  free  of  charge,  so  as  not  to  entirely  avail 
myself  of  my  right  in  the  gospel. 

19  Why,  free  as  I  was  from  all,  I  made  myself  slave  to  all. 

To  win  over  the  greater  number. 

20  To  the  Jews  I  made  myself  like  a  Jew, 

To  win  over  Jews  : 
To  those  under  the  law  like  one  under  the  law — 
I  who  was  not  under  the  law  myself — 

To  win  over  those  under  the  law  : 

21  To  those  outside  the  law  like  one  outside  the  laAV — 

I  who  was  not  outside  the  law  to  God,  but  under  law  to  Christ — 
To  win  over  those  outside  the  law  : 

22  To  the  weak  I  made  myself  weak, 

To  win  over  the  weak. 
To  all  men  I  have  made  myself  all  things. 

To  save  some  in  any  and  in  every  way. 

23  I  do  all  for  the  sake  of  the  gospel. 

That  I  also  may  have  my  share  in  it. 

24  [Do  you  not  know  that  while  the  runners  on  a  race-course  all  run,  only 

25  one  receives  the  prize  1  So  run  that  you  may  attain  it.  Every  athlete 
practises  complete  self-control.     They  do  it,  however,  to  receive  a  perish- 

26  ing  wreath,  while  we  do  it  for  an  imperishable.     For  my  part,  then,  I 

27  run  with  no  unsteady  aim  ;  I  plant  no  blows  upon  the  air.  Nay,  1  bruise 
my  body  and  master  it,  lest  haply  after  having  preached  to  others  I  should 
myself  become  a  reprobate.] 

10  1         For  I  would  not  have  you  ignorant,  brothers,  that 

Our   fathers   all   lived   under  the   cloud   and   all   passed  through 

2  the  sea, 

and  all  got  baptised  into  Moses  in  the  cloud  and  in  the  sea, 

3  and  all  ate  the  same  spiritual  food, 

4  and  all  drank  the  same  spiritual  drink 

(For  they  drank  of  a  spiritual  Rock  which  followed  them — 
and  the  Rock  was  the  Christ)  ; 

5  But  in  most  of  them  God  took  no  delight, 

for  the])  loere  laid  loio  in  the  wilderness. 

6  Now  these  things  took  place  as  warnings  for  us. 

That  we  should  not  hist  after  evil,  even  as  they  lusted. 

7  Nor  l3e  idolaters  like  some  of  them  ; 

As  it  is  written,  The  people  sat  down  to  eat  and  drink, 
and  theij  rose  uf  to  sport. 

8  Nor  let  us  commit  fornication  even  as  some  of  them  did. 

And  in  a  single  day  three  and  twenty  thousand  fell. 

9  Nor  let  us  make  trial  of  the  Lord  as  some  of  them  did, 

And  perished  by  the  serpents. 


166  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [lO^^-ll* 

10  Nor  murmur  in  the  way  that  some  of  them  murmured, 

And  perished  by  the  destroyer. 

11  Now  these  things  hajipened  to  them  typically, 

But  they  were  written  to  admonish  us  upon  whom  the  ends  of 
the  ages  have  come. 

12  So  then  let  him  who  considers  he  is  standing   firm  take   care   lest  he 

13  fall.  No  temptation  has  seized  you  except  what  is  common  to  man  ;  and 
God  is  faithful,  he  will  not  allow  you  to  be  tempted  beyond  your 
strength,  but  along  with  the  temptation  he  will  provide  the  escape,  that 
you  may  have  strength  to  bear  it. 

14,  15        Wherefore,  my  beloved,  tlee  from  idolatry.     I  am  speaking  as  I  speak 
to  sensible  people  ;  judge  for  yourselves  wliat  I  say. 

16  The  cup  of  blessing  which  we  bless. 

Is  that  not  participating  in  the  blood  of  Christ  ? 
The  bread  we  break. 

Is  that  not  participating  in  the  body  of  Christ  ? 

17  Because  the  Ijread  is  one, 

AVe  the  many  are  one  body, 

For  we  all  partake  of  the  one  bread. 

18  Look  at  Israel  after  the  tlesh.     Do  not  those  who  eat  the  sacrifices  par- 
]  9  ticipate   in   the   altar  ?     What   do   I    mean  ?   that  food  offered  to   idols 

20  is  anything,  or  that  an  idol  is  anything  ?  No,  but  that  what  people  ^ 
sacrifice,  they  sacrifice  to  daemons  and  not  to  God;  and  I  would  not  have 
you  participate  in  daemons. 

21  You  cannot  drink  the  Lord's  cup  and  also  the  daemons'  cup  : 

You   cannot  partake  of  the  Lord's   table,  and   also  of  the  daemons' 
table. 

22  IVhat !  dare  ive  stir  up  the  Lord  to  jealo^isy  ?     Are  we  stronger  than  he  ? 

23  "  All  things  are  lawful  "  : 

Yes,  but  not  all  things  are  profitable. 
"  All  things  are  lawful  "  : 

Yes,  but  all  things  do  not  build  u\). 

24  Let  no  one  seek  his  own  interest,  but  that  of  his  neighbour. 

25  Eat   whatever   is   sold   in   the   meat-market,   without   making  any   in- 

26  quiries  on  the  score  of  conscience  ;  the  earth  and  its  contents  belong  to  the 

27  Lord.  If  an  unbeliever  invites  you  to  a  feast  and  you  consent  to  go,  eat 
whatever  is  put  before  you  without  making  any  in([uiries  on  the  score  of 

28  conscience.  But  if  anyone  says  to  you,  "  This  has  been  sacrificial  meat," 
do  not  eat  it,  out  of  regard  to  him  who  informed  you,  and  on  the  score  of 

29  conscience — his   conscience,  I    mean,  not   thine.     For  why   should   my 

30  freedom  come  to  be  judged  by  another  man's  conscience  ?  If  I  partake 
with  thankfulness,  why  am  I  to  be  maligned  over  a  thing  for  which  I 

31  give  thanks  ?  Whether  then  you  eat  or  drink  or  whatever  you 

32  do,  do  all  with  a  view  to  God's  honour.     Give  no  ofl'enee  either  to  Jews 

33  or  to  Greeks  or  to  the  Community  of  God  ;  even  as  I  also  please  all  men 
in  all  matters,  seeking  not  my  own  advantage,  but  the  advantage  of  the 

11   1  majority,  namely,  their  salvation,     l^ecome  imitators  of  nu^,  as  I  also  am 
of  Christ. 

2  Now  I  praise  you  for  remembering  me  in  everything,  and  for  holding 
fast  the  traditions  even  as  I  handed  them  on  to  you. 

3  But  I  would  have  you  know  that  the  head  of  every  man  is  Christ, 

4  and  the  head  of  woman  is  man,  and  the  head  of  Christ  is  God.     Every 
man  who  prays  or  prophesies  with  his  head  veiled,  dishonours  his  head. 

1  Omitting  [[t«  i6,v.]] 


ir'^-ia^^]  I.    CORINTHIANS  167 

5  But  every  woman  who  prays  or  prophesies  with  her  head  unveiled,  dis- 

6  honours  her  head  :  she  is  no  better  than  a  shaven  woman.     If  a  woman  is 
not  veiled,  then  let  her  be  shorn  too  ;  but  if  it  is  disgraceful  for  a  woman 

7  to  be  shorn  or  shaven,  then  let  her  be  veiled.     For  while  man  does  not 
need  to  have  his  head  veiled,  since  he  represents  the  wna^e  and  supremacy 

8  of  God,    woman   again  represents  the  supremacy  of  man.     Man  is  not 

9  formed  from  woman,  but  woman  from   man.     Nor   was    man    created 

10  for  woman,  but  woman  for  man.  For  this  reason  woman  needs  to  wear 
a  sign  of  his  authority  upon  her  head,  namely,  on  account  of  the  angels. 

1 1  (At  any  rate,  in  the  Lord,  woman  does  not  exist  apart  from  man,  any  more 

12  than  man  ajiart  from  woman  ;  for  as  woman  is  taken  from  man,  so  man 

13  also  exists  through  woman,  while  all  things  are  from  God.)    Judge  for  your- 

14  selves  :  is  it  becoming  for  a  woman  to  pray  to  God,  unveiled  ?  Does  not 
even  nature  herself  teach  you  that  for  man  to  have  long  hair  is  a  dis- 

15  honour  ;  while  on  the  other  hand  for  a  woman  to  have  long  hair  is  an 

16  honour,  since  her  head  of  hair  is  given  her  as  a  cloak.  If 
anyone  presumes  to  be  contentious,  let  him  know  that  we  have  no  such 
custom,  nor  have  the  Communities  of  God. 

17  But  in  giving  you  this  charge  I  cannot  praise  you,  seeing  that  you 

18  assemble  not  for  better  but  for  worse.  First  of  all,  when  you  assemble 
in  the  congregation,  I  hear  that  divisions  exist  among  you.     And  I  partly 

19  believe  it  ;  for  there  must  even  be  parties  among  you,  if  those  who  are  of 

20  genuine  claaracter  among  you  are  to  be  known.      When  you  assemble, 

21  then,  it  is  impossible  for  you  to  eat  tlie  Lord's  supper.  As  you  eat,  each 
one  hastily  seizes  his  own  supper ;  and  so,  while  one  is  hungry,  another 

22  is  drunk.  What  !  have  you  not  houses  to  eat  and  drink  in  1  Or  do 
you  despise  the  Community  of  God  and  put  the  poor  to  shame  1  What 
shall  I  say  to  you  ?     Shall  I  praise  you  ?     I  cannot  praise  you  in  this. 

23  For  I  received  from  the  Lord  that  which  also  I  handed  on  to  you,  that 

24  "  the  Lord  Jesus  in  the  night  on  which  he  was  betrayed  took  bread,  gave 
thanks,  and  broke  it,  saying,  '  This  is  my  body  which  is  for  you  :  do  this  in 

25  memory  of  me.'  In  the  same  way  the  cup  also  after  supper,  saying, '  This 
cup  is  the  new  covenant  in  my  hlood :  do  this,  as  often  as  you  drink  it,  in 

26  memory  of   me.' "     For  as  often  as  you  eat  this  bread   and   drink  the 

27  cup,  you  proclaim  the  Lord's  death  until  he  comes.  So,  then,  whoever 
eats  the  bread  or  drinks  the  cup  of  the  Lord  unworthily,  shall  be  guilty 

28  of  sin  against  the  body  and  the  blood  of  the  Lord.     But  let  a  man  test 

29  himself,  and  so  let  him  eat  of  the  bread  and  drink  of  the  cup.  For  he 
who  eats  and  drinks,  eats  and  drinks  judgment  to  himself,  if  he  does  not 

30  distinguish  the  body.     For  this  reason  many  among  you  are  weak  and 

31  sick,  and  a  number  are  asleep.     Now  if  we  judged  ourselves  aright,  we 

32  should  not  be  jiidged.     Yet,  when  we  are  judged  by  the  Lord,  we  are 

33  chastened,  that  we  may  not  be  condemned  along  with  the  world.     So 

34  then,  my  brothers,  when  you  assemble  to  eat,  wait  for  one  another  :  if 
any  one  is  hungry,  let  him  eat  at  home— that  you  may  not  assemble 
to  incur  judgment.  As  for  the  rest,  I  will  issue  instructions  whenever 
I  come. 

12  1        In  regard  to  the   spiritual   gifts,  brothers,   I  would   not  have  you 

2  ignorant.     You  know  that  at  one  time  ^  you  were  heathens  urged  on  by 

3  impulse  and  led  away  to  the  dumb  idols  ;  wherefore  I  tell  you. 

No  man  who  speaks  in  the  Spirit  of  God  says  "  Jesus  is  accursed  "  : 
And  no  man  is  able  to  say  "  Jesus  is  Lord,"  except  in  the  holy 
Spirit. 

1  Readiiift'  troTi. 


168  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [VI^'-^ 

4  Now  there  are  varieties  of  talents, 

but  the  same  Spirit : 

5  And  there  are  varieties  of  ministries, 

yet  the  same  Lord  : 

6  And  there  are  varieties  of  effects, 

but  the  same  God  who  produces  all  effects  in  all  men. 

7  Each  has  the  disclosure  of  the  Spirit  given  him  with  a  view  to  profit  : 

8  to  one  through  the  Spirit  is  given  speech  of  wisdom, 

and  to  another  speech  of  knowledge  from  the  same  Spirit, 

9  to  another  in  the  same  Spirit  faith, 

and  to  another  in  the  one  Spirit  talents  to  heal, 

10  to  another  the  effecting  of  miraculous  powers, 
to  another  prophecy, 

to  another  discerning  of  spirits, 

to  another  various  kinds  of  tongues, 

and  to  another  the  interpretation  of  tongues. 

11  But  one  and  the  same  Spirit  produces  all  these  effects, 

dividing  as  he  wills  to  each  individually. 

12  For  in  the  same  way  as  the  body  is  one  and  has  many  members,  yet  all 
the  members  of  the  body,  many  as  they  are,  compose  one  body:  so  too  is 

13  Christ.     For  in  one  spirit  also  we  all  had  ourselves  baptised  into  one 
body,  whether  Jews  or  Greeks,  whether  slaves  or  free  men,  and  we  were 

14  all  imbued  with  one  Spirit.     Why,  even  the  body  is  not  composed  of  one 
member  but  of  many. 

15  Were  the  foot  to  say,  "Because  I  am  not  the  hand,  I  am  no  part  of 

the  body," 
That  does  not  make  it  no  part  of  the  body  : 

16  And  were  the  ear  to  say,  "Because  I  am  not  the  eye,  I  am  no  part 

of  the  body," 
That  does  not  make  it  no  part  of  the  body. 

17  Were  the  whole  body  an  eye,  where  would  the  hearing  be  ? 
Were  the  whole  body  hearing,  where  would  the  smelling  be  ? 

18  As  it  is,  God  has  set  the  members  within  the  body,  each  one  of  them 
even  as  it  pleased  him. 

19  Were  they  all  one  member,  where  would  the  body  be  ? 

20  As  it  is,  there  are  many  members  and  one  body. 

21  The  eye  cannot  say  to  the  hand,  "  I  have  no  need  of  thee  "  : 
Nor  again  the  head  to  the  feet,  "  I  have  no  need  of  you." 

22  Quite  the  contrary.     It   is   rather   those   members   of   the   body  which 

23  seem  to  be  feebler  that  are  necessary  ;  and  the  parts  of  the  body  which  we 
consider  less  honourable  are  the  very  parts  we  invest  with  ampler  honour. 

24  Our  uncomely  parts  get  ampler  comeliness,  while  our  comely  parts  do  not 
need  it. 

Yes,  God  has  tempered  the  body  together, 
giving  ampler  honour  to  the  inferior  part, 

25  that  there  should  be  no  division  in  the  body, 

but  that  the  meml)ers  should  have  tlie  same  concern  for  one  another. 

26  So  if  one  member  suffers, 

all  the  members  suffer  with  it : 
if  one  is  exalted, 

all  the  members  rejoice  with  it. 
27,  28  Now  you  are  Christ's  body,  and  members  each  in  his  part.     That  is  to 
say,  God  has  set  people  in  the  Community  first  to  be  apostles,  secondly 
prophets,  thirdly  teachers,  then  for  miraculous  powers,  then  for  talents  to 


J229_i46]  I,    CORINTHIANS  169 

Ileal,  for  works  of  succour,  works  of  government,  various  kinds  of  tongues. 

29  Are  all  apostles  ?  are  all  prophets  1  are  all  teachers  ?  have  all  miraculous 

30  powers  1  have  all  talents  to  heal  ?  do   all   speak   with   tongues  ?  do   all 

31  interpret  ?  Covet  the  greater  talents.— And  yet  Twill  further 
show  you  a  higher  way  than  all. 

13  1         Though  I  speak  with  the  tongues  of  men  and  angels 
Yet  have  no  love, 
I  am  echoing  brass  or  a  clanging  cymbal. 

2  And  though  I  have  prophecy  and  know  all  secrets  and  all  knowledge, 
And  though  I  have  all  faith,  enough  to  remove  mountains. 

Yet  have  no  love, 
I  count  for  nothing. 

3  And  though  I  dole  out  all  my  substance  in  food, 
And  though  I  give  my  body  to  l)e  burned. 

Yet  have  no  love, 
I  am  no  gainer. 

4  Love  is  longsuffering,  kind, 

Love  is  not  jealous,^  no  boaster,  not  pufted  up  : 

5  She  acts  not  unseemly,  seeks  not  her  own  ends. 
She  is  not  irritated,  imputes  no  evil, 

6  Eejoices  not  at  iniquity,  but  rejoices  with  the  truth, 

7  Bears  all,  believes  all, 
Hopes  for  all,  endures  all. 

8  Love  never  fails  : 

But  as  for  pro2jhecies,  they  shall  be  done  away, 

As  for  tongues,  they  shall  cease. 

As  for  knowledge,  it  shall  be  done  away. 

9  For  in  part  we  know  and  in  part  we  prophesy  : 

10  But  when  that  which  is  perfect  arrives. 

That  which  is  in  jiart  shall  be  done  away. 

11  When  I  was  a  child, 
Like  a  child  I  talked. 
Like  a  child  I  felt. 
Like  a  child  I  reasoned  : 

Now  that  I  have  become  a  man, 

I  am  done  with  childish  things. 

12  For  at  j^resent  we  look  through  a  mirror,  dimlj'-, 

But  then  it  will  be  face  to  face  : 
At  present  I  know  in  part, 

But  then  I  shall  fully  know,  as  also  I  am  fully  known. 

13  So  now  these  three  remain,  faith,  hope,  and  love : 

But  the  greatest  of  these  is  love. 
14  1         Be  love  your  aim  !      Covet  the  spiritual  gifts  —  preferring  that   of 

2  prophecy.     For  he  who  speaks  in  a  tongue  speaks  not  to  men,  but  to  God. 

3  No  one  understands  ;  the  man  is  uttering  secrets  in  the  Spirit.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  Avho  prophesies  speaks  to  men  for  upbuilding  and  encour- 

4  agement  and  consolation.     He  who  speaks  in  a  tongue  builds  up  himself, 

5  but  he  who  prophesies  builds  up  the  Community.  Now  I  would  have 
you  all  speak  with  tongues,  but  I  would  prefer  you  to  prophesv.  He 
who  prophesies  is  greater  than  he  who  speaks  with  tongues ;  unless  indeed 

6  the  latter  interprets,  so  tliat  the  Community  may  be  built  up.  What  use 
now  shall  I  be  to  you,  brothers,  if  I  come  to  you  speaking  with  tongues, 
unless  I  speak  to  you  either  in  the  form  of  revelation  or  of  knowledge 

3  Omitting  [[-^  «y«T^]]. 


170  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [l4^-=*^ 

7  or  of  prophecy  or  of  teaching?  If  things  inanimate,  like  the  fiute  or  the 
hsLvp,  have  no  intervals  occurring  in  their  music,  how  can  one  catch 
the  air  that  is  being  played  on  flute  or  harp,  for  all   the  sound   they 

8  make '?     And  if  the  trumpet  gives  an  indistinct  sound,  who  will  make 

9  himself  ready  for  battle  ?  So  too  with  yourselves  ;  unless  your  tongue 
utters  speech  that  is  readily  understood,  how  are  people  to'  know  what 

10  you  say  1  You  will  be  speaking  into  the  air.  There  are,  for  example, 
many  kinds  of  languages  in  the  world,  and  nothing  lacks  a  language. 

11  Well,  unless  I  understand  the  meaning  of  the  language,  I  shall  be  a 
foreigner  to  the  man  who  is  speaking ;  and  to  my  mind  the  man  who  is 

12  speaking  will  be  a  foreigner.  So  too  with  yourselves  ;  since  you  are 
bent  upon  having  spirits,  seek  to  excel  with  a  view  to  build  up  the 

13  Community.     Therefore  let  him  who  speaks  with  a  tongue  pray  that  he 

14  may  interpret.     For  if  I  pray  with  a  tongue,  my  spirit  prays  but  my 

15  understanding  produces  no  fruit.  Very  well  then,  I  will  pray  with  the 
spirit,  and  I  will  also  pray  with  the  understanding ;  I  will  sing  praise 
with  the  spirit,  and   I  will   also   sing   praise   with   the   understanding. 

16  Otherwise,  suppose  thou  art  saying  a  blessing  with  the  spirit,  how  is  he 
who  occupies  the  position  of  the  uneducated  to  say  the  "  amen "  to  thy 

17  thanksgiving?  The  man  does  not  know  what  thou  art  saying!  Thy 
thanksgiving  is  all  very  well  ;  but  then,  the  other  man  is  not  built  up. 

18,  19  I  thank  God  tliat  more  than  any  of  you  I  speak  with  tongues  ^  ;  yet  in  the 
congregation  I  would  rather  speak  live  words  with  my  understanding,  so 
as  to  instruct  others  as  well,  than  ten  thousand  words  in  a  tongue. 

20  Brothers,  be  not  children  in  mind.     Be  infants  in  malice,  but  in  mind 

21  be  full-grown.  In  the  law  it  is  written,  "By  men  of  alien  tongues  and  by 
the  lifs  of  aliens  nnll  I  speak  to  this  people ;  yet  not  even  thus  will  they  listen 

22  to  vae"  saith  the  Lord.  So  then  tongues  are  meant  for  a  sign  not  to  the 
believing,  but  to  the  unbelieving  ;  prophesying  again  is  meant  for  a  sign 

23  not  to  the  unbelieving,  but  to  the  believing.  If  the  whole  Community 
then  assemble  together  and  all  speak  with  tongues,  and  if  uneducated  or 

24  unbelieving  men  come  in,  will  they  not  say  you  are  mad  ?  Whereas  if  all 
are  propliesying,  and  an  unbelieving  or  uneducated  person  come  in,  he  is 

25  convicted  by  all,  he  is  judged  l)y  all,  the  secrets  of  his  heart  are  disclosed  ; 
and  so,  falling  on  his  face,  he  v;ill  worship  God,  declaring  "  God  is  really 
among  you." 

26  Very  well,  then,  brothers  :  when  you  assemble,  each  one  has  a  psalm, 
a  lesson,  a  revelation,  a  tongue,  an  interpretation ;   let  all  be  done  for 

27  upbuilding.  If  any  man  speaks  in  a  tongue,  let  only  two  or  at  most 
three  speak  at  one  meeting,  and  that  in  turn  ;  also  let  someone  interj)ret. 

28  But  if  there  is  no  interpreter,  let  the  man  keep  silence  in  the  congrega- 

29  tion,  and  speak  to  himself  and  to  God.     Let  the  prophets  also  speak,  two 

30  or  three  of  them,  and  let  the  others  use  their  judgment.  But  if  a 
revelation  is  made  to  another  prophet  Avho  is  sitting  by,  let  the  first 

31  speaker  be  silent.     For  you  can  all  prophesy  one  by  one,  so  that  all  may 

32  learn,  and  all  be  encouraged.     And  tlie  spirits  of  the  prophets  are  subject 
33,  34  to  the  i)rophets,  for  God  is  a  God  not  of  disorder  but  of  harmony.     [As 

in  all  the  Communities  of  the  saints,  let  women  keep  silence  in  the 
congregations.     They  are  not  permitted  to  speak.     Let  them  be  in  subjec- 

35  tion,  as  also  the  law  enjoins.  If  they  wish  to  learn  anything,  let  them 
ask  their  own  husbands  at  liome  ;  it  is  disgraceful  for  a  woman  to  speak 

36  in  the  congregation.]     What?     Was  it  from  you  that  the  word  of  God 

37  started  ?    Are  you  the  only  people  it  has  reached  1     If  anyone  considers 

]  Reading  yXunrai;. 


1438_i53i]  I.    CORINTHIANS  171 

himself  a  prophet  or  spiritual,  let  him  understand  that  what  I  write  to 

38  you  is  a  commandment  of  the  Lord.  But  if  anyone  disregards  it — well, 
let  him  disregard  ^  it. 

39  So  then,  my  brothers,  covet  prophecy,  and  forbid  not  speech  with 

40  tongues.     But  let  all  be  done  with  propriety  and  in  order. 

15  1        Now  I  make  known  to  you,  brothers,  the  gospel  that  I  preached  to 

2  you,  which  also  you  received,  in  which  also  you  stand,  by  which  also 
you  are  being  saved,  if  you  are  holding  fast  the  word  that  I  preached  to 

3  you — unless  indeed  you  believed  in  vain.  For  I  handed  on  to  you  first 
of  all  that  which  I  also  received  :  namely,  that  Christ  died  for  our  sins 

4  according  to  the  scriptures,  and  that  he  was  buried,  and  that  he  rose  on 

5  the  third  day  according  to   the   scriptures,  and  that   he  was  seen  by 

6  Kephas,  then  by  the  twelve  ;  after  that,  he  was  seen  by  upwards  of  five 
hundred  brothers  all  at  once,  of  whom  the  greater  number  survive  to  this 

7  day,  but  some  have  fallen  asleep  ;  after  that  he  was  seen  by  James,  then 

8  by  all  the  apostles,  and  last  of  all,  by  one  misljorn  (as  it  were),  he  was  seen 

9  also  by  me.     For  I  am  the  least  of  the  apostles,  I  who  am  not  fit  to  be 

10  called  "  apostle,"  because  I  persecuted  the  Community  of  God.  But  by  the 
grace  of  God  I  am  wdiat  I  am  ;  and  the  grace  he  showed  to  me  did  not 
prove  in  vain.     No,  I  laboured  far  beyond  them  all — yet  not  so  much  I,  as 

11  the  grace  of  God  along  with  me.  Be  it  I  then  or  they,  so  Ave  preach,  and 
so  you  believed. 

12  Now  if  the  preaching  of  Christ  is  that  he  rose  from  the  dead,  how  is 
it  that  some  ]3eople  among  you  say  "  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  resurrection 

13  of  the  dead  "  ?     If  "  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  resurrection  of  the  dead," 

14  Christ  did  not  rise  either  ;  and  if  Christ  did  not  rise,  then  ~  vain  is  our 

15  preaching  after  all,  vain  also  your  faith.  Yes,  and  we  are  found  to  be 
false  witnesses  of  God,  because  we  witnessed  against  God  in  saying  that 
"  he  raised  Christ " — whom  he  did  not  raise,  if  dead  men  after  all  do  not 

16,  17  rise.  For  if  dead  men  do  not  rise,  Christ  did  not  rise  either  ;  and  if 
Christ  did  not   rise,  your  faith   is   futile,  you   are   still   in   your   sins. 

18,  19  Besides,  those  who  fell  asleep  in  Christ  perished  after  all.  If  in  this  life 
we  have  nothing  but  a  mere  hope  in  Christ,  we  are  of  all  men  to  be 

20  pitied  most.  But,  as  it  is,  Christ  did  rise  from  the  dead,  the 
firstfruits  of  those  who  are  asleep. 

21  For  since  through  man  came  death, 

Through  man  came  also  resurrection  of  the  dead  : 

22  As  all  die  in  Adam, 

So  also  shall  all  be  made  alive  in  Christ. 

23  But  each  in  his  own  rank  :  Christ  the   firstfruits,  after   that,    all  who 

24  are  Christ's  at  his  arrival ;  then  comes  the  end,  when  he  delivers  up  the 
royal  power  to  the  God  and  Father,  when  he  shall  have  put  down  all 

25  rule  and  all  authority  and  power.     For  he  must  reign  until  he  has  fut 

26  all  his  enemies  under  his  feet.     Last  enemy  of  all,  death  shall  be  put 

27  down.  For  he  has  made  all  things  subject  under  his  feet.  Now,  when  it 
says  "all  things  are  made  subject,"  clearly  that  excludes  the  One  who 

28  made  all  things  subject  to  him.  But  when  all  things  are  made  subject 
to  him,  then  the  Son  himself  shall  also  be  made  subject  to  the  One  who 
made  all  things  subject  to  him,  that  God  may  be  all  in  all. 

29  Otherwise,  what  can  be  the  meaning  of  those  who  get  baptized  on  behalf  of 
the  dead?     If  dead  men  do  not  rise  at  all,  why  do  they  get  baptised  on 

30,  31  their  behalf  ?     And  why  are  we  ourselves  in  danger  every  hour  ?     (Daily 
I  die— I  swear  it  by  my  exulting  in  you,  brothers,  in  Christ  Jesus  our 
1  Reading  iyvoE?™.  -  Omitting  [[««J]]. 


172  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [15^2-5* 

32  Lord.)     If,  hmuanly  si^eaking,  I  "fought  with  beasts"  at  Ephesus,  what 
use  is  that  to  me  ?     If  dead  men  rise  not,  let  us  eat  and  drink,  for  to- 

33  morroio  we  die !     Be  not  misled  :  "  bad  companionships  are  the  ruin  of 

34  honest  morals."     Awake  to  uprightness,  and  sin  not !     For  some  are  in 
ignorance  of  God.     I  am  speaking  to  rouse  your  shame. 

35  But,  one  will  say,  "  How  do  the  dead  rise  ?     AVith  what  kind  of  body 

36  do  they  come  ? "     Senseless  man  !  what  thou  sowest  is  not  made  alive 

37  unless  it  dies.    And  in  sowing,  what  thou  sowest  is  not  the  body  that  is  to 
be,  but  a  mere  grain  of  wheat,  for  example,  or  of  some  other  kind  of  seed  ; 

38  yet  God  gives  it  a  body  even  as  he  wills,  namely,  to  each  kind  of  seed  a 

39  body  of  its  own.     All  flesh  is  not  the  same  flesli.     There  is  one  flesh  of 
men,  and  another  flesh  of  beasts,  one  flesh  of  birds,  and  another  of  fishes. 

40  There  are  heavenly  bodies  and  also  earthly  bodies  ;  but  the  splendour  of 
the  heavenly  is  one  thing,  and  the  splendour  of  the  earthly  is  another. 

41  There  is  one  splendour  of  the  sun,  and  another  sjjlendour  of  the  moon, 

42  and  another  splendour  of  the  stars  ;  for  star  excels  star  in  splendour.     So 
it  is  also  with  the  resurrection  of  the  dead. 

It  is  sown  in  the  perishing, 

it  is  raised  in  the  imperishable  : 

43  It  is  sown  in  dishonour, 

it  is  raised  in  splendour  : 
It  is  sown  in  weakness, 
it  is  raised  in  j^ower  : 

44  It  is  sown  a  natural  body, 

it  is  raised  a  spiritual  body. 
If  there  is  a  natural, 

there  is  also  a  spiritual  Ijody. 

45  So  also  it  is  written  : 

"  The  first  man  Adam  became  a  living  soul: 
The  last  Adam,  a  life-making  spirit." 
4G  But  the  spiritual  is  not  first,  it  is  the  natural  : 

After  that  the  spiritual. 

47  The  first  man  is  from  the  earth,  material : 

The  second  man  is  from  heaven. 

48  As  is  the  material,  so  are  those  who  are  material  : 

And  as  is  tlie  heavenly,  so  are  those  who  are  heavenly. 

49  And  as  we  have  worn  the  image  of  the  material, 

We  are  also  to  wear  ^  the  image  of  the  heavenly. 

50  What  I  say  is  this,  brothers. 

Flesh  and  blood  cannot  inherit  the  reign  of  God, 
Nor  does  the  perishing  inherit  the  imperishable. 

51  Lo,  I  tell  you  a  secret  ! 

Not  all  of  us  shall  fall  asleep, 
But  all  of  us  shall  be  changed — 

52  In  an  instant,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  at  the  last  trumput. 

For  the  trum])et  shall  sound, 
And  the  dead  shall  be  raised  imperishable, 
And  we  shall  be  changed. 

53  For  this  perishing  thing  must  put  on  tlie  iiiii)erishable, 

And  this  mortal  thing  must  put  on  immortality  ; 

54  But  when  this  jx'rishiug  thing  sliall  have  put  on  the  imperishaljle, 

And  this  mortal  thing  shall  liave  put  on  immortality. 
Then  shall  come  to  pass  the  word  which  is  written  : 
'  Heading  aapiVo/iti' 


15-'^^-lG-^]  I.    CORINTHIANS  l73 

Death  is  sxoalloioed  up  in  victory. 

55  Death,  ivhere  is  thy  victory  'i 
Death,  lohere  is  thy  sting  'i 

56  [The  sting  of  death  is  sin,  and  the  power  of  sin  is  the  law.] 

57  Thanks  be  to  God  who  gives  the  victory  to  us  through  our  Lord 

58  Jesus  Christ.  So  then,  my  beloved  brothers,  be  firm,  immovable, 
abounding  at  all  times  in  the  work  of  the  Lord  ;  since  you  know  that 
your  labour  is  not  vain  in  the  Lord. 

16  1         Now  in  regard  to  the  collection  for  the  saints,  do  you  also  follow  the 

2  instructions  that  I  gave  to  the  Communities  of  Galatia.  On  the  first  day 
of  the  week  let  each  of  you  be  laying  by  him  in  store  whatever  gain  he 
may  have  made ;  so  that  collections  may  not  have  to  be  made  when  I 

3  come.     When  I  arrive  I  will  desjiatch  with  letters  whatever  persons  you 

4  think  fit,  to  convey  your  bounty  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  if  it  be  worth  while 

5  for  me  also  to  make  the  joui'ney,  they  shall  accompany  me.  I 
Avill  visit  you  when  I  have  passed  through  Macedonia.     Through  Mace- 

6  donia  I  am  to  pass,  but  possibly  I  shall  remain  awhile  with  you,  or  even 
pass  the  winter  ;  that  you  may  speed  me  on  whatever  journey  I  may  under- 

7  take.     I  do  not  wish  to  see  you  at  this  moment  merely  in  passing  by  ; 

8  my  hope  is  to  stay  for  some  time  with  you,  if  the  Lord  permit.     But  I 

9  will  stay  on  at  Ephesus  till  Pentecost ;  for  a  great  door  of  activity  is  open 

10  to  me,  and  adversaries  are  numerous.  If  Timotheus  comes,  see 
that  he  need  have  no  fear  with  you  ;  for  he  works  at  the  Lord's  ^\'ork  like 

11  myself.  Let  no  one  despise  him  then.  Speed  him  on  his  journey  in 
peace,  that  he  may  come  to  me ;  for  I  expect  him  along  with  the  brothers. 

12  In  regard  to  Apollos  the  brother — I  made  an  urgent  appeal  to  him  to  visit 
you  with  the  others,  but  he  was  not  quite  inclined  to  visit  you  just  now. 
However,  he  will  come  whenever  he  finds  time. 

13  Watch,  stand  fast  in  the  faith,  quit  yourselves  like  men,  be  strong. 

14  Let  all  that  you  do  be  done  in  love. 

15  I  appeal  to  you,  brothers — you  know  that  the  household  of  Stephanas 
is  the  firstfruits  of  Achaia,  and  that  they  have  laid  themselves  out  for 

16  ministering  to  the  saints.     Be  you  also  in  subjection  to  such,  and  to 

17  everyone  who  shares  their  work  and  labour.  I  am  glad  that  Ste2)hanas 
and  Fortunatus  and  Achaicus  have  arrived,  for  they  have  made  up  for 

18  the  lack  of  you.  They  have  refreshed  my  spirit  and  yours.  Pay  regard 
to  such  men  therefore. 

19  The  Communities  of  Asia  salute  you.  Aquila  and  Prisca  heartily 
salute  you  in  the  Lord,  with  the  Community  which  is  in  their  house. 

20  All  the  brothers  salute  you.     Salute  one  another  with  a  saints'  kiss. 

21,  22        The  salutation  is  by  the  hand  of  me,  Paul.      If  anyone  loves  not  the 
Lord,  let  him  be  accursed.     Maran  atha. 

23  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  be  with  you. 

24  My  love  be  with  vou  all  in  Christ  Jesus. 


THE   INTERMEDIATE    LETTER    TO    CORINTH 

When  Paul  despatclied  1  Co  from  Epliesus,  lie  evidently  contomplated  a 
visit  to  Corinth  which  for  all  its  salutary  consequences  might  prove  pain- 
ful to  his  friends  and  to  himself  (1  Co  4'^"2i,  eXeva-o^m  be  raxeoas  npos  vfj.as 
.  .  .  ku  pd[3^(o  €'A/9a) ;  cp.  IP*  16'').  That  this  visit  actually  took  place  is  a  fair 
inference  from  jiassages  in  the  later  epistle  (2  Co  2^  12''',  l8ov  rpirov  tqvto 
fToifxws  fx<^  e\6eh',  13',  rpiTov  tovto  i'pxofiaL).  These  imply  two  previous 
visits — at  least  that  is  a  legitimate  and  highly  natural,  if  not  a  necessary,  con- 
clusion from  their  language.  Now,  as  Paul  had  only  visited  Corinth  once 
before  the  composition  of  1  Co,  the  second  visit  must  have  taken  place 
between  1  Co  and  2  Co.^  From  this  visit  Paul  returned  to  Ephesus, 
saddened  and  battled  (2  Co  2^  *■).  His  journey  had  been  fruitless  and  un- 
pleasant. But  what  he  had  been  unable  to  effect  l\v  a  personal  visit  (lO'" 
12-1)  ]ig  ti-i^tj  tQ  carry  out  by  means  of  a  letter  (2*  7^)  written  ck  ttoXX^? 
GXiyj/'ecos  Km  avvox^is  Kapbias  8m  noWcov  baKpvoiv  with  Jjassionate  threats 
and  appeals  ;  it  was  so  sarcastic  and  severe,-  indeed,  that  the  recollection 
of  his  language  afterwards  caused  the  apostle  some  qualms  of  conscience. 
This  letter  of  disturbed  feelings  has  been  partially  preserved  in  2  Co  10- 
131".  These  chapters  are  written  out  of  the  tension  felt  by  one  who  is 
not  yet  sure  of  his  ultimate  success.  They  vibrate  with  anger  and  anxiety. 
Paul's  authority  and  actions  had  been  called  in  question,  while  his 
converts  in  Corinth  were  exposed  to  licentious  errors.  Yet  botli  attacks 
sprang  from  the  same  overbearing,  unscrupulous  party  who  had  gained  a 
footing  (ll^")  within  the  church,  possibly  headed  by  some  ringleader 
(o  ToiovTos,  Tis,  2  Co  2^  7'^)  who  had  been  able  to  inflict  severe  and  public 
humiliation  upon  the  apostle  by  charging  him  with  unscrupulous  dealing, 
overbearing  conduct,  unfounded  pretensions  to  the  ministry  of  Clirist, 
and  so  on.     Since  tlie  attack  on  his  character  involved  his  gospel,  Paul 

1  Those  who  (like  Schiniedel,  Zahn,  and  recently  G.  G.  Findlay,  ExGT,  ii.  pp.  736- 
738)  deny  this,  are  forced  to  the  expedient  of  placing  this  visit  previons  to  1  Co,  a 
device  which  contradicts  the  silence  both  of  Acts  and  1  Co.  Paul's  first  visit  to  Corinth 
wa-s  on  the  occasion  of  his  founding  the  church,  and  when  writing  1  Co  he  refers  to 
no  other  than  this  dillident  and  successful  visit  of  his  nunistry  (1  Co  2-).  He  had 
no  cause  for  X^th  then.  ;uid  lictrnys  in  1  Co  no  sense  of  any. 

2  To  make  this  in  any  sense  an  :Hle.|ualr  or  apt  ileseii]itiou  of  1  Co  as  a  whole, 
is  an  idea  which  seareely  meriis  scTii.us  diseussinn.  'I'lial  epistle  naturally  contains 
words  of  blame,  but  blame  is  not  its  argument  and  olijeet  ;  it  contained  nothing  to 
make  Paul  uneasy.  If  the  above  theory  is  discarded,  the  letter  in  question  must  be 
regarded  as  lost.  On  the  other  hand,  ]  Co  is  probably  alluded  to  in  2  Co  10'- 1"'-, 
possibly  2  Co  10-13  in  the  later  e])istle  2  Co  3'*  (aaX;*),  and  13-'- 1"  in  I'-S  2i.  At  any 
rate  chaps.  10-131"  fomi  the  only  extant  passage  in  Paul's  Corinthian  correspondence 
which  answers  to  the  twofold  description  of  a  letter  composed  in  personal  distress 
and  with  a  severe  intention.  It  is  a  deceptive  method  to  start  the  discussion  upon 
the  two  Corinthian  epistles  with  their  sujierficial  resemblances,  as  these  exist  in  the 
extant  and  canonical  form. 

I7i 


THE    INTERMEDIATE    LETTER   TO    CORINTH  175 

found  a  method  ^  of  defence  ready  to  hand  against  slander  and  censure.- 
He  proceeded  to  exliibit  his  own  titles  to  credit  and  honour  as  an  apostle 
Self-exultation  is  the  keynote  :  Kauxncrdai  Set.  "  In  great  religious  move 
ments  the  leaders  are  often  compelled  to  assert  themselves  pretty  perempt- 
orily, in  order  that  their  work  may  not  be  wrecked  by  conceited  and  in- 
capable upstarts "  (Drummond).  These  pages  thus  form  the  apostle's  apoloqia 
pro  vita  sua.  But  like  Newman's  it  rises  above  the  narrow  controversies 
and  personal  issues  of  the  struggle.  Instead  of  merely  expostulating  and 
demanding  reparation  from  the  Corinthians  for  insults  and  outrages,  he  was 
concerned  to  expose  the  futility  and  shamelessness  of  all  siich  attacks  upon 
himself,  thereby  hoping  to  effectively  discredit  the  influence  of  such 
opponents  upon  his  friends.  "  I  wrote,"  he  told  them  afterwards  (2  Co  2^), 
'Iva  yvo)  Ti]v  doKi^riv  vjxwv,  fl  els  Trdvra  vtttjkooi  ecrre.  His  appeal  was  a  test 
of  their  obedience,^  carried  by  Titus  (2  Co  2^^  7'^-  ^^■'^*).  It  was  addressed 
to  the  Community  as  a  whole,  and  intended  to  counteract  the  tyrannising 
and  plausible  influences  of  the  Judaising  party.  Possibly  only  a  fragment 
of  it  is  preserved  in  2  Co  10-13'",  but  even  if  it  is  complete  we  need  not 
be  surprised  that  Paul  leaves  the  offender  (2^  7'-)  alone.  His  attention 
is  concentrated  on  the  l«'oader  issue  of  which  that  man's  case  formed 
merely  one  expression.  The  case  had  now  fallen  to  the  Corinthians  to 
deal  with,  and  Paul  strove  rather  to  raise  in  them  a  proper  conscience 
for  such  a  process  of  discipline. 

From  a  subsequent  epistle  (2  Co  1-9),  written  from  Macedonia  shortly 
after  he  had  left*  Ephesus  to  meet  Titus  on  his  return  journey  from  Corinth, 
it  is  plain  that  the  Corinthians  had  regained  their  loyalty  and  vindicated 
Paul  at  the  expense  of  his  opponents  (2  Co  2'^  7''').     Their  reception  of 

1  I  do  not  understand  how  these  chapters  can  be  described  as  "wholly  taken  up 
with  what  the  apostle  means  to  do,  when  he  comes  to  Corinth  for  the  third  time  " 
(Denney).  References  to  a  further  visit  are  to  be  expected  under  the  circumstances, 
but  they  are  mostly  incidental  allusions  (lO^  12i-i  13'),  and  not  at  all  the  continuous 
or  absorbing  theme  of  the  epistle.  Nor  does  1-^  imply  (as  Sanday  thinks,  J^JBi,  i. 
p.  906)  that  the  painful  letter  was  in  lieu  of  a  personal  visit.  As  2i  shows,  the  painful 
visit  had  already  been  made.  Paul  simply  says  he  preferred  not  to  inflict  on  them 
again  such  an  unpleasant  experience,  and  therefore  wrote  a  letter  instead,  until  such 
time  as  he  could  pay  a  visit  with  comfort.  The  resemblance  of  style  and  expression 
(Holtzmann)  between  chaps.  10-13  and  chaps.  1-9  are  patent,  but  they  have  no  bearing 
on  the  question  of  the  date  and  order  of  these  pieces.  Both  were  written  close 
together  by  the  same  man.  Finally,  the  two  passages  8^'^--*  and  12i8  do  not  refer  to 
the  same  event  (Jiilicher).  The  latter  touches  a  visit  already  paid.  The  former 
refers  to  another  mission  of  Titus  and  his  companion,  for  which  Paul  seeks  to  pave 
the  way.  Belser  (TQ  (1894),  pp.  15-47)  makes  Paul  visit  Corinth  four  times,  in  53, 
in  57  (summer),  in  58-59  (winter),  and  fiually  in  65-66  after  his  release. 

2  Paul  seems  to  have  found  in  some  of  the  Corinthians  the  same  "indecent 
freedom  "  which  Thomas  Boston  met  with  among  the  Ettrick  people  ;  who  also, 
"generally  speaking,  were  naturally  smart,  and  of  an  unconmion  assurance;  self- 
conceited  and  censorious  to  a  pitch,  contemners  of  me  and  of  my  ministry,  who  often 
kept  not  within  the  bounds  of  common  civility."  Indeed,  it  is  remarkable  that 
Boston  actually  compares  them  twice  over  in  his  Memoirs  to  the  church  of  Corinth, 
"burnt  up  with  the  fire  of  division,  and  drenched  in  fleshly  abominations  ... 
seeing  we  so  much  resemble  that  church  in  her  three  grand  evils,  self-conceit,  a 
divisive  temper,  and  sins  of  uncleanliness."     See  Dr.  Kennedy,  (as  below)  pp.  98-110. 

3  The  omission  of  this  whole  period  and  intercourse  in  Acts  proves  either  that  the 
author  was  ignorant  of  the  affair,  or  more  probably  that  he  chose  to  pass  over  so 
unedifying  and  discreditable  a  passage  in  the  life  of  the  early  church. 

■1  The  storm  of  affliction  (2  Co  l-2j  in  which  Paul  was  tossing  at  this  crisis  was  due 
partly  to  recent  experiences,  partly  to  anticipations.  He  had  been  driven  from  his 
anchorage  in  Ephesus,  and  as  yet  was  uncertain  whether  Corinth,  his  old  harbour, 
would  have  a  welcome  for  him.  The  relief  felt  by  Paul  is  indicated  by  the  recurring 
idea  of  aat.p«.x\y,<n;  (whlch  occurs  eleven  times  in  this  epistle). 


176  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

Titus  and  compliance  with  Paul's  appeal  fairly  banished  depression  and  dis- 
appointment from  his  heart.  Hence  the  delight  and  relief  that  breathe 
through  the  ej^istle.  It  is  irenical,  intended  to  re-estal)lish  mutual  confid- 
ence and  obliterate  the  memories  of  the  past  bitter  controversy.  To 
forgive  and  to  forget  is  its  keynote.  The  original  conclusion  of  this  final 
letter  (like  the  original  first  epistle  to  Corinth)  has  been  lost ;  unless,  as  is 
highly  prolmble,  it  is  preserved  i  in  13'^"^'\  At  some  later  period,  -when 
the  two  short  letters  were  put  together,  the  earlier  (10-13"*)  was  stripped- 
of  its  opening  (which  under  the  circumstances  would  be  brief)  and  added  to 
the  later  and  longer  one,  both  together  making  up  a  single  writing  similar 
in  size  to  1  Co.  The  correct  ord(!r  of  the  extant  Corinthian  letters  would 
then  be  (a)  1  Co,  (6)  2  Co  10-13^o,  (c)  2  Co  1-9,  1311-1'*.  Besides  the 
earliest  (lost)  letter  of  1  Co  5^  (cp.  2  Co  6i-*-7i,  1  Co  16i),  there  may  have 
been  ancjther  between  («)  and  (c)  announcing  that  Paul  had  had  to  alter 
his  original  plan  (2  Co  V^'^'^)oi'  visiting  Corinth  via  Macedonia  ;  unless  he 
alloAved  that  plan  to  silently  drop  when  circumstances  arose  to  prevent  its 
execution. 

A  case  can  be  made  out  for  the  substantial  integrity  of  the  epistle, 
partly  on  the  ground  that  the  closing  four  chapters  represent  not  a  fresh 
standpoint  or  situation,  but  an  emotional  and  argumentativi;  climax,  the 
last  charge  of  Paul's  dialectic  carefully  held  in  reserve  till  it  could  break 
out  and  complete  a  victory  already  gained  in  measure  (li'*), partly  also  on  the 
score  of  the  epistle's  internal  characteristics.  The  i'ormer  argument  has 
been  already  answered  by  implication.^  The  latter  is  more  iilausible.  2  Co 
is  a  writing  of  moods,  not  composed  at  a  single  sitting  nor  in  face  of  a  single 
])hase  of  life.  Hence,  on  psychological  grounds,  the  broken  character  of 
the  j^roblem  might  be  taken  as  an  explanation  of  the  lack  of  unity  in  its 

1  Note  the  characteristic  play  on  words  (%«?'?,  ;%;«''«•«)  O^^  IS"),  and  the  fitness  of 
the  sentiment  (13^1 1-)  as  a  finale  to  the  advice  and  counsel  in  eli.  9,  where  as  ever  the 
collection  is  treated  as  a  bond  of  union  and  opportunity  of  brotherly  kindness.  The 
personal  question  at  issue  between  Paul  and  the  Corinthians  is  rounded  ott'  in  ch.  7. 
Kennedy  (see  below)  exphiins  the  welding  of  the  two  letters  by  the  fact  that  a 
copyist  confused  tlie  visit  promised  (in  ch.  9)  with  that  mentioned  in  ch.  10.  "  It  is 
indeed  a  visit  of  a  very  difi'erent  kind.  There  is  an  aj)parent  resemblance  concealing  a 
deep-seated  difference;  but  this  is  precisely  tlir  ((iiuidexion  of  things  which  would 
be  likely  to  mislead  a  copyist."  As  the  aulojiiiplis  wne  probably  written  ou  leaves, 
transposition  of  this  kind  would  be  materially  laiilituted. 

^  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  a  (lost)  previous  section  of  the  intermediate 
epistle  was  composed  by  Timotheus  or  some  other  (Ephesian)  companion  of  tlie 
apostle.  The  airof  hi  lya  (2  Co  101)  is  a  natural  plunge  into  vehement  rei>rnach  and 
personalities.  Noris  it  probable  thai  Timotlieus  himself  was  the  aiixyiBsis  (iieyschlag, 
Ptieiderer,  and  G.  G.  Findlay).  A  liivdniitr  theory  of  the  traditional  school  is  tliat 
Paul  had  received  fresh  news  from  ( '(uiiitli  .li  this  point ;  but  in  that  case  it  is  extra- 
ordinary how  he  does  not  refer  to  suuli  bad  tidings  at  all,  and  liow  he  goes  on  without 
any  allusion  to  the  altered  circumstances.  The  absence  of  directions  (in  10-13)  about 
the  case  of  the  guilty  person  is  not  a  crucial  objection,  as  Dr.  Drummond  admits  ; 
"this  part  might  have  been  omitted"  from  the  final  recension  "as  of  temporary 
interest,"  particulaily  :is  tli-  iiKitter  ended  satisfactorily. 

3  Theindnlgent  (  on  i,|,  iiiKiii  of  2  Co  5"- "  blending  policy  with  generosity,  refers 
to  a  situation  which  ilid  i.ot  exist  when  1  Co  was  written.  Such  leniency  is  almost 
incredible  in  the  case  of  a  shameless  breacli  of  Tuorals  like  that  so  scatliingly  treated 
in  1  Co  5.  But  it  suits  a  case  of  personal  insult.  Paul  i  iS/Js^fls/V  could  well  atl'ord  to 
overlook  an  affront  to  himself  or  to  one  of  his  friends,  when  the  aggressor  had  frankly 
given  up  his  arms  and  the  church  had  taken  the  apostle's  part.  See  a  luciil  present- 
ment of  the  whole  case  by  Weizsiicker  (.LI,  i.  pp.  341-3!J3),  who  further  conjectures 
that  a  court  was  held  during  the  second  visit  to  adjudicate  njion  Paul's  apostolic 
claims,  and  that  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  the  church  allowed  Paul  to  be  grossly 
insulted  by  a  prominent  individual  among  the  intriguers. 


THE  INTERMEDIATE  LETTER  TO  CORINTH    177 

treatment.  "  Probably  tliere  is  no  literary  work  in  wliicli  the  cross-currents 
of  feeling  are  so  violent  and  so  fre((uent.'  Again  and  again  tliey  sweep  the 
apostle  far  away  from  his  intended  course  of  thonglit  and  grammar.  He 
struggles  back  again,  only  to  be  once  more  hurried  away  in  yet  another 
direction.  Or,  to  change  the  metajDhor,  we  see  a  thought  bubbling  up 
from  tlie  ground  of  the  argument,  fresh  and  vigorous.  But  at  once  it 
passes  beneath  the  sudden  rising-ground  of  some  new  idea  ;  at  length  it 
appears  again  tinged  with  the  soil  through  which  it  has  flowed."  ^  Still, 
there  are  limits  to  versatility.  In  this  case  interrupti(ms  and  mobility 
of  temperament  will  not  bear  the  weight  put  upon  them  by  the  traditional 
hypothesis.  The  difference  of  tone  between  the  first  nine  and  the  last  four 
chapters  is  so  marked,  that  it  may  very  reasonably  be  held  to  indicate  a 
serious  difterence  of  situation ;  and  upon  the  whole  the  references  and 
outlook  of  chaps.  10-13  ("  Eine  durch  Stimmung  u.  Sprache  zusammenge- 
haltene  Gruppe,"  J.  Weiss,  ThL::,  1894)  are  most  naturally  explained  when 
they  are  allowed  to  lie  within  the  earlier  period  of  strained  relations  and 
bitter  animosity  between  1  Co  and  2  Co  1-9.  The  hypothetical  character 
which  appears  to  beset  this  solution  is  in  reality  due  to  the  whole 
question  of  Paul's  relations  with  the  Corinthian  church,  which  are 
intricate  and  subtle  to  the  last  degree.  Any  theory  of  their  nature  is 
based  partly  on  conjecture,  and  the  choice  lies  simply  between  historical 
reconstructions  of  less  and  more  probability.  Whatever  scheme  be 
adopted,  the  investigator  has  to  be  content  with  a  series  of  situations  in 
which  the  details  are  only  to  be  harmonised  in  part. 

The  discovery  that  2  Co  is  no  unity  is  not  recent.  As  far  back  as 
1776,  Semler  conjectured  that  three  letters  were  included  in  the  canonical 
epistle,  namely,  (i.)  1-8,  13' i-^^,  a  letter  sent  with  Titus  on  his  second  visit 
to  Corinth  ;  (ii.)  9,  a  letter  to  the  Christians  of  Achaia  ;  (iii.)  IQi-lSi",  a 
further  letter  to  Corinth.  The  credit  of  detecting  the  intermediate  letter 
in  chaps.  10-13  must  be  given  to  Hausrath^  (iv.  p.  55 f.),  and  among  the 
chief  adherents  of  this  position  (besides  others  quoted  by  Schmiedel)  are 
S.  Davidson  C^/iVr,  i.  pp.  57f.,  G3f.),  Pileiderer  (f7rc.  pp.  105-110),  Clemen 
(Cliron.  p.  226f.),  Briickner  (Ghron.  p.  198f.,  "an  oratio  pro  domo"),  J.  H. 
Kennedy  (^a;^. '5  1897;  pp.  231f.,  285 f.,  1899,  pp.  182f.),  Konig  {ZwTh 
(1897),  pp.  482-554,  full  and  clear),  McGiffert  \AA,  pp.  313-315),  and 
Adeney  (5 J,  p.  368  f.).''     Schmiedel's  subtle  and  elaborate  exposition  has 

1  Chase,  Class.  Rev.  (1890),  p.  151;  cp.  Beissmann,  Bibel-Studien  (1895),  pp.  239, 
240.  But  the  variations  and  terms  in  2  Co  are  too  great  to  he  explained  even  upon 
the  supposition  that  the  writer  stopped  now  and  then  to  pause  and  reflect,  or  hurried 
from  one  subject  to  another.  This  is  an  adequate  view  of  1  Co,  but  not  of  2  Co — 
least  of  all,  of  IQi-lSi".  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that  between  9^*  and  10^ 
Paul  had  received  fresh  and  unsatisfactory  news  of  his  converts  at  Corinth.  In  that 
case  Titus  (2  Co  J^''-)  had  been  grossly  misled. 

2  Especially  in  his  monograph  (1870,  Der  Vier-Capitel  Brief  des  Paulus  an  die 
Corinther.  2  Co  is  much  more  weakly  attested  in  the  later  literature  than  1  Co,  and 
in  any  case  the  extant  canonical  letters  of  Paul  to  Corinth  are  only  the  fragmentary 
relics  of  a  larger  correspondence. 

3  Cp.  Lipsius  (JpTh  (1876),  p.  531)  and  Dr.  0.  Cone,  Paul  the  Man,  tlie  Teacher, 
and  the  Missionary,  pp.  47,  125.  By  several  critics,  chaps.  10-13  are  separated 
from  chaps.  1-9,  but  placed  subsequent  to  them :  so  most  recently  upon  varying 
constructions  of  the  history,  Krenkel  [Bdtrdge  zur  Aufhellung  der  Geschichte  u.  der 
Brief e  des  Paulus  (1890),  p.  308  f.),  and  Dreschler  (SK  (1897),  pp.  43-111);  vide 
Theol.  Jahresber.  xvii.  153.  On  the  other  side,  cp.  Hilgenfeld,  ZwTh  (1899),  pp. 
1-19.  Volter's  dissection  is  given  in  Theol.  Tijds.  (1889),  pp.  296  f.,  and  Dr.  J.  H. 
Kennedy  has  just  written  a  volume  upon  the  subject  (The  Second  and  Third 
Letters  of  Paid,  to  Corinth,  1900).     Even  Sabatier  (p'.  170),  in  rejecting  Hausrath's 


178  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

given  quite  a  fresli  rank  and  impressiveuess  to  the  theory  {HG,  ii.  pp. 
74-80)  and  set  many  points  in  it  practically  beyond  dispute.  Lisco's  acute 
monograph  {Die  Entstehung  des  zweiten  Korintlterbriefes ;  Berlin,  1896) 
again  reduces  the  whole  epistle  to  a  perfect  mosaic  of  tiny  Pauline  notes  : 
A  =  10-13i«  with  6i*-7i  between  12io  and  122o,  B  =  li-6i3  with  U^^-^^ 
72-13  9  1311-13^  (j  —  'ji_Q2i^  Upon  this  view,  expanded  in  his  Judaismus 
triumphatus :  "  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Auslegung  der  vier  letzten  Kapitel  des 
zweiten  Korintherbriefs "  (1896),  A  is  the  sharp  letter  presupposed  in 
B,  while  C  forms  the  letter  intrusted  to  Titus  (cp.  Theol.  Jahrcsber.  (1897), 
pp.  143,  144).  The  best  defences  of  the  traditional  position  are  given 
by  Klopper  and  Heinrici  among  the  editors,  and  by  Zahn  (i.  pp.  220- 
226)  and  Jiilicher  (pp.  64-67)  in  their  Introductions ;  in  English  by 
Weiss  {AJT,  i.  355-363),  Dr.  Robertson  (DB,  i.  article  "Corinthians,'" 
pp.  496,  497),  and  N.  J.  D.  White  (replying  to  Kennedy,  Exp.^  vii. 
pp.  113f.),  the  second  of  whom  candidly  allows  that  "it  would  be  going 
too  far  to  say  that"  the  Vier-Capitel  hypothesis  "is  absolutely  dis- 
proved." Dr.  Drummond  (IH,  ii.  pp.  48-54)  also  inclines  upon  the 
whole  to  the  integrity  of  the  canonical  epistle. 

hypothesis,  admits  that  "the  vehement,  the  ironical  and  impassioned  tone  of  these 
last  pages  represents  very  fairly,  I  believe,  that  of  the  lost  letter."  If  so,  why  did 
Paul  resuscitate  the  old  quarrel,  after  the  church  had  made  reparation  and  won  his 
generous  pardon?  But  for  this  argument,  and  indeed  for  an  exliaustive  presentment 
of  the  whole  subject,  one  is  glad  now  to  be  able  to  refer  the  reader  to  Dr.  Kennedy's 
convenient  and  masterly  volume,  which  is  in  several  respects  an  advance  even  upon 
Schmiedel,  particularly  in  the  discussion  upon  "The  Character  of  the  Minority" 
(pp.  98-110),  and  in  an  account  of  tlie  mechanical  and  material  factors  by  which 
ancient  manuscripts  were  rendered  liable  to  such  treatment  as  is  imjilied  in  this 
hypothesis  of  2  Co  10-13. 


THE  INTEEMEDIATE  LETTER  TO  COEINTH 

His  authority  had  apparently  been  defied,  and  his  credit  and  influence 
decidedly  lowered  ;  and  he  had  even  had  to  endure  personal  insult.  It  was 
under  these  circumstances  that  he  wrote  another  letter  to  the  Corinthians 
immediately  upon  his  return  to  Ephesus,  defending  himself  against  the  attacks 
of  his  enemies,  and  calling  the  Corinthians  sharply  to  account  for  their  dis- 
loyalty to  him,  and  for  allowing  themselves  to  be  influenced  by  his  opponents 
and  detractors.  The  general  tone  of  chapters  x.-xiii.  is  exactly  what  Paul's 
references  to  that  epistle  would  lead  us  to  expect.  Those  chapters  were 
evidently  written  out  of  much  sorrow  and  anguish  of  heart,  and  there  was  good 
reason  to  doubt  whether  the  Corinthians  would  receive  them  kindly.  They 
were  calculated,  if  they  did  not  move  them  to  repentance,  to  make  them 
angry,  and  to  widen  the  breach  already  existing.  .  .  .  This  sharp  and  passionate 
epistle,  which  was  carried  by  Titus  to  Corinth,  produced  the  effect  for  which  it 
was  intended.  Paul  had  feared  for  the  result,  but  his  fears  proved  groundless. 
The  Corinthians  realised  their  error,  and  took  their  stand  unequivocally  on  his 
side.  —  McGiffert, 


[2  Co 

10M31" 

The 

invective 

Vindication  of  his  mission  and  himself  against 
opponents — 

111-6 

his  sincerity. 

117-15 

,,  maintenance, 

1116_1210 

,,  exultation. 

1211-18 

Closing  appeals. 

12i9_13i»] 

A  warning  and  a  remonstrance,   in  view  of  an 

approaching  visit. 


THE  INTERMEDIATE  LETTER  TO  CORINTH 

(2  Co  IOI-I310) 

10  1  .  .  .  Now  persoually  I  Paul  appeal  to  you  by  tlie  gentleness  and  for- 

bearance of  Christ,  I  wlio  "am  humble  in  j^resence"  among  you  "but 

2  make  a  brave  front  to  you  in  my  aljsence."  I  do  entreat  you  that  when  I 
am  present  I  may  not  have  to  "make  a  brave  front,"  with  the  confidence 
with  which  I  am  determined  to  deal  boldly  with  certain  persons  who  look 

3  upon  us  as  if  we  "  walked  according  to  the  flesh."     No,  we  walk  in  the 

4  fiesh,  but  we  do  not  make  war  according  to  the  fiesh — for  the  weapons  of 
our  warfare  are  not  of  the  ilesh,  but  divinely  i)owerfal  to  throw  down 

5  strongholds — we  throw  down  reasonings  and  every  rampai-t  that  erects 
itself  against  the  knowledge  of  God,  we  bring  every  scheme  captive  to 

6  obey  Christ,  and  Ave  are  in  readiness  to  punish  all  disobedience,  when 
once  your  obedience  is  complete. 

7  Look  at  what  lies  before  your  very  face.  If  any  man  is  self-confident 
that  he  "is  Christ's,"  let  him  once  more  reflect  to  himself  that  just  as  he 

8  "  is  Christ's,"  so  too  are  we.  For  though  I  were  to  exult  further  over  our 
authority,  which  the  Lord  has  given  to  upbuild  you,  not  to  throw  you 

9  down,  I  shall  not  be  put  to  shame.     But  I  refrain,  in  case  it  might 

10  appear  as  if  I  wanted  to  frighten  you  merely  by  my  letters.  For  "his 
letters,"  says  one,  "are  of  weight  and  forcible  :  but  when  he  is  here  in 

11  person,  he  is  weak,  and  his  speech  despicable."  Let  him  who  says  so 
take  this  into  consideration  :  what  we  are  in  word  by  letters  when  we 
are  absent,  that  we  shall  prove  ourselves  to  be  in  deed  when  we  are 

12  present.  We  do  not  venture  forsooth  to  include  ourselves  among,  or  to 
compare  ourselves  with,  some  of  those  who  commend  themselves  !  Nay, 
as  we  measure  ourselves  by  ourselves  and  compare  ourselves  with  our- 

13  selves,^  ours  will  be  no  immoderate  exultation  ;  it  will  be  exultaticm 
according  to  the  measure  of  the  sphere  which  God  has  assigned  to  us — a 

14  measure  by  which  we  reach  the  length  of  you.  For  we  are  not  stretching 
beyond  our  limits,  as  though  our  reach  did  not  include  you  ;  we  came 
tlie   length  of   you   before  anyone  else  came  with  the  gospel  of  Christ. 

15  Ours  is  no  immoderate  exulting  on  the  ground  of  other  men's  laljours  ; 
our  hope  I'ather  is  that,  as  your  faith  grows,  we  shall  be  magnified  yet 

16  more  and  more  in  you  according  to  our  sphere,  our  object  being  to  preach 
the  gospel  even  to  the  regions  that  lie  beyond  you,  not  to  exult  in  another 

17  man's  S])here  over  work  that  lies  already  done.     Let  him  who  exults  exult 

18  in  the  Lord.  For  the  man  of  genuine  character  is  not  he  who  commends 
himself,  it  is  he  whom  the  Lord  commends. 

11  1        Would  that  you  could  bear  with  a  little  "senselessness"  from  me  1 
2  Yes  indeed,  do  bear  with  me  !      With  a  divine  jealousy  I  am  jealous 

over  you  ;  for  I  have  betrothed  you,  to  present  you  as  a  chaste  maiden  to 

1  Omitting  ci  (ruviHiriii  :   r.u.'ut  l\. 
ISO 


Ij3    33J      rjjjg    INTERMEDIATE    LETTER    TO    CORINTH  181 

3  one  liusband,  to  Christ.  But  I  am  afraid  lest  haply,  as  the  serpe^it  beguiled 
Eve  with  his  craftiness,  your  minds  be  corrupted  'from  that  singleness  of 

4  heart  ^  wliich  is  for  Christ.  For  indeed  if  the  new-comer  preaches 
another  Jesus,  whom  we  did  not  preach,  or  if  you  get  a  different  spirit,  a 
spirit  which  you  did  not  get,  or  a  different  gospel,  which  you  did  not 

5  accept— you  put  up  with  them  well  enough  !     Why  not  with  me  ?     I 

6  reckon  myself  not  a  whit  inferior  to  those  superlative  apostles  !  Even  if 
in  speech  I  am  uneducated,  in  knowledge  I  am  not.     No,  we  liave  made 

7  that  perfectly  clear  to  you  in  every  way.  What !  did  I  commit 
a  sin  when  I  humbled  myself  that  you  might  be  raised,  preaching  the 

8  gospel   of   God    to  you  for  nothing  1     Other  Communities  I  robbed  by 

9  taking  pay  from  them  that  I  might  minister  to  you ;  and  when  I  was 
with  you  and  fell  into  want,  I  did  not  become  an  encumbrance  to  any 
one.  My  want  was  supplied  by  the  brothers  who  came  from  Macedonia  ; 
and  so  in  every  way  I  kept  (and  will  keep)  myself  from  proving  a  burden 

10  to  you.    As  the  truth  of  Christ  is  in  me,  I  will  not  be  stopped  from  exult- 

1 1  ing  thus  in  the  regions  of  Achaia.     Why  ?     Because  I  do  not  love  you  ? 

12  God  knows  I  do.  But  I  will  continue  to  do  wliat  I  am  doing,  that  those 
who  would  fain  have  the  ojiportunity  may  be  deprived  of  it,  that  in  the 

13  matter  of  exulting  it  may  be  found  they  are  just  like  ourselves.  Such 
men  are  false  apostles,  deceitful  workers,  masquerading  as  "apostles  of 

14  Christ."     And  no  wonder  !     Satan  himself  masquerades  as  an  angel  of 

15  light.  It  is  in  no  wise  remarkable  then  if  his  ministers  also  masquerade 
as  "  ministers  of  uprightness."     As  their  works  are,  so  shall  be  their  fate. 

16  Once  more  I  say,  let  no  one  think  me  "  senseless."  Even  if  they  do, 
put  up  with  me,  were  it  only  as  with  a  "senseless"  man,  that  I  too  may 

17  have  some  little  exulting.     (In  what  I  now  say,  I  speak  not  after  the 

18  Lord,  but  as  in  "senselessness,"  from  this  standpoint  of  exulting.     Since 

19  many  exult  after  the  flesh,  I  too  will  exult.)     For  you,  who  are  sensible 

20  people,  are  glad  to  bear  with  the  senseless  !  You  bear  with  a  man  if  he 
enslaves  you,  if  he  devours  you,  if  he  catches  you,  if  he  uplifts  himself, 

21  if  he  upbraids  you  to  your  face  ! — I  say  this  to  my  discredit,  implying 
that  we  at  all  events  were  "  weak."  But  in  whatever  point  any- 
one makes  bold  (I  am  speaking  in  "senselessness"),  I  make  bold  as  well. 

22  Are  they  Hebrews  ?    So  am  I.    Are  they  Israelites  'i    So  am  I.    Are  they 

23  the  offspring  of  Abraham  ?  So  am  I.  Are  they  ministers  of  Christ  ? 
(I  am  speaking  like  one  out  of  his  senses.)  I  still  more  :  far  beyond 
them  in  labours,  far  beyond  them  in  imprisonments,  in   stripes   above 

24  measure,  in  deaths  many  a  time.     Five  times  have  I  received  from  the 

25  Jews  forty  stripes  save  one.  Three  times  have  I  been  beaten  with  rods, 
once  I  was  pelted  with  stones,  three  times  I  have  suffered  shipwreck,  for 

26  twenty-four  hours  I  was  in  the  ocean.  Many  a  time  have  I  been  on 
journeys,  in  dangers  amid  rivers,  in  dangers  amid  robbers,  in  dangers 
from  my  own  race,  in  dangers  from  the  Gentiles,  in  dangers  in  the  city, 
in  dangers  in  the  desert,  in  dangers  in  the  sea,  in  dangers  among  false 

27  brothers,  in  labour  and  toil,  in  vigils  many  a  time,  in  hunger  and  thirst, 

28  in  fastings  many  a  time,  in  cold  and  nakedness.  Apart  from  all  the 
rest,  there  is   my  daily  oversight,  my  anxious   care   for   all   the   Com- 

29  munities.     Who  is  weak,  and  I  am  not  weak  ?     Who  is  hindered,  and  I 

30  am  not  on  fire  1     If  exult  I  must,  then  I  will  exult  about  my  weakness. 

31  The   God   and   Father   of  the   Lord  Jesus,  he  who  is  blessed  for  ever, 

32  knows  that  I  lie  not.     [In  Damascus  the  ethnarch  of  Aretas  the  king 

33  was  guarding  the  city  of  the  Damascenes,  in  order  to  arrest  me.     But 

1  Omitting  [[««<  t-?;  ayvorriros]]. 


182  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  ]2^~-<' 

througli  a  window  I  was  lowered  in  a  hamper  over  the  wall,  and  so 
12  1  escaped  his  hands.]  Exult  I  must,  though  advantage  there  is 

none.     But  I  will  come  to  visions  and  revelations  of  the  Lord. 

2  I  know  a  man  in  Christ  who  fourteen  years  ago — 

whether  in  the  body  I  know  not,  or  out  of  the  body  I  know  not  : 

God  knows — 

was  caught  up  as  far  as  the  third  heaven. 

3  And  I  know  the  man  in  question — 

whether  in  the  body  or  apart  froui  the  body  I  know  not  :    God 
knows — 

4  he  was  caught  up  into  paradise 

and  heard  utterances  ineffable,  which  it  is  not  for  man  to  utter, 
f)         I  will  exult  on  his  behalf 

But  on  my  own  I  will  not  exult— unless  in  the  matter  of   my 
weaknesses. 
G        (Did  I  wish  to  exult  I  would  not  be  "  senseless,"  for  1  should  be 
speaking  the  truth  ;   but  I  abstain,  in  case  anyone  should  esteem  me 
beyond  what  he  finds  me  to  be  or  what  he  hears  from  me.) 

7  That  ^  I  might  not  be  uplifted  overhighly  by  the  pre-eminence  of  the 

revelations,  a  thorn  in  the  liesh  was  given  me. 
An  ano-el  of  Satan  to  buffet  me,  that  1  might  not  be  uplifted  over- 
highly. 

8  Three  times  over  this  I  appealed  to  the  Lord,  that  it  might  leave  me  ; 

9  yet  he  has  said  to  me,  "  My  grace  is  enough  for  thee  :  for  in  weakness 
my  power  is  perfected."     Eight  gladly  then  will  I  rather  exult  in  my 

10  weaknesses,  that  the  power  of  Christ  may  settle  upon  me.  Wherefore 
on  behalf  of  Christ  I  take  delight  in  weaknesses,  in  insults,  in 
troubles,  in  persecutions  and  calamities.  For  when  I  am  weak,  then  am 
I  strong. 

11  I  have  become  "  senseless  "  1  It  was  you  who  compelled  me  to  it.  For 
I  ought  to  have  been  commended  by  you.    "  Nothing  "  though  I  am,  in  no 

12  whit  have  I  been  inferior  to  those  superlative  apostles  !  The  signs  of  an 
apostle  were  indeed  effected  among  you  in  all  endurance,  by  signs  and 

13  wonders  and  miraculous  powers.  For  in  what  way  were  you  rendered 
inferior  to  the  rest  of  the  Communities,  except  in  the  fact  that  personally 

14  1  was  no  encumbrance  to  you  ?    Forgive  me  this  terrible  wrong  ! 

Look,  for  the  third  time  now  I  am  ready  to  visit  you.    Nor  will  I  be  any 
encumbrance  to  you.     I  seek  not  your  goods  but  yourselves  :  children 

15  ought  not  to  lay  u]i  for  parents,  but  parents  for  children.  And  riglit 
gladly  will  I  spend  and  be  spent  entirely  for  your  souls.     If  I  love  you 

IG  more  and  more,  am  I  to  be  loved  the  less?  But "  that  is  granted"  :  I, 
you   admit — I   did   not  come   upon   you  as  a   burden.     No,  but  I  was 

17  "crafty,"  you  say,  "and  caught  you  by  guile"?     Did  I  take  advantage 

18  of  you  by  any  of  the  men  whom  I  desjjatched  to  you '?  I  appealed  to 
Titus,  and  despatched  the  brother  along  with  him.  Did  Titus  take  any 
advantage  of  you  ?  Did  he  and  I  not  proceed  in  the  same  spirit  ?  in  the 
same  steps  ? 

19  Do  you  imagine  all  this  time  that  we  are  "defending  ourselves  to 
you"?     It  is  before  God  that  we  speak,  in  Christ ;  and  all  is  for  your 

20  upbuilding,  beloved.  For  I  am  afraid  that  perhaps  I  may  come  and 
find  you  are  not  what  I  would  like  to  find,  and  that  you  may  find 
me  not  Avhat  you  would  like  to  find  ;  afraid  there  may  perhaps  be 
quarrelling,  jealousy,  angry  passions,  factions,  accusations,  secret  slanders, 

1  Omitting  iti. 


12-^-13^'^]     THE    INTERMEDIATE    LETTER   TO    CORINTH       183 

21  lofty  ways,  disorders  ;  afraid  that  my  God  will  humiliate  me  before  you 
when  I  return,  and  that  I  shall  mourn  for  many  of  those  who  were  pre- 
viously in  sin,  yet  have  not  repented  of  the  impurity  and  fornication  and 
sensuality  which  they  practised. 
13  1        For  the  third  time  now  I  am  coming  to  you  :  on  the  statements  of  two 

2  witnesses  or  three  every  case  shall  be  decided.  I  have  said  and  I  now  say 
beforehand  (as  when  I  was  present  for  the  second  time,  so  now  when  I 

3  am  absent)  to  those  who  were  previously  in  sin,  and  to  all  the  rest  :  if 
I  come  again,  I  will  be  unsparing — since  you  require  a  proof  of  the 
Christ  who  speaks  in  me.     Nor  is  he  weak  among  you,  he  shows  himself 

4  powerful  in  you  ;  for  he  was  indeed  crucified  in  virtue  of  weakness,  yet 
he  lives  in  virtue  of  the  power  of  God.     And  truly  we  are  weak  in  him, 

5  but  we  shall  live  with  him,  in  virtue  of  the  power  of  God  among  you.  Try 
yourselves,  to  see  if  you  are  in  the  faith.  Put  yourselves  to  the  test.  Do 
you  not  understand  yourselves,  that  Jesus  Christ  is  within  you  1 — unless 

6  indeed  you  are  reprobates.     (As  for  ourselves,  I  hope  you  will  find  we 

7  are  no  reprobates.)  We  pray  to  God  that  you  may  do  no  evil ;  not  that 
we  may  appear  as  men  of  genuine  character,  Ijut  that  you  may  do  what 

8  is  good,  though  we  may  look  like  reprobates.     For  we  have  no  power 

9  against  tlie  truth,  but  for  the  truth.     Yes,  we  rejoice  when  we  are  weak 
10  and  you  are  strong  ;   it  is  your  development  that  we  pray  for.     I  am 

writing  thus  in  absence,  so  that  when  I  am  present  I  may  not  have  to 
deal  severely,  in  virtue  of  the  authority  which  the  Lord  has  given  me  to 
upbuild,  not  to  throw  you  down.  ... 


In  tlie  first  place,  it  shows  pre-eminently  liow  completely  tlie  apostle  was 
master  of  his  mood.  The  letter  is,  from  beginning  to  end,  one  of  mood  ;  but 
the  mood,  far  from  being  identical,  varies  constantly.  .  .  .  And  yet  there  is 
neither  vacillation  nor  contradiction.  As  each  is  roused  and  warranted  by 
circumstances,  so  he  remains  master  of  all.  He  throws  his  whole  being  into 
every  emotion,  and  he  is  always  the  same.  .  .  .  The  second  feature  disclosed 
pre-eminently  by  this  letter  is  the  interchange  of  the  particular  and  the 
universal,  the  mingling  of  the  discussion  of  the  subject  in  hand  with  instruction 
in  the  highest  matters.  The  letter,  which  at  a  first  glance  is  entirely  concerned 
with  the  questions  and  interests  of  the  day,  yet  contains,  in  the  midst  of 
these,  passages  which  belong  to  the  most  important  sources  for  the  doctrine  of 
the  apostle  as  a  whole.  ...  It  may  be  said  that  not  even  the  slightest  point 
is  discussed  without  a  universal  application,  without  a  reference  to  that  which 
is  ultimate  and  supreme.  The  look  that  has  just  been  fixed  upon  the  near- 
lying  scene  passes  immediately  to  the  distant  prospects.— Weizsacker. 


1^-"        Epistolary  intr-oduction. 

Ii2_7if.  Paul  as  an  apostle  : 

Personal  explanations  and  vindication— 
2^--4^  an  apostle's  ministry, 

47-510  J  J         ,,        sufferings, 

5"-6i"  ,,         ,,        life. 

gn_yi6  Epilogue  :  final  appeal  to  the  Corinthians. 

8-9        The  collection  : 

Christian  liberality : 

,      rthe  Macedonians. 
Its  examines  J  ^         r^-,    ■  j. 
'-       \^ Jesus  Christ. 

Its  principle  and  issues. 


II.  COEINTHIANS 

1   1  Paul,    an    apostle    of   Clirist    Jesus    tlirough   the   will   of    God,    and 
Timothei;s  the  brother, 

to  the  Community  of  God  which  is  in  Gorintli,  along  with  all  tlie 
saints  who  are  in  the  whole  of  Achaia  : 

2  grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

3  Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Father 

4  of  tender  mercies  and  God  of  all  comfort,  who  comforts  us  in  all  our 
distress,  that  we  may  be  able  to  comfort  those  who  are  in  any  distress 
by  means  of  the   comfort  with   which  we  are   comforted  ourselves   by 

5  God  ;  for  just  as  the  sufferings  of  Christ  abound  for  us,  so  our  comfort 

6  also  abounds  through  Christ.  Are  we  in  distress  1  it  is  for  your  comfort 
and  salvation  ;  are  we  comforted  ?  it  is  for  your  comfort — a  comfort  whose 
effect  is  the  patient  endurance  of  the  same  sufferings  as  we  also  suffer. 

7  And  our  hope  for  you  is  firm,  since  we  know  that  as  you  share  in  the 

8  sufferings,  so  you  share  also  in  the  comfort.  For  we  would  not 
have  you  ignorant,  brothers,  with  regard  to  the  distress  which  befell  us 
in  Asia.     Beyond  measure,  past  our  strength,  we  were  weighed  down,  so 

9  that  we  despaired  even  of  life.  Yes,  for  ourselves  we  decided  the  end 
must  be  death — it  was  to  make  us  rely  not  on  ourselves  but  on  God, 

10  who  raises  the  dead,  who  rescued,  us  out  of  so  terrible  a  death  and 
rescues  now,^  on  whom  our  hope  is  set  that  he  will  also  rescue  us  still  ; 

11  while  you  also  co-operate  on  our  behalf  by  prayer,  in  order  that  on  the 
part  of  many  persons  thanks  may  be  given  on  our  behalf  for  the  boon 
bestowed  upon  us. 

12  For  the  cause  of  our  exulting  lies  in  the  evidence  of  our  conscience, 
that  it  was  in  holiness  and  godly  sincerity,  not  with  fleshly  cunning 
but  with  God's  grace,  that  we  conducted  ourselves  in   the  world,  and 

13  especially  towards  you.  We  are  not  writing  you  anything  else  than  what 
you  read,  or  in  point  of  fact  acknowledge.     And  to  the  end,  I  hope,  you 

14  will  acknowledge — as  also  you  have  partly  acknowledged  us — that  we 
are  your  reason  for  exulting,  as  also  you  are  ours,  in  the  day  of  our 

15  Lord  Jesus.  And  it  was  with  this  confidence  that  I  meant  to 

16  come  to  you  before,  that  you  might  have  a  second  beneftt :  intending  to 
pass  through  you  to  Macedonia,  and  from  Macedonia  to   come   to  you 

17  again,  and  be  sped  by  vou  on  my  journey  to  Judaea.  With  this  in  view, 
then,  did  I  display  fickleness  ?  Or  do  I  make  my  proposals  according 
to  the  flesh,  so  as  to  be  one  who  practically  means  "yes"   as  well  as 

18  "no"?     As  God  is  faithful,  our  word  to  you  was   not  "yes   and  no." 

19  For  the  Son  of  God,  Christ  Jesus,  who  was  proclaimed  among  you  by 
us  (by  myself  and   Silvanus  and  Timothens)  was  not  "yes  and  no''; 

20  in  him  "  yes  "  has  come  to  be.  For  in  him  is  the  "  yes  "  to  all  God  s 
promises ;  therefore  through  him  also  comes  the  "  amen,"  to  the  honour 

1  Reading  puiran. 
185 


186  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l-^-S^*' 

21  of  God  through  us.     Now  he  who  confirms  us  with  you  in  Christ  and 

22  anointed  us,  is  God :  who  also  sealed  us  as  his  own  and  set  the  pledge 
and  instalment  of  the  Spirit  in  our  hearts. 

23  I'  call   God  to  witness  against  my  soul,  it  was  to  spare  you  that  I 

24  forbore  to  revisit  Corinth.  (Not  that  we  exercise  lordshij)  over  your 
faith.     Nay,  we  work  together  for   your  joy.      For  by  your  faith  you 

1,  2  stand.)     I  decided  that  I  would  not  visit  you  again  in  sorrow.     For  if  I 
make  you  sorrowful,  then  who  is  to  make  me  glad  ?  who  but  he  who  is 

3  made  sorrowful  by  me?  and  I  wrote  just  for  this  reason,  in  case  upon 
my  arrival  I  might  have  sorrow  from  those  who  ought  to  furnish  me 
with  joy;  confident  as  I  am  in  you  all,  that  my  joy  is  the  joy  of  you 

4  all.  For  it  was  out  of  much  distress  and  misery  of  heart  that  I  wrote 
you,  with  many  tears  ;  not   to   make  you  sorrowful,  but  to  make  yoix 

5  realise  the  love  which  I  have  for  you  especially.  If  anj^one  has 
caused  sorrow,  he  has  not  caused  sorrow  to  me,  but  to  you  all ;  at  least — 

6  not  to  be  too  severe — to  a  section  of  you.     This  punishment  from  the 

7  majority  is  enough  for  the  individual  in  question,  so  that  on  the 
contrary  you  should  rather  forgive  him  and  comfort  him,  lest  haply  the 

8  man  be  swallowed  up  by  excessive  sorrow.     Wherefore  I  appeal  to  you 

9  to  ratify  your   love   to   him.     For  it   was  with  this  object  that  I  also 

10  wrote,  to  find  out  the  proof  of  your  obedience  in  every  j^oint.  The 
man  whom  you  forgive  for  anything,  I  forgive  also.  And  truly  what- 
ever I  have   forgiven,  :ny  forgiveness  has  been  for  your   sakes  in   the 

1 1  presence  of  Christ — to  prevent  Satan  from  taking  any  advantage  of  us  ; 

12  for  well  do  we  know  his  schemes.  Now  on  arriving  at  Troas  to 
preach  the  gospel  of  Christ,  even  although  a  door  stood  open  for  me  in  the 

13  Lord,  I  got  no  relief  for  my  spirit,  since  I  did  not  find  Titus  my  brother  ; 

14  so  I  took  leave  of  them  and  departed  to  Macedonia.  Thanks  be  to  God 
Avho   ever   makes   our   life  a  pageant   of  triumph   in   Christ,    and  dis- 

15  closes  through  us  in  every  place  the  odour  of  his  knowledge  !  For  to 
God  we  are  a  fragrance  of  Christ,  in  the  saved  and  in  the  perishing  : 

16  to  these  an  odour  of  ^  death  to  death,  to  those  an  odour  of  ^  life  to  life. 

17  (And  who  is  qualified  for  this?)  For  we  are  not  like  the  majority  who 
adulterate  the  word  of  God  ;  nay,  out  of  sincerity,  from  God,  thus  it  is 
we  speak  in  Christ  before  God. 

3  1        Are  we   beginning   once    more   "  to   comnn'ud  ourselves  "  ?    or    do 
we  require,    like   some   people,    letters    of    commendation    to    you    or 

2  from   you  ?     You  are  yourselves  our  letter,  written  within  our  hearts, 

3  recognised  and  read  by  all  men.  It  is  plain,  to  look  at  you,  that 
you  are  a  letter  of  Christ,  executed  by  our  ministry,  written  not 
with   ink,  but  with    the   Spii'it   of  the   living   God,  not    on   tablets   of 

4  stone,  but   on   tablets   that   are  hearts   of  flesh. — Such   is   the  confidence 

5  we  have  through  Christ  toAvards  God.  It  is  not  that  we  are  personally 
(qualified  to  form  any  judgment  by  our  unaided  selves  ;   our  qualifica- 

6  tion  is  from  God,  who  has  also  qualified  us  to  be  ministers  of  a  new 
covenant,    not    of    written   law   but   of   spirit.      For  the   written   law 

7  puts  to  death,  but  the  spirit  makes  alive.  Now  if  the  ministry  of 
death,  engraved  in  letters  of  stone,  was  accompanied  with  such 
sjjlendour  that  the  sons  of  Israel  could   not  gaze  on  the  face  of  Moses 

8  for  the  s2)lendour  of  his  face—a  splendour  that  was  waning — surely  the 

9  ministiy  of  the  Spirit  shall  be  of  still  greater  splendour  ?  For  if 
splendour  l)elongs  to  the  ministry  of  condemnation,  far  far  more  does 

10  the  ministry  of  uprightness  excel  in  splendour.     Indeed  in  this  respect 
1  Omitting  ix. 


3^^-4^^]  II.    CORINTHIANS  187 

^ohat   has    been    made  splendid   possesses   no   s2Jlendour,    in   view   of  the 

11  splendour    that    is    surjiassing.     For   if   the    appearance    of    what  was 

waning  was  splendid,  then  splendid  far  far  more  is  what  remains. 

12,  13        Since  then  we  have  such  a  hope,  we   use  great  openness,   and  are 

not  like  Moses,  who  used  to  iiut  a  veil  upon  his  face,  to  prevent  the  sons 

14  of  Israel  gazing  on  the  end  of  what  was  waning.  Moreover  their  minds 
have  been  hardened.  For  to  this  very  day,  upon  the  reading  of  the 
old  covenant,  the  same  veil  remains.     Veiled  to  them  the  fact  that  it 

15  has  v/aned  in  Christ  !      Yes,  down    to   this    day,  whensoever    Moses  is 

16  read,  a  veil  lies  on  their  heart.     But  whensoever  they  turn  to  the  Lord,  the 

17  veil   is   taken   away.     The  Lord  is  the  Spirit:    where  the  Spirit  of  the 

18  Lord  is,  there  freedom  is.  And  while  we  all,  with  face  unveiled, 
behold  as  in  a  mirror  the  splendour  of  the  Lord,  we  are  transformed  into 
that  very  image  from  splendour  to  splendour,  even  as  by  the  Spirit  of 
the  Lord. 

4  1         Therefore,    after    the    mercy    we    have    obtained,    we   do   not  lose 

•1  heart  in  this,  our  ministry.     The  practices  which  very  shame  conceals, 

we   have   disowned  ;    we   do   not   proceed  by  craft  or  falsify  the  word 

of  God,  but  by  the  disclosure  of  the  truth  we   commend   ourselves   to 

3  every  man's  conscience  in  the  sight  of  God.     And  even  if  our  gospel 

4  is  veiled,  it  is  veiled  for  the  perishing  ;  in  their  case  the  god  of  this 
age  has  blinded  the  minds  of  the  unbelieving  so  that  no  ray  should 
reach  them  from  the  radiance  of  the  gospel  of  the  splendour  of  Christ, 

5  who  is  the  image  of  God.  For  it  is  not  ourselves  that  we  preach,  it  is 
Christ  Jesus  as  Lord  and  ourselves  as  your  slaves  for  the  sake  of  Jesus. 

G  For  the  God  who  said,  "  Out  of  darkness  light  shall  shine,"  is  he  who 
shone  within  our  hearts  to  irradiate  the  knowledge  of  God's  splendour  in 
the  face  of  Christ. 

7  But  this  treasure  we  hold  in  earthen  vessels. 

That  the  pre-eminence  of  the  power  may  be  God's,  not  due  to  us — 

8  In  everything  distressed  yet  not  straitened, 
perplexed  yet  not  despairing, 

9  persecuted  yet  not  forsaken, 
prostrate  yet  not  destroyed, 

10  Bearing  about  ever  in  the  body  the  dying  of  Jesus, 

That  the  life  of  Jesus  also  may  be  disclosed  in  our  body  : 

11  For  we   who   live   are   always  "^being  delivered   to  death   for  Jesus' 

sake, 
That  the  life  of  Jesus  also  may  be  disclosed  in  our  mortal  flesh. 
12,  13        In  us  then  death  is  active,  in  you  life.     Yet  having  the  same  spirit  of 
faith  as  that  whereof  it  is  written,  I  believed:  therefore  I  spoke— \Ye  too 

14  believe,  and  therefore  speak  ;  since  we  know  that  he  who  raised  up  the 
Lord  Jesus  shall  also  raise  us  up  with  Jesus  and  present  us  witli  you. 

15  All  is  for  your  sakes,  that  grace  multiplied  may  cause  thanksgiving  to 
abound  through  the  greater  number  to  the  honour  of  God. 

16  Wherefore  we  lose  not  heart  : 

Although  our  outer  man  decays, 

Day  after  day  our  inner  man  is  renewed. 

17  For  the  moment's  >  light  distre.ss  results  for  us  in  an  eternal  weight  of 
majesty  : 

18  While  we  look  not  at  the  seen,  but  at  the  unseen, 

For  the  seen  is  for  a  time. 
But  the  unseen  is  eternal. 

1  Oiiiittiug  V'''"- 


188  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [5^-6^ 

5  1         For  we  know  tliat  if  our  earthly  house  of  the  tabernacle  be  taken  down, 

We  have  a  building  from  God,  a  house  that  no  hands  made,  eternal 
in  the  heavens. 

2  And  truly  this  is  why  we  groan, 

As  we  yearn  to  be  clothed  upon  witli  our  habitation  from  heaven  ; 

3  Seeing  that  once  it  is  put  on,  we  shall  not  indeed  be  found  naked. 

4  And  truly  we  who  are  in  this  tabernacle  do  groan  under  the  l^urden, 

tSince  our  desire  is  not  to  be  unclothed,  but  clothed  upon, 
To  have  mortality  swallowed  up  by  life. 

5  For  this  very  end  has  he  formed  us. 

Even  the  God  who  gave  us  the  pledge  and  instalment  of  the  Spirit. 

6  So  then  we  are  ever  confident,  knowing  that  for  us  to  be  at  home  in 

7  the  body  is  to  be  abroad  from  the  Lord  (for  the  sphere  of  our  walk  is 

8  faith,  not  appearances) — we  are  confident,  I  say,  and  would  far  sooner  be 

9  abroad  from  the  l)ody  and  at  home  with  the  Lord.     Wherefore  we  also 
make  it  our  ambition,  whether  at  home  or  abroad,  to  be  well-pleasing  to 

10  him.  For  we  must  all  be  exposed  before  the  tribunal  of  Christ,  that 
each  may  be  paid  back  for  what  he  has  done  witli  the  body,  according  to 
his  deeds,  be  they  good  or  ill. 

11  Knowing  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  then,  we  "try  to  win  over  men."  But 
what  we  are  is  plain  to  God  ;  plain  also,  as  I  hope,  within  your  consciences. 

12  We  are  not  "  commending  ourselves  to  you  "  again,  but  giving  you  an 
opportunity  to  exult  on  our  behalf,  that  yovr  may  have  some  answer  for 

13  those  who  exult  in  appearance  and  not  in  heart.  We  have  "gone  out  of 
our  mind  "  ?  that  is  God's  concern.     We  are  "  in  our  senses  "  ?  that  is  in 

14  your  interest.    For  it  is  the  love  of  Christ  that  urges  us :  because  our  con- 

15  viction  is  that  one  died  on  behalf  of  all—so  then  all  died — and  died  on 
behalf  of  all,  in  order  that  the  living  might  live  no  longer  for  themselves 

16  but  for  him  who  died  and  rose  again  on  their  behalf.  So,  as  for 
us,  from  henceforth  we  know  no  man  after  the  flesh.  Even  though  we 
have  known  Christ  after  the  flesh,  yet  now  we  know  him  thus  no  more. 

17  Therefore,  if  anyone  is  in  Christ,  there  is  a  new  creation  :  the  old  things 

18  have  passed  away,  behold,  they  have  become  new  !  And  it  is  all  of  God, 
who  reconciled  iis  to  himself  through  Christ  and  gave  us  the  ministry  of 

19  reconciliation,  whose  pur])ort  is  :  God  was  reconciling  the  world  to  him- 
self in  Christ,  not  reckoning  to  them  their  trespasses  _;  and  he  has  placed 

20  with  us  the  word  of  reconciliation.  On  Christ's  behalf  then  we 
are  envoys,  as  though  by  us  God  made  appeal.    We  entreat  you  on  behalf 

21  of  Christ,  accept  reconciliation  to  God.     Him  who  knew  no  sin  he  made 

6  1  to  be  sin  for  us,  that  we  might  become  God's  uprightness  in  him.     As  his 

i'ellow-workers  we  appeal  to  you  also  not  to  receive  the  grace  of  God  in 

2  vain — for  he  saith, 

ylt  an  an;  j,/i,hl,  fiuir  T  hcadr.iin!  to  thee, 

An, I  in  a  -/<(//  ,./' .sw/,-w//„;,   /  In  I  jicd  thee. 
Lo  iiDW  is  the  hiijlilij  itccrjiiulilr  I  line! 

Lo  now  is  the  day  of  salvation — 

3  and  we  give  no  occasion  for  stumbling  at  any  ])oint,  that  oui-  ministry 

4  may  not  be  impugned.  No,  as  ministers  of  God  we  commend  ourselves 
in  every  point,  in  much  endurance,  amid  distresses,  amid  troubles,  amid 

5  calamities,  amid  stripes,  amid  imprisonments,  amid  tumults,  amid  labours, 

6  amid  vigils,  amid  fastings,  in  purity,  in  knowledge,  in  long-sutt'ering,  in 

7  kindness,  in  the  holy  Spirit,  in  love  unfeigned,  in  the  word  of  truth,  in 
the  power  of  God  :  by  the  wea])()ns  of  uprightness  in  the  right  hand  and 

8  in  the  left,  by  credit  and  dishonour,  by  evil  report  and  good  report,  as 


6^1*]  II.    CORINTHIANS  189 

9  "impostors"  yet  truthful,  as  "unknown"  yet  well  known,  as  dyinf/  yet 

10  lo  !  ive  live,  as  chastised  yet  not  put  to  death,  as  sorrowful  but  ever  rejoicing, 
as  poor  but  enriching  many,  as  having  nothing  yet  possessed  of  everything. 

11  We  keep  nothing  back  from  you,  Corinthians  ;  our  heart  is  ivide  open. 
12,  13  Your  constraint  lies  not  in  us,  it  lies  in  your  own  hearts.     Now  one  good 

turn  deserves  another  (I  am  speaking  as  to  my  cliildren),  be  you  wide 
14  open  too.     Share  no  incongruous  yoke  with  unbelievers. 

For  what  partnership  can  exist  between  uprightness  and  wickedness  ? 
Or  what  has  light  in  common  with  darkness  ? 
1.5  What  harmony  has  Christ  with  Beliarl 

Or  what  part  has  a  believer  with  an  unbeliever  ? 

16  What  compact  has  God's  sanctuary  with  idols  ? 

For  we  are  the  sanctuary  of  the  living  God  :   even  as  God  said, 
"I  ■vjill  dwell  ill  them  and  walk  in  tliern, 

And  I  mil  he  their  God  and  they  shall  he  my  'people. 

17  Therefore,  come  out  from  the  midst  of  them  and  he  separcUe,"  saith  the 

Lord. 
"  And  touch  nothing  unclean,  and  I  will  welcome  you  with  favour : 

18  So  %cill  I  he  to  you  a  father,  and   to  me   you  shall  be  sons   and 

daughters," 
Saith  the  Lord.  Almighty. 
7   1  As  we  possess  these  promises,  then,  beloved,  let  us  cleanse  ourselves  from  all 
defilement  of  flesh  and  spirit,  perfecting  holiness  in  the  fear  of  God. 
■1        Take  us  into  your  hearts.     We  have  wronged  no  one,  we  ha\'e  ruined 

3  no  one,  we  have  taken  advantage  of  no  one.  I  am  not  speaking  to 
condemn  you  ;    I  have  said  before  that  you   are  in  our  hearts  to  die 

4  together  and  to  live  together.  Great  is  m}^  frank  confidence  in  regard  to 
you,  greatly  do  I  exult  on  your  behalf  amid  all  our  distress.     I  am  full 

5  of  cheer,  brimming  over  with  delight.  For  even  when  we  came 
to  Macedonia  our  flesh  got  no  relief,  we  were  in  utter  distress — it  was 

6  wrangles  without,  fears  within.     But  the  God  who  cheers  the  depressed 

7  cheered  us  by  the  arrival  of  Titus  ;  and  it  was  not  merely  by  his  arrival, 
but  also  by  the  cheer  with  which  he  had  been  encouraged  over  you,  as  he 
reported  to  us  your  longing,  your  mourning,  your  zeal  for  me,  so  that  I 

8  rejoiced  more  and  more.  For  though  I  caused  you  sorrow  with  my  letter, 
I  do  not  regret  it.     I  had  regrets,  it  is  true,  when  I  discovered  ^  that  that 

9  letter  had  caused  you  sorrow  (though  it  was  only  for  a  time) ;  but,  as 
matters  stand,  I  rejoice — not  because  you  had  sorrow,  but  because  you 
had  sorrow  to  repentance.     For  you  had  sorrow  in  God's  way,  that  you 

10  might  suffer  no  loss  through  us;  "for  sorrow  in  God's  way  results  in  repent- 
ance to  salvation — a  repentance  not  to  be  regretted — but  the  sorrow  of 

11  the  world  results  in  death.  Look  at  this  very  fact,  that  you  were  caused 
sorrow  in  God's  way  !  what  earnest  care  was  its  result  in  you,  yes  and 
clearing  of  yourselves,  yes  and  indignation,  yes  and  fear,  yes  and  longing, 
yes  and  zeal,  yes  and  punishment !     You  gave  every  proof  that  you  were 

12  innocent  in  the  business.  So  then,  although  I  wrote  to  you,  it  was  not 
for  the  sake  of  him  who  did  the  wrong,  nor  for  the  sake  of  him  who  was 
wronged,  but  in  order  to  make  clear  to  yourselves  in  the  sight  of  God 

13  how  earnestly  you  care  for  us.  Hence  our  cheer.  But  over 
and  above  our  own  cheer  we  rejoiced  more  abundantly  than  ever  at  the 

14  joy  of  Titus,  because  you  had  all  refreshed  his  spirit.  For  I  was  not 
put  to  shame  over  any  exultation  that  I  had  made  to  hinr  upon  your 
behalf  ;  but  as  all  that  we  said  to  you  was  true,  so  our  exulting  on  your 

1  Reading  ^hiiroiv :  omitting  [[;<«(>]]. 


190  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [7^''-9" 

15  belialf  before  Titus  proved  also  to  be  truth.  And  his  affection  for  you  is 
all  the  greater  as  he  recalls  the  obedience  of  you  all,  and  how  you  received 

16  him  with  fear  and  trembling.  I  rejoice  that  in  everything  you  give  me 
confidence. 

8  1        Now  we  would  inform  you,  brothers,  about  the  grace  of  God  which 

2  has  been  given  to  the  Communities  of  Macedonia.  Amid  a  severe  ordeal 
of  distress,  their  abundant  joy  and  their  deep  poverty  have  had  an  abund- 

3  ant  issue  in  rich  generosity  upon  their  part ;  up  to  their  means  (I  bear 

4  witness)  and  beyond  their  means,  they  of  their  own  free  will  besought  us 
with  ui'gent  entreaty  for  the  favour  of  jjarticipating  in  the  ministry  to 

5  the  saints.  And  they  surpassed  our  expectations.  They  actually  gave 
themselves — first  to  the  Lord,  to  begin  with,  and  to  us  by  the  will  of  God. 

6  So  much  so  that  we  appealed  to  Titus  to  get  this  bounty  conii)leted  among 

7  you  also,  since  it  was  he  who  had  previously  made  a  beginning.  Come, 
as  you  excel  in  everything,  in  faith  and  speech  and  knowledge  and  all 
earnestness  and  in  your  love  to  us,  excel  also  in  this  bounty. 

8  I  do  not  speak  by  way  of  command,  but  through  the  earnestness  of  others 

9  I  would  put  the  genuineness  of  your  love  also  to  the  proof.  [For  you  know 
the  bounteous  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  ;  how  for  your  sakes,  rich 
though  he  was,  he  became  poor,  that  through  his  poverty  you  might 

10  grow  rich.]  Still,  on  this  subject  I  give  my  opinion  (it  is  for  your  own 
advantage,  you  who  a  year  ago  were  the  first  not  only  in  deed  but  also  in 

11  desire  to  make  a  beginning) ;  complete  tlie  deed  now  as  well  as  the  desire, 
so  that  after  your  readiness  in  desiring  you  may  likewise  complete  the 

12  doing,  in  proportion  to  what  you  possess.  For  if  the  readiness  is  there,  it 
is  right  welcome — according  to  what  a  man  has,  not  according  to  what  he 

13  has  not.     This  does  not  mean  ease  for  other  people  and  hardship  for  you  : 

14  it  is  a  matter  of  equality.  On  the  present  occasion  your  abundance  serves 
to  supply  their  lack,  in  order  that  their  abundance  also  may  come  to 
suj)ply  your  lack  ;  so  that  there  may  be  equality,  even  as  it  is  written  : 

15  He  whose  gathering  was  large  had  nothing  over, 

And  he  lohose  gathering  xms  small  had  not  too  little. 

16  Now  thanks  be  to  God  for  putting  into  the  heart  of  Titus  the  same 

17  earnest  care  of  you.    For,  while  he  accepted  our  api^eal,  he  has  gone  off  to 

18  you  of  his  own  free  will,  so  earnest  is  he.  And  we  have  sent  along  with 
him  the  brother  whose  praise  in  the  gospel  is  known  throughout  all  the 

19  Communities :  further,  he  was  also  appointed  by  the  Communities  as  our 
fellow-traveller  in  the  matter  of  this  bounty  which  we  are  administering 

20  for  the  honour  of  the  Lord  and  with  encouragement  to  ourselves.  (We  are 
taking  precautions  to  prevent  anyone  from  imjjugning  us  in  reference  to 

21  this  munificence  which  we  are  administering;  for  our  concern  is  for  what  is 
honourable  not  only  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  but  also  in  the  sight  of  men.) 

22  Along  with  them  we  have  also  sent  our  brother,  of  whose  earnestness  we 
have  had  proof  many  a  time  and  in  many  a  matter,  but  yet  stronger  proof 

23  now  in  the  great  confidence  which  he  has  with  regard  to  you.  As  for  Titus, 
he  is  my  comrade  and  fellow-worker  in  your  interest.    As  for  our  brothers, 

24  they  are  messengers  from  the  Communities,  a  credit  to  Christ.  Afford  ' 
them  the  proof  of  your  love,  then,  our  warrant  for  exulting  on  your 

9  1  acccount  before  the  Communities.  For  it  is  superfluous  for  me 

2  to  be  writing  you  on  the  ministry  to  the  saints.  I  know  your  readiness 
and  exult  over  it  on  your  account  to  the  Macedonians  ;  "  Achaia,"  I  tell 
them,  "has  been  prepared  for  a  year  back."     And  your  zeal  has  been  a 

3  stimulus  to  the  most  of  them.    But  I  have  sent  the  brothers  lest  our  exulta- 

1  Reading  8»?s/{««-9i. 


94-i5_j  311-13]  jj_    CORINTHIANS  191 

tiou  on  your  account  be  rendered  void  in  this  particular,  that  you  may 

4  be  (as  I  have  been  telling  them  you  would  be)  "  prepared  "  ;  lest  ha[)ly, 
should  any  Macedonians  accompany  me  and  find  you  unprepared,  we  (not 

5  to  say,  you)  might  be  put  to  shame  over  this  confidence.  I  have  therefore 
considered  it  needful  to  a]>peal  to  the  brothers  to  go  on  to  you  and  make 
up  beforehand  your  long-promised  liberality,  so  that  it  might  be  ready  as 

6  a  matter  of  liberality  and  not  of  grudging  avarice.  Mark  this  ! 

He  who  sows  sparingly,  sparingly  shall  he  also  reap  : 
And  he  who  sows  liberally,  liberally  shall  he  also  reap. 

7  Let   each   one  give  as   he   has   determined  in   his   heart,  without   any 

8  regret  or  compulsion.  For  it  is  a  cheerful  giver  that  God  loves.  And  God 
has  the  power  of  making  all  grace  abound  to  you,  that  on  all  sides,  at  all 
times,  in  all  ways,  you  may  have  sufficient,  and  have  ample  for  every  good 

9  work  :  even  as  it  is  written, 

He  scatters  abroad,  he  gives  to  the  poor  : 
His  cluiritu  lasts  for  ever. 

10  Now  he  who  supj^lies  the  sower  icith  seed  and  toith  bread  for  food,  shall 
supply  and  multiply  your  seed,  and  make  the  fruits  of  your  charity  grow — 

11  as  on  all  sides  you  become  enriched  to  all  generosity,  generosity  that 

12  results  in  thanksgiving  being  offered  through  us  to  God.  For  the  minister- 
ing of  this  service  not  merely  supplies  the  wants  of  the  saints,  but  also 

13  abounds  through  many  a  thanksgiving  to  God.  Through  the  proof 
afforded  by  this  ministry  you  cause  God  to  be  magnified  for  your  sub- 
mission in  confessing  the  gospel  of  Christ  and  for  the  generosity  of  your 

14  contribution  to  them  and  to  all,  while  they  too  pray  for  you  and  long  for 

15  you  on  account  of  the  surpassing  grace  of  God  that  is  with  you.  Thanks 
be  to  God  for  his  unspeakable  gift ! 

11  Farewell,  then,  brothers:  be  at  harmony,  be  encouraged,  be  of  the 
same  mind,  loe  at  peace.    So  shall  the  God  of  love  and  peace  be  with  you. 

12  Salute  one  another  with  a  saints'  kiss. 
All  the  saints  salute  you. 

13  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  the  love  of  God  and  the  com- 
munion of  the  holy  Spirit  be  with  you  all. 


The  epistle  to  the  Romans  marks  the  exact  point  at  whicli  controversy 
resolves  itself  naturally  into  dogma.  The  apostle's  doctrine,  disentangled  from 
external  incidents,  is  raised  to  a  higher  level  and  attains  a  freer  and  fuller 
development.  Escaping  from  the  violent  antitliesis  by  which  it  was  hitherto 
dominated,  it  tends  towards  a  general  and  culminating  synthesis.  Paul  at  last 
brings  Judaism  and  Paganism  within  the  scope  of  his  contemplation.  He  is 
not  content  to  contrast  them  with  his  gospel,  and  to  condemn  them  purely  and 
simply ;  he  endeavours  to  understand  them  in  their  historical  function  and 
actual  value,  to  assign  them  their  due  place  as  transitional  but  essential  stages 
in  the  Divine  plan  of  redemption.  In  this  manner  the  new  circle  of  Pauline 
thought  is  enlarged  and  completed.  Having  taken  possession  of  the  sphere  of 
the  conscience,  it  conquers  the  domain  of  history.  The  epistle  to  the  Romans 
is  the  first  attempt  at  what  we  should  call,  in  modern  phrase,  a  philosophy  of 
the  religious  history  of  mankind. — Sa.ba.tier. 


1^"^"   Introduction. 

ii8_52i  Dogrmatic :  Uprightness,  missed  by  Paganism  and 

Judaism, 
attainable  by  faith  in  Christ.     Evidence 
for  this  in 
3^1-425  the  OT  and  the  Law-the 

problem     of     Abraham 
and  his  faith, 
5^"^^  the  Christian  experience, 

5^2'-^  the  history  of  humanity — 

Adam  and  Jesus. 
6-S  Obligations  of  this   Christian    freedom : 

the  problem  of  sin, 
the  problem  of  the  moral  law. 
The  career  of  life  in  the  Christian  spirit. 
9-11  The  problem  of  Israel :  rejection  of  Israel  in  relation 

to  God's  purpose  and  justice — 
its  cause  and  significance. 

12-14^^  Ethical :  A  cycle  of  Christian  duties  and  relationships — 
12=*'^"  to  one  another. 

12"-13>''  to  the  world. 

Toleration  and  consideration. 

^514-33  Personal :  Object  of  cjiistlc  :  coming  visit  to  Rome. 
le^'--'  Greetings. 

[16==-=']  Doxology. 


EOMANS 

1  1  Paul,  a  slave  of  Jesus  Christ,  called  to  be  an  apostle,  set  apart  for  the 

2  gospel   of   God — which  he  formerly  promised  by  his  prophets  in  holy 

3  scriptures — concerning   his   Son,    who   was   born    of    David's    offspring 

4  according  to  the  flesh,  and  installed  as  Son  of  God  with  power  according 
to  the  spirit  of  holiness  by  the  resurrection  of  the  dead ;  even  Jesus  Christ 

5  our  Lord,  through  whom  we  received  the  favour  of  being  commissioned 

6  to  secure  obedience  to  the  faith  for  his  name's  sake  among  all  the  nations, 

7  among  whom  you  yourselves  are  also,  called  to  be  Jesus  Christ's  : 

to  all  who  are  in  Rome,  God's  beloved  ones,  called  to  be  saints  ; 
grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the    Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

8  At  the  very  outset,  I  thank  my  God  tluough  Jesus  Christ  for  you  all, 

9  because  your  faith  is  proclaimed  through  the  whole  world.  For  God, 
whom  I  serve  with  my  spirit  in  the  gospel  of  his  Son,  is  my  witness,  that 

10  without  ceasing  I  always  make  mention  of  you  in  my  prayers,  entreating 
that  some  day  at  last  I  may  be  sped  upon  my  way  to  you  by  the  will  of 

11  God.     For  I  am  yearning  to  see  you  that  I  may  impart  to  you  some 

12  spiritual  privilege,  so  that  you  may  be  established  ;  that  is,  so  that  I  also 

13  may  be  comforted  among  you,  I  by  your  faith  as  you  by  mine.  I 
would  not  have  you  ignorant,  brothers,  that  I  often  jjurposed  to  come  to 
you  (yet  up  till  now  I  have  been  prevented)  to  possess  some  fruit  among 

14  you  as  well  as  among  the  rest  of  the  nations.     To  Greeks  and  to  bar- 

15  barians,  to  wise  and  to  foolish,  I  am  debtor.     Hence  my  eagerness  to 

16  preach  the  gospel  to  you  in  Rome  as  well.  For  I  am  not  ashamed  of  the 
gospel ;  it  is  God's  power  for  salvation  to  every  one  who  believes,  to  the 

17  Jew  first  and  also  to  the  Greek.  For  in  it  God's  uprightness  is  revealed 
from  faith  to  faith,  as  it  is  written  :  Noio  hy  faith  shall  the  upright  live. 

18  For  God's  wrath  is  revealed  from  heaven  against  all  the  impiety  and 

19  iniquity  of  men  who  impede  the  truth  by  iniquity  ;  inasmuch  as  what  is 
to  be  known  of  God  is  disclosed  to  them.     God  himself  disclosed  it  to 

20  them  ;  for  from  the  creation  of  the  world  his  invisible  things,  his  ever- 
lasting  power  and  divinity,  are  clearly  seen,   understood  through  the 

21  things  of  his  workmanship.  So  they  are  without  excuse,  inasmuch  as 
they  knew  God  yet  neither  honoured  him  as  God  nor  gave  him  thanks. 
They  were  befooled  as  they  reasoned,  and  their  ignorant  heart  was  dai'k- 

22,  23  ened  ;  pretending  to  be  wise,  they  became  fools  and  exchanged  the  majesty 
of  the  imperishable  God  for  the  likeness  of  an  image  of  perishing  man,  of 

24  birds,  of  things  fourfooted  and  creeping.  Wherefore  God  gave 
them  up  in  the  desires  of  their  hearts  to  impurity,  to  dishonour  their 

25  bodies  among  themselves — men  who  had  exchanged  the  truth  of  God  for 
what  is  false,  worshipping  and  serving  the  created  rather  than  the  Creator, 

26  who  is  blessed  for  ever :  Amen.  Therefore  God  gave  them  up  to  vile 
passions  :  their  women  exchanged  the  sexual  use  that  is  natural  for  the 

^3 


194  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [i27_220 

27  unnatural  ;  and  so  too  the  men,  abandoning  the  natural  use  of  the 
woman,  flamed  w])  in  their  lust  for  one  another,  men  perpetrating  un- 
seemliness with  men  and  receiving  within  themselves  the   due   recom- 

28  pense  of  their  error.  And  as  they  disdained  to  keep  God  in  their 
knowledge,  God  gave  them  up  to  a  reprobate  mind,  to  do  what  is  un- 

29  befitting,  filled  with  all  iniquity,  wickedness,  covetousness,  and  malice, 
full   of   envy,   murder,   quarrelling,    deceit,    and   malignity,  slanderers, 

30  defamers,  loathed  by  God,  outrageous,  haughty,  braggarts,  devisers  of 

31  evil,  disobedient  to  their  parents,  ignorant,  untrue  to  their  word,  without 

32  natural  affection,  unmerciful — men  aware  of  God's  ordinance,  that  those 
who  practise  such  things  deserve  death,  yet  not  only  themselves  doing 
the  very  things,  but  also  applauding  those  who  practise  them. 

2  1        Wherefore  thou  art  without  excuse,  0  man,  whoever  thou  art  that 
judgest ;  in  judging  the  other  man  thou  art  condemning  thyself,  for  thou 

2  that  judgest  art  practising  the  very  things.     We  know  that  the  doom  of 
God  falls  justly  upon  those  who  practise  such  things. 

3  And  dost  thou  imagine,  0  man,  who  judgest  those  who  practise 

such  things  and  doest  the  same  thyself. 
That  thou  shalt  escape  the  doom  of  God  ? 

4  Or  art  thou  despising  the  riches  of  his  kindness  and  forbearance 

and  long-sutt'ering. 
Not  knowing  that  the  kindness  of  God  points  thee  to  repentance  ? 

5  With  thy  stuljbornness  and  impenitent  heart  thou  art  laying  up 

wrath  for  thyself 
At  the  day  of  wrath,  when  the  just  doom  of  God  is  revealed  : 

6  Who  will  render  to  every  man  according  to  his  ivorks, 

7  To  those  who  patiently  in  good  work  seek  praise  and  lionour  and 

the  imperishable, 
eternal  life  ; 

8  But  to  those  who  factiously  disobey  the  truth  and  moreover  obey 

iniquity, 
anger  and  wrath — 

9  Distress  and  calamity  fall  upon  every  human  soul  that  perpetrates  evil. 

Upon  the  Jew  first  and  also  upon  the  Greek  : 

10  But  praise  and  honour  and  peace  are  for  everyone  who  does  what 

is  good. 
For  tlie  Jew  first  and  also  for  the  Greek. 

1 1  For  with  God  there  is  no  respect  of  persons. 

1 2  All  who  have  sinned  apart  from  law, 

Apart  from  law  shall  they  also  perish  : 
And  all  who  have  sinned  under  law, 
By  law  shall  they  be  condemned. 

13  For  those  who  hear  law  are  not  upright  before  God, 

14  It  is  those  that  obey  law  who  shall  be  justified  [For  when  Gentiles 
who  have  no  law  obey  l)y  nature  the  requirement  of  the  law,  they  are  a 

15  law  to  themselves,  although  they  have  no  law — men  who  show  written  in 
their  hearts  the  work  required  by  the  law  ;  while  their  conscience  also 
bears  witness  to  it,  indeed  their  thoughts  accuse  or  it  may  be  defend  them, 

16  one  with  another]  in  the  day  when  God  judges  the  secrets  of  men, 
according  to  my  gospel,  l)y  Jesus  Christ. 

17  But  if  thou  bearest  the  name  of  "Jew,"  relying  on  the  law,  exulting 

18  in  God,  knowing  his  will,  prizing  the  things  that  transcend,  getting  in- 

19  struction  from  the  law,  and  confident  tliat  thou  art  thyself  a  guide  to  the 

20  blind,  a  light  to  those  in  darkness,  a  corrector  of  the  stupid,  a  teacher  of 


2-^-3-^]  ROMANS  195 

children,  since  in  the  law  thou  hast  the  embodiment  of  knowledge  and 

21  truth — well   then,    thou   teacher   of  another  person,   teachest   thou   not 

22  thyself  ?  thou  preacher  against  stealing,  dost  thou  steal  ?  thou  forbidder 
of  adultery,  dost  thou  commit  adultery  ?  thou  detester  of  idols,  dost  thou 

23  rob  temples  ?  thou  who  art  exulting  in  the  law,  art  thou  transgressing  the 

24  law  and  dishonouring  God  ?     Why,  it  is 

owing  to  you  that  God's  name  is  maligned  among  the  Gentiles, 
even  as  it  is  written  ; 

25  Circumcision  is  indeed  of  use,  if  thou  art  observing  the  law  : 

But  if  thou  art  transgressing  the  law,  thy  circumcision  is  turned  to 
uncircumcision. 

26  If  then  the  Uncircumcision  keep  the  ordinance  of  the  law, 

shall  not  its  uncircumcision  be  reckoned  as  circumcision  ? 

27  And  shall  not  the  Uncircumcision  which  by  nature  fulfils  the  law 

judge  thee  who  with  written  laAV  and  circumcision  art   a  trans- 
gressor of  the  law  1 

28  He  is  no  Jew  who  is  one  outwardly, 

nor  is  circumcision  something  outward  in  the  flesh : 

29  He  is  a  Jew  who  is  one  inwardly, 

and  circumcision  is  of  the  heart,  wrought  by  the  spirit  not  by  the 
written  law, 
whose  praise  is  of  God,  not  of  men. 
3  1        What  is  the  Jew's  advantage,  then  ?  or,  what  is  the  use  of  circum- 

2  cision  1    Much  in  every  way.    This  at  the  outset  :  that  the  oracles  of  God 

3  were  intrusted  to  them.     What  though  some  were  unfaithful  ?  is  their 

4  faithlessness  to  annul  the  faithfulness  of  God  ?  God  forbid  !  let  God  be 
truthful,  but  every  man  'perfidious ;  even  as  it  is  written. 

That  thou  mightest  be  vindicated  in  what  thou  sayest, 
And  ivin  when  thou  art  on  trial. 

5  But  if  our  iniquity  establishes  God's  justice,  what  shall  we  say  ?  Is 
God  unjust  because  he  inflicts  wrath  ?     (I  use  a  merely  human  way  of 

6,  7  speaking.)     God  forbid!  otherwise  how  is  he  to  judge  the  world?     If 
through  my  perfidy  the  truth  of  God  redounded  to  his  honour,  says  one, 

8  why  am  I  too  still  judged  then  to  be  a  sinner?  why  not  (as  we  are 
slanderously  reported — and  as  some  people  declare  we  say)  "let  us  do 
evil  that  good  may  come"  ?     Such  conduct  is  justly  condemned. 

9  What  then  ?  are  we  better  oft'  ?  Not  at  all.  For  against  Jews  as  well 
as  Greeks  we  have  already  brought  the  charge  that  all  are  under  sin ; 

10  even  as  it  is  written, 

There  is  none  upright,  not  one ; 

1 1  There  is  none  to  understand,  none  to  seek  after  God  ; 

12  All  have  swerved,  have  turned  had  together, 

There  is  none  to  show  kindness,  not  so  much  as  one. 

13  An  open  sepulchre  is  their  throat. 

With  their  tongues  have  they  deceived, 
Venom  of  asps  is  under  their  lips — 

14  Whose  mouth  is  full  of  cursing  and  bitterness, 

15  Swift  are  their  feet  to  shed  blood, 

16  Destruction  and  calamity  are  in  their  ways, 

17  Ayid  the  way  of  peace  they  have  not  known ; 

18  There  is  no  fear  of  God  before  their  eyes. 

19  Now  we  know  in  all  that  the  law  says,  it  speaks  to  those  who  are 
under  the  law,  that  every  mouth  may  be  stopped  and  all  the  world 

20  brought  under  the  judgment  of  God  ;  inasmuch  as  in  his  sight  no  flesh 


19G  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMP]NT  [z-^-i^'^ 

shall  he  justified  by  deeds  of  law.     For  through  law  is  the  knowledge 
of  sin. 

21  But,  as  it  is,  the  divine  uj^rightness  has  been  disclosed  aj^art  from 

22  law,  though  the  law  and  the  prophets  witness  to  it  ;  that  is,  the  divine 
uprightness  which  through  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  is  for  all  who  believe. 

23  There  is  no  difference  ;  all  have  sinned  and  fall  short  of  the  majesty  of 

24  God,  being  freely  justified  by  his  grace  through  the  redemption  which 

25  is  in  Christ  Jesus,  whom  God  designed  to  be  through  faith  a  sacrifice  of 
propitiation  by  his  blood,  in  proof  of  his  ujarightness,  seeing  that  the 

26  former  sins  had  been  let  pass  through  the  forbearance  of  God — in  proof 
of  his  uprightness  at  the  jiresent  time,  that  he  might  be  just  himself  and 

27  might  justify  the  man  of  faith  in  Jesus.  Then  where  is  the 
exulting  ?     Shut  out.     By  what  kind  of  law  ?  a  law  of  deeds  ?     No,  by  a 

28  law  of  faith.     For  we  reckon  that  a  man  is  justified  by  faith  apart  from 

29  deeds  of  law.    What !  is  God  only  the  God  of  Jews  ?    Is  he  not  the  God  of 

30  Gentiles  also  ?  Assuredly,  of  Gentiles  also,  seeing  that  it  is  one  God  who 
shall  justify  the  Circumcision  in  consecjuence  of  faith  and  the  Uncircum- 

31  cision  through  the  same  faith.  Then  "  through  faith  "  do  "  we  annul  the 
law  "  ?     God  forbid  !  we  uphold  the  law. 

4  1        What  then  shall  we  say  was  gained  by  Aljraham  our  forefather  after 

2  the  flesh  ?     If  "  Abraham  was  justified  by  deeds,"  he  has  something  to 

3  exult  about.    But  not  to  exult  before  God.    For  what  saith  the  scripture  ? 

4  Ahrahdiii  believed  God  and  it  was  counted  to  him  as  upriglttness.     Now  a 

5  worker  has  his  wages  counted  as  a  due,  not  as  a  favour  ;  vv^hereas  one  who 
is  no  worker  but  a  believer  on  him  who  justifies  the  impious,  has  his  faith 

6  counted  as  uprightness.  Just  as  David  also  pronounces  that  man  to  be 
"  happy,"  to  whom  God  counts  uprightness  apart  from  deeds  ; 

7  Happii  they  whose  iniquities  arefunjirni  and  irJmsc  sins  are  covered! 

8  Happy  the  man  to  ichom  the  Lord  vill  nut  ,,1111,1  sin  ! 

9  Is  this  happiness  then  pronounced  for  tlie  ( 'ucunuision,  or  for  the 
Uncircumcision  as  well?     We  say,  Abraham's  faith  ivas  counted  to  him  as 

10  uprightness.     Then  how  was  it  counted  ?     When  he  was  in  circumcision 

11  or  in  uncircumcision?  In  uncircumcision,  not  circumcision.  And  he 
received  the  sign  of  circumcision  as  a  seal  of  the  uprightness  which  belonged 
to  the  faith  he  had  when  he  was  in  uncircximcision,  so  that  he  might 
be  the  father  of  all  who  believe  amid  uneinumcision,  that   uprightness 

12  might  be  counted  to  them,  .'11111  tlie  lallierol'  eiriMnncisi.in  Id  those  who  not 
only  belong  to  the  Circunirisidu  but  also  walk  in  the  steps  of  tliefaitli  which 

13  our  father  Abraham  had  when  he  was  in  uncircumcision.  For 
the  promise  made  to  Abraham  or  to  his  offspring,  that  he  should  be  heir 
of  the  world,  came  not  through  the  law  but  through  the  uprightness  of 

14  faith.     For  if  those  who  are  of  the  law  are  heirs,  then  faith  is  void,  the 

1 5  promise  vain.     (For  the  law  results  in  wrath  ;  but  where  there  is  no  law, 

16  there  is  no  transgression  either.)  Therefore  heirship  is  of  faith,  so  as  to 
be  a  matter  of  grace,  in  order  that  the  promise  may  be  confirmed  to  all 
the  offsjiring,  not  merely  to  the  offspring  which  is  of  the  law,  but  also  to 

17  the  seed  which  is  of  Abraham's  faith  (who  is  father  of  us  all ;  as  it  is 
written  :  father  of  many  nations  have  I  made  thee)  by  the  judgment  of  the 
God  whom  he  believed,  who  makes  the  dead  live  and  calls  into  being  the 

18  things  which  are  not — Abraham,  who  against  hope  believed  in  hope  ;  that 
he  should  he  father  of  many  nations,  according  to  the  saying,  so  shall  thy 

19  offspring  he — without  iM'coming  weak  in  faith,  he  marked  his  own  body, 
which  was  now  as  good  as  dead  (he  was  already  about  a  hundred  years 

20  old),  also  the  deadness  of  Sara's  womb,  yet  hesitated  not  in  unbelief  over 


4"'-5-^J  ROMANS  197 

21  God's  promise,  but  grew  strong  in  faith,  doing  honour  to  God  and  being 

22  fully  convinced  that  he  was  able  to  do  what  he  had  promised.     Therefore 

23  it  was  ^  counted  to  him  as  ujmghtness.  Now  the  word  "  it  was 

24  counted  to  him"  was  not  written  for  his  sake  alone  but  also  for  the  sake 
of  us,  to  whom  it  is  to  Ije  counted,  as  we  believe  on  him  who  raised  from 

25  the  dead  Jesus  our  Lord,  who  was  delivered  up  for  our  tresimsses  and  raised 
for  our  justification. 

5  1        Justified  then  by  faith,  we  have^  peace  with  God  through  our  Lord 

2  Jesus  Christ,  tlirough  whom  also  we  have  obtained^  our  access  into  this 
grace  in  which  we  stand.     And  we  exult  in  hope  of  the  majesty  of  God. 

3  Not  only  so,  but  we  exult  also  in  our  distresses,  knowing  that  distress 

4  results    in    patient    endurance,   patient  endurance   in    tried    character, 

5  tried  character  in  hope ;   and  hope  does  not  disafpoint,  because  the  love 
of  God  has  been  poured  out  in  our  hearts  through  the  holy  Spirit  given 

6  to  us.     For  Christ,  wliile  we  were  still  weak,  died  at  the  appointed  time 

7  for  impious  men  (even  for  an  upright  man  one  will  hardly  die  :  though 
jjerhaps  for  what  is  good,  one  might,  if  need  be,  bring  himself  to  die) ; 

8  God  jjroves  his  own  love  to  us  in  this,  that  Christ  died  for  us  while  we 

9  were  still  sinners.     Much  more  then,  as  we  are  now  justified  by  his  blood, 

10  we  shall  be  saved  through  him  from  the  Wrath.  For  if,  when  we  were 
enemies,  we  were  reconciled  to  God  through  the  death  of  his  Son  ;  much 

11  more,  after  being  reconciled,  shall  we  be  saved  by  his  life.  Not 
only  so,  but  we  exult  also  in  God  througli  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through 
whom  we  have  now  received  the  reconciliation. 

12  Therefore,  as  through  one  man  sin  came  into  the  world,  and  through 

13  sin  death  ;  and  so  death  spread  to  all  men,  seeing  that  all  sinned : — for 
sin  was  in  the  world  already  before  law  ;  but  in  the  absence  of  law,  sin 

14  is  not  charged.  Nevertheless,  from  Adam  to  jMoses  death  reigned,  even 
over  those  who  did  not  sin  after  the  likeness  of  Adam's  transgression, 
who  is  a  type  of  him  who  is  to  come. 

15  But  very  different  is  the  free  gift  from  the  trespass. 

For  since  the  many  died  by  the  one  man's  trespass. 
Much  more  did  the  grace  of  God  and  that  free  gift 
Which  is  by  the  grace  of  the  man  Jesus  Christ  abound  to  the  many. 

16  And  the  free  gift  is  not  occasioned  as  by  one  who  sinned. 

For  while  the  judgment  passed  from  one  into  condemnation. 
The  free  gift  passed  from  many  trespasses  into  justification. 

17  For  since  by  the  one  man's  trespass  death  reigned  through  the  one, 

Much  more  shall  those  who  receive  the  abundant  grace  and  free 
Reign  in  life  through  the  One,  Jesus  Christ.       [gift  of  uprightness 

18  Well  then,  as  through  one  man's  trespass  the  issue  was  condemnation 

for  all. 
So  also  through  the  upright  act  of  One  the  issue  for  all  is  justifica- 
tion to  life.  . 

19  For  just  as  through  the  one  man's  disobedience  the  many  were  consti- 

tuted sinners. 
So  also  through  the  obedience  of  the  One  shall  the  many  be  con- 
stituted upright. 

20  Now  the  law  came  in  between  to  increase  the  trespass  : 

But  where  sin  increased,  grace  abounded  to  overflowing  ; 

21  So  that  as  sin  reigned  in  death, 

Grace  might  also  reign  through  uprightness  to  life  eternal,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord. 
1  Omitting  [[««;]].  -  Kearling  ix"f^iv.  s  Omitting  [[tj?  !r,Vr£<]]. 


198  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [gM^ 

6  1        What  then  shall  we  say  1     Are  we  to  "  continue  in  sin  that  grace  may 

2  increase  "  ?     God  forbid  !     We  who  died  to  sin,  how  shall  we  live  in  it 

3  any  longer  ?     What !    are  you  ignorant  that  all  we  who  were  baptized 

4  into  Christ  Jesus  were  baptized  into  his  deatli  1  We  were  buried  with 
him,  then,  through  our  baptisna  into  that  death  of  his,  in  order  that  as 
Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead  through  the  majesty  of  the  Father,  so  we 
might  also  walk  in  newness  of  life. 

5  For  if  we  have  become  united  with  the  likeness  of  his  death, 

We  shall  be  united  also  with  that  of  his  resurrection  ; 

6  As  we  know  that  our  old  man  was  crucified  with  him, 

In  order  to  do  away  with  the  body  of  sin,  ^ 

That  we  should  be  slaves  to  sin  no  more. 

7  (For  one  who  has  died  is  absolved  from  sin.) 

8  Now  if  we  died  with  Christ, 

We  believe  we  shall  also  live  with  him  ; 

9  For  we  know  that  as  Christ  was  raised  from  the  dead,  he  dies  no  more. 

Death  is  lord  over  him  no  more  ; 

10  In  dying  he  died  once  for  all  to  sin. 
But  in  living  he  lives  for  God. 

11  So  also  do  you  reckon  yourselves  as  dead  to  sin. 

But  alive  for  God  in  Christ  Jesus. 

12  Let  not  sin  then  reign  in  your  mortal  body,  getting  its  desires  obeyed, 

13  Nor  go  on  presenting  your  members  to  sin  as  implements  for  vice  ; 
But  present  yourselves  to  God  as  men  alive  from  the  dead. 

And  your  members  to  God  as  implements  for  uprightness. 

14  Sin  is  not  to  be  lord  over  you  ; 

For  you  are  not  under  any  law,  but  under  grace. 

15  What  then?  are  we  to  "sin,  because  we  are  not  under  the  law  but 

16  under  grace  "  ?  God  forbid  !  Do  you  not  know  that  you  are  the  slaves 
of  him  whom  you  obey,  to  whom  j'ou  present  yourselves  as  obedient  slaves, 

17  be  it  of  sin  for  death  or  of  obedience  for  uprightness  1  But,  thank  God, 
though  you  were  slaves  of  sin  you  became  cordially  obedient  to  that  type 

18  of  teaching  to  which  you  were  handed  over.     Freed  from  sin  you  became 

19  slaves  to  uprightness.  (I  am  speaking  from  a  human  standpoint,  owing 
to  the  weakness  of  your  flesh.) 

As  you  presented  your  members  to   the   service   of   impurity  and 
wickedness  for  wickedness. 
So  now  present  your  members   to  the  service  of  uprightness  for 
sanctitication. 

20  For  when  you  were  slaves  to  sin,  you  were  free  so  far  as  uprightness 

is  concerned. 

21  What  fruit  then  had  you  at  that  time?  simply   fruit  of  which 

you  are  now  ashamed, 

actions  whose  outcome  is  death. 

22  But  now,  freed  from  sin,  and  enslaved  to  God, 

You  have  your  fruit  in  sanctification, 
and — as  the  outcome— life  eternal. 

23  For  the  pay  of  sin  is  death. 

But  God's  free  gift  is  life  eternal  in  Christ  our  Lord. 
7,  ]         What !  are  you  ignorant,  brothers — I  am  speaking  to  men  who  know 

2  what  law  is — that  the  law  is  lord  over  a  man  during  liis  lifetime?  The 
married  woman  is  by  law  bound  to  her  husband  while  lie  is  alive  ;  l)ut 

3  if  the  husband  dies,  she  lias  done  with  the  law  of  "the  husband."  Well 
then,  wliile  the  husband  is  alive,  she  sliall  be  styled  "adulteress"  if  she 


7^-8^]  ROMANS  199 

becomes  another  man's  ;   but  if  the  husband  dies,  she  is  free  from  the 

4  law,  so  that  she  is  no  adulteress  when  she  becomes  another  man's.  So 
is  it  with  you  also,  my  brothers.  You  were  made  dead  to  the  law 
through  the  body  of  Christ,  so  as  to  become  Another's,  to  belong  to  him 

5  who  was  raised  from  the  dead — that  we  might  l)ear  fruit  to  God.  For, 
when  we  were  in  the  flesh,  our  sinful  passions  which  were  due  to  the 

6  law  wrought  in  our  members  to  bear  fruit  to  death.  But  now  we  have 
done  with  the  law,  we  died  to  what  held  us  ;  so  that  we  serve  in  newness 
of  spirit,  and  not  in  oldness  of  written  law. 

7  What  then  sliall  we  say  ?  That  "  the  law  is  sin  "  ?  God  forbid  !  Yet, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  law,  I  would  not  have  come  to  know  sin.  For 
indeed  I  would  not  have  understood  what  it  is  to  covet,  unless  the  law 

8  had  said.  Thou  shall  not  covet.  But  sin  seized  its  opportunity  and  through 
the  commandment  its  result  in  me  was  covetousness  of  every  kind  ;  for 

9  apart  from  law,  sin  is  lifeless.     At  one  time  I  was  living  apart  from  law  ; 

10  but  when  the  commandment  came,  sin  sprang  to  life  and  I  died.  Yea, 
the  commandment  which  is  for  life,  proved  in  my   experience  death. 

11  For  sin  seized  its  opportunity,  beguiled  me  through  the  commandment, 

12  and  through  the  commandnient  killed  me.     So  the  law  at  least  is  hoi 3% 

13  and  the  commandment  holy,  just,  and  of  value. — Then  did  what  is  of 
value  become  death  to  me  ?  God  forbid  !  It  was  sin,  sin  resulting  in 
death  for  me  through  what  is  good,  that  it  might  be  exhibited  as  sin, 
that  through  the  commandment  sin  might  become  sinful  beyond  measure. 

14  For  we  know  the  law  is  spiritual  ;   but  I  am  a  creature  of  llesh,  sold 

15  under  sin  ;  I  know  not  what  I  am  executing.     I  do  not  act  according  to 

16  my  will  ;  I  am  doing  what  I  hate.     Now  if  I  am  acting  against  my  will, 

17  1  concur  in  the  excellence  of  the  law.     Yet  as  things  are,  it  is  no  longer 

18  I  who  execute,  but  sin  which  dwells  within  me.  For  in  me,  that  is  in 
my  flesh,  I  know  that  no  good  dwells.      To  will  I  find  is  attainable,  but 

19  not  to  execute  what  is  good.     For  I  am  not,  according  to  my  will,  doing 

20  good  ;  I  am  acting  against  my  will,  for  evil.  Now  if  I  am  doing  what  is 
exactly  against  my  will,  it  is  no  longer  I  who  execute,  it  is  sin  which  dwells 

21  in  me.     As  for  the  law  then,  this  is  my  experience  :  when  my  will  is  to 

22  do  good,  evil  (I  find)  is  alone  attainable.      For  with  the  inner  man  I 

23  gladly  approve  God's  law  ;  but  in  my  members  I  discover  another  law, 
warring  against  the  law  of  my  mind  and   bringing  me   captive   under 

24  the  law  of  sin,  which  is  in  my  members.     Wretched  man  that  I  am  !  who 

25  shall  rescue  me  from  this  bodv  of  death  ?  Thanks  be  to  God,  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord  !     Well  then,  left  to  myself,  I  serve  God's  law  with  th& 

8  1  mind,  but  sin's  law  with  the  flesh.  Now,  therefore,  there  is  no 

2  condemnation  for  those  in  Christ  Jesus;  the  law  of  the  Spirit  of  life  in 

3  Christ  Jesus  has  brought  freedom  1  from  the  law  of  sin  and  death.  For  God 
effected  what  the  law  found  impossible,  as  there  the  flesh  made  it  weak:— 
by  sending  his  own  Son  in  the  likeness  of  sinful  flesh  and  as  a  sin-offering, 

4  he  condemned  sin  in  the  flesh,  so  that  the  ordinance  of  the  law  might  be 
fulfilled  in  us,  as  we  walk  not  after  the  flesh  but  after  the  spirit. 

5  For  those  who  are  after  the  flesh  mind  the  affairs  of  the  flesh, 

But  those  who  are  after  the  spirit,  the  afl'airs  of  the  spirit. 

6  The  mind  of  the  flesh  is  death— 

But  the  mind  of  the  spirit  is  life  and  peace—  _ 

7  Inasmuch  as  the  mind  of  the  flesh  is  enmity  against  God ; 

For  to  God's  law  it  does  not,  indeed  it  cannot,  subject  itself. 

8  Those  who  are  in  the  flesh  cannot  please  God  : 

1  OmittiiiK  tri. 


200  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [8^-^^ 

9  But  you  are  not  in  the  flesh,  you  are  in  the  sjDirit, 

Seeing  that  the  Spirit  of  God  dwells  in  you. 
If  anyone  has  not  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  he  is  none  of  his  ; 

10  But  if  Christ  is  in  you, 

While  the  body  is  dead  because  of  sin,  the  Spirit  is  life  because 
of  uprightness. 

11  And  if  the  Spirit  of  him  who  raised  up  Jesus  from  the  dead  dwells 

in  you, 
He  who  raised  up  Christ  Jesus  from  the  dead  shall  also  make 
your  mortal  bodies  live  through  his  Spirit  dwelling  in  you. 

12  Well  then,  brothers,  we  are  debtors — not  to  the  flesh,  to  live  after  the 
flesh; 

13  If  you  live  after  the  flesh, 

death  awaits  you : 
But  if  by  the  Spirit  you  put  the  doings  of  the  body  to  death, 
life  shall  be  yours. 

14  For  all  who  are  led  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  these  are  sons  of  God. 

15  You  did  not  receive  a  spirit  of  bondage,  to  fall  back  into  fear : 
You  received  a  spirit  of  sonship,  wherel^y  we  cry  "Al:>ba  !  Father  !  " 

IG  The  Spirit  itself  bears  witness  with  our  spirit  that  we  are  children 

of  God. 

17  And  if  children,  then  heirs, 

Heirs  of  God  and  heirs  along  with  Christ, 
Seeing  that  we  suft'er  with  him,  that  with  him  also  we  may  be  exalted. 

18  For  I  reckon  that  the  sufterings  of  this  present  time  are  not  worthy  to 

19  be  compared  with  the  majesty  which  is  to  be  revealed  in  us.     For  in 
eager  anticipation  the  creation  waits  for  the  sons  of  God  to  be  revealed. 

20  For  the  creation  was  made  subject  to  frailty,  not  from  its  own  choice  but 

21  by  the  will  of  him  who  subjected  it,  the  hope  being  that  the  creation 
itself  also  was  to  be  delivered  from  the  bondage  of  corruption  into  the 

22  freedom  of  the  majesty  of  God's  children.     Indeed  we  know  that  all  the 
creation  groans  and  travails  in  j^ain,  together  with  them,  ujd  to  the  present 

23  time.     And  not  only  so,  but  even  we  with  the  firstfruits  of  the  Spirit,  we 
also  groan  within  ourselves  as  we  wait  for  our  sonship,  even  for  the  release 

24  of  our  body.     Yea  for  hope  were  we  saved.    Now  a  seen  hope  is  no  hope. 

25  Who  hopes  for  what  he  sees  1  ^     Whereas  if  we  are  hoping  for  what  we 
do  not  see,  we  wait  for  it  with  patience. 

26  Likewise  the  Spirit  also  helps  our  weakness  ; 

For  we  know  not  what  to  pray  for,  according  to  our  need. 

But  the  Spirit  itself  pleads  on  our  behalf  with  groans  unutterable. 

27  And  the  Searcher  of  hearts  knows  what  is  the  mind  of  the  Spirit, 

Knows  that  it  is  pleading  for  the  saints  according  to  God's  will. 

28  Now  we  know  that  God  makes  all  things  work  together  for  good  fo  those 
who  love  him,  to  those  who  are  called  in  virtue  of  his  j'urpose. 

29  For  those  whom  he  fore-knew,  he  also  fore-appointed. 

To  be  made  like  the  image  of  his  Son, 

Tliat  he  might  be  the  iirst-born  among  many  brothers. 

30  And  whom  he  fore-a2:)pointed,  these  he  also  called  : 
And  wliom  he  called,  these  he  also  justified  : 

And  whom  he  justified,  these  he  also  exalted. 

31  What  then  shall  we  say  to  this  ?     If  God  is  for  us,  who  is  against  us  ? 

32  He  who  spared  not  his  own  Son,  but  delivered  him  up  for  us  all,  how 
shall  he  not  also  bestow  on  us  all  things  with  him  ? 

1  Reading  S  y«.o  ^Xi-ru  -rit  iXri'n. 


83^-9-^]  EOMANS  201 

33  Who  shall  bring  a  charge  against  God's  chosen  ? 

It  is  God  who  justifies. 

34  JFho  is  it  that  condemns  ? 

It  is  Christ  ^  who  died— yes,  and  who  was  raised, 
Who  is  at  God's  right  hand. 
Who  also  pleads  for  us. 

35  Who  shall  separate  us  from  the  love  of  Christ  ? 

Distress  or  calamity  or  persecution  or  famine  or  nakedness  or 

36  peril  or  sword  (even  as  it  is  written  : 
For  thy  sake  are  ice  killed  the  whole  day  long, 
We  are  reckoned  as  sheep  for  the  slaxighter)  1 

37  Nay  in  all  this  we  are  more  than  conquerors  through  him  who  loved  us. 

38  For  I  am  persuaded  that  neither  death  nor  life  nor  angels  nor  princi- 

39  palities  nor  the  present  nor  the  future  nor  powers  nor  height  nor  depth 
nor  aught  else  created  shall  be  able  to  separate  us  from  the  love  of  God 
which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord. 

9  1         I  speak  the  truth  in  Christ,  I  lie  not — my  conscience  bears  me  witness 

2  in  the  holy  Spirit — that  I  suffer  great  sorrow  and  unceasing  pain  in  my 

3  heart.     For  1  could  wish  myself  accursed  and  banished  from  Christ  for 

4  the  sake  of  my  brothers,  my  kinsmen  according  to  the  flesh,  men  who 
are  Israelites,  whose  are  the  sonship  and  the  Glory  and  the  covenants 
and  the  giving  of  the  law  and  the  services  of  worship  and  the  promises, 

5  whose  are  the  fathers,  and  from  whom  is  Christ  (so  far  as  regards  the 

6  flesh).  He  who  is  over  all  is  God,  blessed  for  ever  :  Amen.  Not,  however, 
that  the  word  of  God  has  failed  !     Far  from  it. 

For  not  all  those  who  belong  to  Israel  are  Israel  ; 

7  Nay,  and  all  are  not  children  because  they  are  Abraham's  ofl'spring  : 

Thy  offspring  shall  be  reckoned  through  Isaac. 

8  That  is,  the"  children  of   the   flesh  are  not  children  of  God,  it  is  the 

9  children  of  the  promise  who  are  counted  as  oflspring.  For  this  is  the 
word  of  promise  : 

About  this  time  I  will  come  and  Sara  shall  have  a  son. 

10  And  further,  when  Rebekah  also  conceived  by  one  man,  by  our  father 

11  Isaac— though  the  children  were  not  yet  born  and  had  done  nothing, 
either  good  or  bad  (that  the  Divine  purpose  which  works  by  choice  might 

12  stand,  independent  of  deeds,  entirely  a  matter  of  his  calling)— she  was 

13  told,  The  elder  shall  serve  the  younger  ;  even  as  it  is  written, 

Jacob  I  loved,  but  Esau  I  hated. 

14  What  then  shall  we  say  ?     Is  there  injustice  with  God  ?     God  forbid  ! 

15  He  saith  to  Moses, 

I  will  have  mercy  on  ivhom  I  have  mercy, 

And  I  will  have  com'passion  on  whom  I  have  compassion. 

16  So  then  it  is  not  a  question  of  him  who  wills,  nor  of  him  who  runs,  but 

17  of  God  who  has  mercy.    For  the  scripture  saith  to  Pharaoh, 

For  this  very  end  have  I  raised  thee  up, 
that  I  might  show  my  power  in  thee, 
and  that  my  name  might  be  published  abroad  in  all  the  earth. 

18  So  then,  he  has  mercy  on  whom  he  wills. 

And  whom  he  wills  he  renders  stubborn. 

19  Thou  wilt  say  to  me  then,  "Why  does  he  still  find  fault?     who  can 

20  oppose  his  purpose  ?"  Nav,  but  who  art  thou,  0  man,  to  answer  back  to 
God  ?     Shall  the  thinq  formed  say  to  him  who  formed  it,  "  Why  didst  thou 

21  make  me  thus  ? "     What !  has  not  the  potter  a  right  over  the  clay  to  make 

1  Omitting  [['I^o-eS;]]. 


202  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [9"-10^^ 

out  of  the  same  lump  one  part  a  vessel  for  honour  and  another  for  dis- 

22  honour  ?      And  what  if  God,  though  wishing  to  show  his  wrath  and 
display   his   power,  tolerated  with   much   longsufFering  vessels   of  wrath 

23  fashioned  for  destruction,  that^  he  might  display  the  riches  of  his  majesty 
upon  vessels  of  mercy  which  he  had  previously  prejDared  for  majesty, 

24  even  upon  us  whom  he  called  not  only  from  the  Jews  hut  also  from  the 

25  Gentiles  1    As  he  saith  also  in  Hosea  : 

Those  who  were  not  my  people  I  will  call  '■^  my  feofle" 
And  her  who  was  not  beloved,  "  beloved  " ; 

26  And  it  shall  be  that  in  the  place  where  they  were  told,  "  You  are  not  my 

people,''^ 
There  shall  they  be  called  "  Sons  of  the  living  God." 

27  And    Isaiah   cries   regarding   Israel :    Though  the  number  of  the  sons  oj 

28  Israel  be  like  the  scmd  of  the  sea,  it  is  the  remnant  that  shall  be  saved ;  for  the 
Lord  ivill  accomplish  his  ivord  upon  the  earth  with  completeness  and  despatch. 

29  And  even  as  Isaiah  has  foretold  : 

Had  not  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth  left  us  a  residue, 

We  had  become  like  Sodom,  we  had  been  made  like  Gomorra. 

30  What   then   shall  we  say  1     That  Gentiles  who  did  not  press  on  after 
upriLjhtness  overtook  uprightness,  aye  and  the  uprightness  which  is  from 

31  faith;  while  Israel,  who  did  press  on  after  the  law  of  uprightness,  failed 

32  to  attain  the  law.    And  why  ?   Because  they  pressed  on,  not  by  faith  but  as 

33  by  deeds.    They  stumbled  over  the  stone  of  stumbling :  even  as  it  is  written, 

Lo  I  lay  in  Zion  a  stone  of  stumbling  and  a  rock  of  hindrance, 
Yet  he  who  believes  on  him  shall  not  be  disnp>pointed. 
10  1        Brothers,  my  heart's  wish  and  my  prayer  to  God  is  for  their  salva- 

2  tion.     I  bear  them  witness  :  they  have  zeal  for  God,  but  not  according 

3  to   knowledge.     For,  as   they    were   ignorant  of   God's  uprightness  and 
sought  to  set  up  their  own,  they  did  not  submit  themselves  to  the  up- 

4  rightness  of  God.     For  Christ  is  the  end  of  the  law,  that  everyone  who 
believes  may  have  uprightness. 

5  Moses  writes  of  the  uprightness  which  is  from  the  law  : 

The  man  who  does  it  shall  live  by  it. 

6  But  the  uprightness  which  is  from  faith  speaks  in  this  way  : 

"  Say  not  in  thy  heart. 

Who  shall  ascend  into  heaven  ?  " 
(That  is,  to  bring  Christ  down) 

7  or,  "  Who  shall  descend  into  the  abyss?  " 

(That  is,  to  bring  Christ  up  from  the  dead). 

8  Nay,  what  does  it  say  '!■ 

The  tvord  is  near  thee, 

In  thy  mouth  and  in  thy  heart 

(That  is,  the  Avord  of  faith  which  we  preach). 

9  For  if  thou  shalt  confess  vnth  thy  mouth,  "Jesus  is  Lord," 

And  believe  in  thy  heart  that  God  raised  him  from  the  dead,  thou 
shalt  be  saved  : 

10  With  the  heart  man  believes  and  is  upright. 

With  the  mouth  he  makes  confession  and  is  saved. 

11  For,  saith  the  scripture, 

No  one  ivho  believes  on  him  shall  be  disappointed. 

12  There  is  no  difference  between  Jew  and  Greek, 

The  same  One  is  Lord  of  all,  I'ich  to  all  who  call  upon  liim  : 

13  For  everyone  who  calls  on  the  Lord's  name  shall  be  saved. 

1  Omitting  [[*«<]]. 


lO^Ml^S]  ROMANS  203 

14  How  tlien  are  they  to  call  on  One  on  whom  they  have  not  believed  ? 
And  liow  are  they  to  believe  in  One  of  whom  they  have  not  heard  ? 
And  how  are  they  to  hear  without  a  joreacher  ? 

15  And  how  are  people  to  preach,  unless  they  are  sent? 

Even  as  it  is  written, 

How  beautiful  are  the  feet  of  those  who  bring  cjlacl  tidings  of  good/ 
10        But  they  did  not  all  obey  the  glad  tidings.     For  Isaiah  says,  Lord, 

17  ivho  has  had  faith  in  our  message  ?     So  then,  faith  comes  from  the  message, 

18  and  the  message  through  the  word  about  Clirist.  But,  I  ask,  "  Have  they 
not  heard  1 "     Yes  indeed  : 

Their  sou7id  went  out  into  all  the  earth, 
And  their  words  to  the  ends  of  the  loorld. 
]  9  But,  I  ask,  "  Has  Israel  not  known  ? "     First  Moses  says  : 
I  will  stir  you  to  jealousy  by  what  is  no  nation, 
By  an  ignorant  nation  I  will  enrage  you. 

20  And  Isaiah  makes  bold  to  say  : 

I  have  been  found  by  those  who  were  not  seeking  me, 
I  am  disclosed  to  those  who  inquired  not  after  me. 

21  But  of  Israel  he  sa}'s.  The  v:lwle  day  long  have  I  stretched  out  my  hands  to  a 
111  feofle  disobedient  and  refractory.  I  ask  then,  ^^  Has  God  thrust 

aside  his  iKOfle  ? "     God  forbid  !     For  I  too  am  an  Israelite  myself,  of 

2  Abraham's  offspring,  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  God  has  not  thrust  aside 
his  people  whom  he  foreknew.  What !  do  you  not  know  what  the  scrip- 
ture saith  in  the  place  "  Elijah "  1      How  he  pleads  with  God   against 

3  Israel,  Lord,  they  have  killed  thy  frophets,  they  hare  destroyed  thy  altars; 

4  and  I  alone  am  left,  and  they  seek  my  life.  But  what  saith  the  oracle  to 
him  ?     /  have  left  myself  seven  thousand  men,  ivho  have  not  bowed  the  knee 

5  to  Baal.     So  also  at  the  present  time,  then,  there  is  a  remnant  due  to  the 

6  selection  of  grace.      But  if  it  is  by  grace,  it  is  no  longer  a  matter  of 

7  deeds  ;  otherwise  grace  would  cease  to  be  grace.  What  then  is  the  result  ? 
that   Israel   has   not   obtained  what   it  craves,  while   the   chosen  have 

8  obtained  it.     And  the  rest  have  been  hardened  ;  just  as  it  is  written, 

God  gave  them  a  spirit  of  torpor. 

Eyes  not  to  see,  ears  not  to  hear,  doion  to  this  very  day. 

9  [And  David  says. 

Let  their  feast  be  made  a  snare  and  a  trap. 
Yea  a  pitfall  and  a  requital  to  them ; 

10  Darkened  he  their  eyes  that  they  see  not. 

And  make  thoti  their  back  bend  continually.'] 

1 1  I  ask  then,  "  Did  they  stumble  that  they  should  fall  ? "  God  forbid  ! 
Nay  rather,  it  is  by  their  slip  that  salvation  has  come  to  the  Gentiles,  so  as 

12  to  stir  themselves  up  to  jealousy.  Now  if  their  slip  proves  the  riches  of  the 
world,  and  their  defect  "the  riches  of  the  Gentiles,  how  much  more  their 

13  fulness  !  I  am  speaking  to  you.  Gentiles.    So  far  as  I  at  least  am 

14  an  apostle  to  the  Gentiles  I  exalt  my  ministry,  to  see  if  I  can  somehow 

15  stir  those  who  are  my  flesh  to  jealousy,  and  so  save  some  of  them.  For 
if  their  rejection  proves  the  world's  reconciliation,  what  shall  their 
reception  be  1     What  but  life  from  the  dead  ? 

16  Now  if  the  firstfruit  is  holy,  so  is  the  lump  : 
And  if  the  root  is  holy,  so  are  the  branches. 

17  If  some  of  the  branches  were  broken  off,  while  thou,  a  wild  olive,  wast 
grafted  in  among  them  and  didst  come  to  share  with  them  in  the  root  of 

18  the  olive's  fatness,  exult  not  at  the  expense  of  the  branches.  And  if  thou 
art  exulting,  bethink  thyself  :  thou  bearest  not  the  root,  the  root  bears 


204  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [u'^^-U'^ 

19  thee.     Tlioii  wilt  argue  then,  "  Branches  were  broken  off,  that  I  might 

20  be  grafted  in  "  ?     True,  tliey  were  broken  off  by  their  unbelief,  and  thou 

21  standest  by  thy  faith.     Be  not  highminded,  but  fear.     For  if  God  did  not 

22  spare  the  natural  branches,  neither  will  he  spare  thee.  Look  then  at 
God's  kindness  and  severity.  Severity  to  those  who  fell,  but  God's  kind- 
ness to  thee — if  thou  continue  in  his  kindness.     Otherwise  thou  too  shalt 

23  be  cut  out.     Yea,  and  if  they  continue  not  in  their  unbelief,  they  too 

24  shall  be  grafted  in.  God  is  able  to  graft  them  in  again.  For  if  thou 
wast  cut  out  of  what  was  by  nature  a  wild  olive  and  grafted,  contrary  to 
nature,  into  a  garden  olive,  how  much  more  shall  these  natural  branches 
be  grafted  into  their  own  olive  ? 

25  For  I  would  not  have  you  ignorant  of  this  secret,  brothers,  that  you 
may  not  be  wise  in  your  own  conceits  :  Israel  has  been  but  hardened  in 

26  part  until  the  full  number  of  the  Gentiles  should  come  in  ;  and  thus 
all  Israel  shall  be  saved.     Even  as  it  is  written, 

From  Zion  shall  come  the  rescuer, 

He  shall  banish  impieties  from  Jacob : 

27  Yect  this  is  my  covenant  for  them,, 

When  I  take  their  sins  away. 

28  As  regards  the  gospel  they  are  indeed  enemies  for  your  sake. 

But  as  regards  the  selection  they  are  beloved  for  the  sake  of  the 
fathers : 

29  For  God  never  takes  back  his  free  gifts  and  his  calling. 

30  As  you  were  once  disobedient  to  God 

But  have  now  obtained  mercy  through  their  disobedience  : 

31  So  too  these  are  now  disobedient. 

That  they  ^  may  become   objects  of  the  same  mercy  which  was 
shown  to  you. 

32  For  God  has  shut  up  all  under  disobedience. 

That  upon  all  he  may  have  mercy. 

33  O  the  depth  of  God's  riches  and  wisdom  and  knowledge  ! 

How  inscrutable  his  judgments  I 
How  unsearchable  his  ways  ! 

34  Yea  ivho  has  knov:n  the  Lord's  mind? 

Or  who  has  been  his  counsellor  1 

35  Or  who  has  first  given  to  him, 

And  is  to  be  repaid? 

36  Since  from  him  and  by  him  and  for  him  all  things  exist — 

To  him  be  the  majesty  for  ever  :  Amen. 
12  1        I  ai)peal  to  you  then,  brothers,  by  the  tender  mercies  of  (Jod,  present 
your   bodies  as  a  sacrifice,   living,   holy,   well-pleasing,  to   God  :    that 

2  is  the  rational  worship  for  you.  And  be  not  fashioned  according  to 
this  age,  but  be  transformed  by  the  renewing  of  your  mind  so  as  to 
])rove  what  is  the  will  of  God,  namely,  what  is  good  and  well-pleasing 
and  perfect. 

3  For,  through  the  grace  granted  to  me,  I  tell  every  man  who  is  among 
you,  not  to  think  over  highly  of  himself,  beyond  what  he  should  think  ; 
but  to  think  soberly,  in  view  of  the  measure  of  faith  which  God  has 

4  assigned  to  each.     For  in  the  same  way  as  we  have  many  membei's  in  one 

5  body,  and  all  the  members  have  not  the  same  function,  so,  many  as  we 
are,  we  are  one  body  in  Christ  and  separately  members  of  each  another. 

6  And  as  we  have  talents  which  differ  with  the  grace  granted  us — be  it 

7  pro2)hecy,  let  us  enqjloy  it  in  i)ro[)ortion  to  our  faith  :  be  it  ministry,  let 

1  OniittiiiK  yt,. 


12^-14^]  ROMANS  205 

8  us  employ  it  in  ministering :  the  teacher  in  his  teaching :  he  who  exhorts, 
in  his  exhortation :  he  who  contributes,  with  generosity :  tlie  jiresident, 

9  with  earnest  care :  he  who  shows  pity,  with  cheerfulness.    Let  love  be  un- 

10  feigned.     Abhor  what  is  evil  :    cling  to  what  is  good.     Be  affectionate 

11  to  one  another,  in  brotherly  love ;  outdo  one  another  in  giving  honour. 
Be  not  backward  in  earnestness,   be  fervent  in   spirit,  serve   the    Lord, 

12, 13  rejoice  in  hope,  be  jiatient  in  distress,  give  yourselves  to  prayer,  con- 

14  tribute  to  the  needs  of  the  saints,  aim  at  being  hospitable.     Bless  those 

15  who  persecute  you,  bless  them  and  curse  not.     Rejoice  with  the  joyful, 

16  weep  with  the  weeping.  Be  of  the  same  mind  to  one  another  ;  mind  not 
what  is  high,  but  give  yourselves  up  to  what  is  lowly.     Be  not  loise  in 

17  your  oivn  conceits.     Render  no  man  evil  for  evil.     Be  concerned  for  what  is 

18  honourable  in  the  sight  of  all  men.     If  possible,  as  far  as  it  rests  with 

19  you,  be  at  peace  with  all  men.  Beloved,  avenge  not  yourselves,  but  let 
the  Wrath  have  way  :  for  it  is  written.  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  toill  repay, 
saith  the  Lord. 

20  Nay.  if  thine  enemy  hungers,  feed  him ; 

if  he  thirst,  give  him  to  drink  : 
For  by  doing  this  thou  shalt  heap  burning  coals  upon  his  head. 

21  Be    not    conquered    by    evil  ;    but    conquer    evil   by   good. 

13  1  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher  authorities,  for  there  is  no  author- 

ity which  is  not  from  God,  and  the  existing  authorities  are  instituted  by 

2  God.     So  that  he  who  resists  authority  opjDoses  what  God  has  instituted  ; 

3  and  those  who  opjiose  shall  be  sentenced  themselves.  For  rulers  are  not 
a  terror  to  good  conduct,  but  to  evil.     Wouldst  thou  have  no  terror  of 

4  authority  ?  Then  do  good,  and  thou  shalt  get  j^raise  from  it ;  for  it  is 
God's  servant  to  thee  for  good.  But  if  thou  doest  evil,  be  in  terror  ; 
for  not  in  vain  does  it  wear  the  sword :  it  is  God's  servant,  an  avenger 

5  for  punishing  him  who  practises  evil.  Wherefore  subject  you  must  be, 
out  of  regard  not  merely  for  the  punishment,  but  also  for  conscience. 

6  This  also  is  the  reason  why  you  pay  tribute  ;  for  magistrates  are  servants 

7  of  God,  as  they  give  themselves  to  this  very  business.  Render  to  all 
their  dues,  tribute  to  whom  tribute  is  due,  customs  to  whom  customs, 

8  respect  to  whom  respect,  honour  to  whom  honour.  Owe  no  man 
anything,  except   to   love   one  another — for  he  who  loves  another  has 

9  fulfilled  the  law.  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery.  Thou  shalt  not  murder, 
Thou  shalt  not  steal.  Thou  shalt  not  covet,  these  with  any  other  command- 
ment are  gathered  up  in  this  word.  Thou  shalt   love  thy  neighbour  as 

10  thyself.     Love  does  no  evil  to  its  neighbour:  to  love,  then,  is  to  fulfil 

1 1  the  law.  And  do  this,  as  you  know  the  time  ;  now  is  the 
hour  for  us^  to  wake  from  sleep,  for  salvation  is  nearer  us  to-day  tlian 

12  when  we  first  believed.  The  night  is  advanced,  and  the  day  is  near. 
Then  let  us  put  away  the  deeds  of  the  darkness,  and  put  on  the  armour 

13  of  the  light.  Let  us  behave  ourselves  with  propriety,  as  in  the  day  :  with 
no  bouts  of  revelry  and  drunkenness,  with  no  lewd  and  sensual  acts, 

14  with  no  quarrelling  and  jealousy.  Nay,  put  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  make  no  provision  for  the  flesh,  to  satisfy  its  desires. 

14  1        Receive  one  who  is  weak  in  faith,  but  not  to  pass  judgment  upon 
2  scruples.     While  one  man  has  confidence  to  eat  anything,  he  who  is  weak 

eats  nothing  but  vegetables. 

Let  not  him  who  eats  despise  him  who  refrains  ; 
Nor  let  him  who  refrains  judge  him  who  eats, 
For  God  has  received  him. 

'  Reading  jS/**;. 


206  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [l4*--=^ 

4  Who  art  thou  to  judge  Another's  servant  ? 

To  his  own  Lord  he  stands  or  falls  : 
And  he  shall  he  made  to  stand, 

For  the  Lord  has  power  to  make  him  stand. 

5  This  man  ^  rates  one  day  above  another,  | 

That  man  rates  every  day  alike.  i 

Let  each  be  fully  convinced  in  his  own  mind  :  i 

6  He  who  values  the  day,  values  it  to  the  Lord.  | 
Also,  he  who  eats,  eats  to  the  Lord, 

For  he  gives  thanks  to  God  :  ' 

And  he  who  refrains  from  eating,  to  the  Lord  he  refrains. 
And  he  gives  thanks  to  God. 

7  For  none  of  us  lives  to  himself, 

And  none  of  us  dies  to  himself  : 

8  If  we  live,  it  is  for  the  Lord  we  live, 

And  if  we  die,  it  is  for  the  Lord  we  die. 
Whether  we  live  then  or  die. 
We  are  the  Lord's. 

9  For  this  was  why  Christ  died  and  came  to  life. 

That  he  might  be  Lord  both  of  the  dead  and  of  the  living. 

10  But  thou,  why  dost  thou  judge  thy  brother  ? 

Or  thou  again,  why  dost  thou  desjiise  thy  brother  ? 

Why,  we  are  to  stand,  all  of  us,  before  the  tribunal  of  God  ;  ' 

1 1  For  it  is  written,  i 

As  I  live,  saith  the  Lord,  to  me  shall  every  knee  hou\  ! 

And  every  tongue  shall  offer  praise  to  God.  [ 

12  Each  one  of  us  then  is  to  give  account  of  himself  to  God.  1 

13  No  more  then  let  us  judge  one  another  ; 

Rather  let  this  be  your  judgment,  not  to  put "  any  hindrance  in  a 
brother's  way. 

14  I  know  and  am  persuaded  in  the  Lord  Jesus  that  nothing  in  itself  , 

is  unclean  : 
Only,  anything  is  unclean  to  the  man  who  reckons  it  unclean. 

15  If  thy  brother  is  being  injured  for  a  matter  of  mere  food, 

Thou  art  no  longer  walking  by  love  ; 
Destroy  not  with  thy  food  him  for  whom  Christ  died, 

16  Your  fair  fame  is  not  to  be  maligned. 

17  For  the  reign  of  God  is  not  eating  and  drinking, 

But  uprightness  and  peace  and  joy  in  the  lioly  Spirit  : 

18  He  who  serves  Christ  therein 

Is  well-pleasing  to  God  and  approved  of  V)y  men. 

19  Well  then,  our  aim  3  is  what  makes  for  peace  and  the  upbuilding 

of  one  another  : 

20  Do  not  overthrow  the  work  of  God  for  the  sake  of  mere  food.  ■ 
Auvtliing  indeed  is  clean  :  I 

Still,  it  is  evil  for  a  man  by  his  eating  to  make  another  stumble.  , 

21  It  is  an  excellent  plan  to  abstain  from  llesh  and  wine  or  anything         ! 

at  which  thy  brother  stumbles.  | 

22  The  faith  thou  hast,  keep  it  to  thyself  before  God.  \ 

Happy  the  man  who  condemns  not  himself  in  what  he  approves  of  :         i 

23  But  he  who  feels  any  hesitation  is  condemned  if  he  eats,  because         i 

he  does  not  eat  from  faith —  ] 

For  whatever  does  not  proceed  from  faitli  is  sin.  I 

1  Omitting  [[j-a/j]].  -  Omitting  TcirxoiJ.u.a.  .  .  .  r,.  ^  Reading  ItuxoiMW.  \ 


15^--']  ROMANS  207 

15  1  Now    we  who   are   strong  ought   to   bear  the   infirmities  of  the  weak, 

2  instead  of  pleasing  ourselves.     Let  each  of  us  please  his  neighbour,  to  do 

3  him  good,  to  upbuild  him.  For  Christ  also  did  not  please  himself  ;  nay, 
as  it  is  written,  The.  reproaches  of  those  wJio  denounced  thee  fell  wpon  me. 

4  For  whatever  things  were  written  beforehand  were  written  for  our 
instruction,  that  through  the  patience  and  the  comfort  of  the  scriptures 

5  we  may  possess  hope.     May  the  God  of  patience  and  comfort  grant  you 

6  the  same  mind  one  toward  another  according  to  Christ  Jesus,  so  that  you 
may  unite  with  one  mouth  in  magnifying  the  God  and  Father  of  our 

7  Lord  Jesus  Christ  !  Therefore  receive  one  another,  as  Christ  also 

8  received  us,^  so  as  to  honour  God.  For  Christ,  I  affirm,  became  a  minister 
of  the   Circumcision   that  he   might  make  good  the  promises  given   to 

9  the  fathers,  and  thus  show  the  honesty  of  God  ;  also  that  the  Gentiles 
might  magnify  God  for  his  mercy  :  even  as  it  is  written. 

Therefore  ivill  I  offer  praise  to  thee  among  the  Gentiles 
And  sing  to  thy  name. 

10  And  again  it  is  said. 

Rejoice,  0  Gentiles,  loith  his  people. 

11  And  again. 

Extol  the  Lord,  all  ye  Gentiles, 
And  let  all  the  people  praise  him. 

12  And  again  Isaiah  says, 

There  shall  he  the  scion  of  Jesse, 

And  he  who  rises  to  rule  over  the  Gentiles  : 

On  him  shall  the  Gentiles  set  their  hope. 

13  May  the  God  of  hope  fill  you  with  all  joy  and  peace  in  believing,  that 
you  may  abound  in  hope,  by  the  power  of  the  holy  Spirit ! 

14  Personally  I  also  am  persuaded  about  you,  my  brothers,  that  you  are 
yourselves  full  of  goodness,  filled  with  all  knowledge,  able  also  to  ad- 

15  monish  one  another.  Still,  by  way  of  refreshing  your  memory  I  write 
you  with  somewhat  greater  boldness  owing  to  the  grace  granted  me  from 

16  God,  that  I  should  be  a  minister  of  Christ  Jesus  to  the  Gentiles  in  the 
sacred  service  of  the  gospel  of  God,  so  that  the  Gentiles  may  prove  an 

17  acceptable  offering,  consecrated  by  the  holy  Spirit.     My  exultation  then 

18  is  in  Christ  Jesus,  so  far  as  God  is  concerned.  For  I  will  not  dare  to  speak 
of  anything  except  what  Christ  has  effected  through  me  in  furthering  the 

19  obedience  of  the  Gentiles,  by  word  and  deed,  by  the  power  of  signs  and 
wonders,  by  the  power  of  the  holy  Spirit ;  so  that  from  Jerusalem  and 
the  surrounding  country  as  far  as  to  Illyricum  I  have  fully  preached  the 

20  gospel  of  Christ— making  this  my  ambition,  however,  not  to  preach  the 
gospel  where   Christ's   name  was   known   (that  I  might  not   build   on 

21  another  man's  foundation),  but  even  as  it  is  written, 

Those  who  had  no  news  of  him  shall  see : 

And  those  icho  have  not  learned  shall  tonderstand. 

22  Therefore  it  is  that  I  have  been  hindered  (these  many  times)  from 

23  coming  to  you.     And  just  now,  as  I  have  no  longer  any  chance  in  these 

24  regions,  and  as  I  have  had  for  many  years  a  longing  to  visit  you  whenever 
I  go  to  Spain— for  I  hope  to  see  you  on  my  journey  and  to  be  sped  by  you 

25  after  being  somewhat  satisfied  with  your  companionship— now,  I  say,  I  go 

26  to  Jerusalem  on  a  ministry  to  the  saints.  For  out  of  their  own  goodwill, 
Macedonia  and  Achaia  have  made  a  contribution  for  the  poor  among  the 

27  saints  at  Jerusalem.     Certainly  it  is  done  from  goodwill  on  their  part, 

1  Reading  r/K«f. 


208  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT      [i528-33_ig2i-27 

yet  it  is  also  a  debt.     For  if  the  Gentiles  have  come  to  share  in  their 

28  spiritual  good,  they  owe  them  a  debt  of  service  in  material  good.  When 
I  have  finished  this,  then,  and  have  securely  delivered  this  fruit  to  them, 

29  I  will  depart  for  Spain  by  way  of  you.    And  I  know  that  when  I  come  to 

30  you,  I  shall  come  with  the  fulness  of  the  blessing  of  Christ.  Now 
by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  by  the  love  of  the  Spirit  I  appeal  to  you, 

31  brothers,  strive  together  with  me  in  your  prayers  to  God  for  me,  that  I 
may  be  rescued  from  the  disobedient  in  Judea,  and  that  my  ministry  of 

32  aid  for  Jerusalem  may  prove  acceptable  to  the  saints,  so  that  through  the 
will  of  God  I  may  come  to  you  in  joy  and  be  refreshed  along  with  you. 

33  The  God  of  peace  be  with  you  all  :  Amen. 

16  21        Timotheus  my  fellow-worker  salutes  you  ;  so  do  Lucius  and  Jason 
and  Sosipatros,  my  kinsmen. 

22  I  Tertius,  who  write  the  letter,  salute  you  in  the  Lord. 

23  Gains,  my  host  and  the  host  of  the  Community  at  large,  salutes  you. 
Erastus,  the  treasurer  of  the  city,  salutes  you  ;  so  does  brother  Quartus. 

25  [Now  to  him  who  is  able  to  establish  you  according  to  my  gospel  and 
preaching  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  virtue  of  the  revelation  of  the  secret  which 

26  has  beenkept  silent  throughout  times  eternal  but  is  now  disclosed  and, 
by  the  prophetic  scriptures  in  virtue  of  the  command  of  the  eternal  God, 

27  displayed  to  all  the  nations  to  secure  obedience  to  the  faith — to  the 
only  wise  God  through  Jesus  Christ,  to  him  be  the  honour  for  ever  : 
Amen.l 


A  NOTE  TO  EPHESUS 

That  a  note  addressed  to  Epliesus  (Scluilz)  lies  embedded  in  the  16tli 
chapter  of  Romans,  is  a  hypothesis  which  is  practically  accepted  upon  all 
sides. 1  "  In  almost  every  A'-erse  there  are  such  overwhelming  reasons  .  .  . 
that  I  cannot  quite  understand  how  anyone  can  adhere  to  the  traditional 
view  "  (Weiss).  The  points  really  in  question  are  its  exact  contents  and 
date.  Most  probably  the  letter  begins  with  ver.  1  (not  ver.  3  ;  Eitschl, 
Ewald,  Schiirer,  Laurent,  Renan,  PHeiderer,  and  Mangold).  Weizsiicker 
and  McGiffert  go  on  to  ver.  23,  but  most  (Renan,  Reuss,  Weiss,  Lipsius, 
Jiilicher,  etc.)  prefer  to  break  off  at  ver.  20,  and  iiideed  Hausrath  (like 
Pfleiderer)  stops  at  ver.  16.  In  this  case  vers.  21,  22  are  (in  spite  of 
Holsten)  to  be  taken  as  the  original  ending  of  the  Roman  letter  (cp. 
Clemen,  Einlieit.  jip.  95-99).^  In  writing  to  an  unknown  church,  Paul 
evidently  sent  greetings  from  such  friends  as  were  at  his  side  ;  Colossians 
4^""^^  is  another  example  of  this  practice.^ 

Although  the  letter  is  not  expressly  addressed  to  Ephesus,  the 
internal  evidence  points  unmistakably  to  that  city  as  its  destination. 
When  all  is  said,  it  remains  inconceivable  that  Paul  could  have  intimately 
known  so  many  individuals  and  been  acquainted  with  their  local 
circumstances  and  histories,  in  a  church  like  Rome,  to  which  he  was 
personally  a  stranger.  The  whole  tone  of  Romans  forbids  such  a  hypo- 
thesis. Hitherto  Paul  has  been  writing  as  a  stranger  to  strangers  without 
betraying — even  at  points  where  such  a  reference  would  have  been  telling 
and  appropriate* — any  trace  of  personal  friendship  with  the  members  or 
knowledge  of  their  peculiar  and  local  circumstances.      The   wealth   of 

1  Though  it  is  only  fair  to  add  that  several  critics,  iucludiiig  Harnack,  Zahn, 
Deuiiey,  and  Dr.  Drummond,  are  still  uucouvinced. 

-  This  Bote  to  Ephesus,  it  has  been  often  argued  (recently  by  J.  Weiss,  ThLz 
(1893),  p.  395,  ThSt.  pp.  182-184),  made  up,  along  with  some  other  fragments,  a 
larger  Ephesian  letter.  See  below,  Appendix,  ad  loc.  As  the  greater  part  of  chap. 
15  is  probably  genuine,  the  real  Roman  letter  appropriately  ends  as  it  began 
(18-15)  with  the  apostle's  hope  and  project  of  reaching  the  capital  on  his  missionary 
travels.  There  is  nothing  decisive  to  show  that  this  Ephesian  note  originally  was  a 
part  of  a  larger  epistle.     It  is  self-contained  and  intelligible  by  itself. 

3  On  the  other  hand,  "  comme  il  y  avait  pen  de  relations  entre  Corinth  et  la 
Macedoiue,  d'une  part,  Ephese,  de  I'autre,  I'aputre  ne  parle  pas  aux  6phesiens  dumonde 
que  I'eutoure"  (Renan,  S.  Paid,  p.  481).  The  value  of  Ro  16i--'^  as  a  witness  to  the 
liistory  and  character  of  the  Ephesian  church  is  thoroughly  appreciated  by  Renan 
(<S.  Paul,  pp.  421-437),  and  Weizsacker  [A A,  i.  pp.  379-401,  a  masterpiece  of 
delicate  reconstruction,  which  no  subsequent  researches  have  seriously  disturbed). 

4  Occasionally,  it  is  true  [e.g.  chaps.  14,  15)  Paul  seems  to  possess  some  acquaint- 
ance with  the  general  course  of  things  in  the  Roman  community,  but  such  knowledge 
is  never  more  than  what  would  percolate  to  him  through  the  ordinary  channels  of 
report  and  hearsay.  It  is  rather  illogical  to  conclude,  as  Zahn  insists,  that  Paul  must 
therefore  have  had  friends  who  gave  him  exact  information  about  the  church.  Did 
Paul's  acquaintance  with  a  church's  needs  involve  the  presence  of  some  of  his  friends 
in  that  church  ?  The  case  of  Colosse  rather  contradicts  this  idea.  And  Rome  was 
far  more  widely  known  than  Colosse. 

14 


210  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

individual  detail  and  colour  in  16^-"  presupposes,  on  the  contrary,  a 
sphere  where  Paul  had  for  long  resided  and  worked.  As  he  wrote  from 
Corinth,  the  only  other  city  which  answers  this  description  is  Ephesus. 
There  Paul's  experience  had  been  prolonged  and  varied,  and  indeed 
several  of  the  names  here  are  directly  linked  to  Asia  Minor  (Eptenetus, 
ver.  5,  ciTrapxrj  rrjs  'Aalas,  especially,  and  Prisca  and  Aquila,  ver.  3,  who 
were  at  Ephesus  immediately  before  "  Romans "  was  written, — Ac 
I318.  2G^  I  Qq  iQio^ — and  apparently  were  there  not  long  afterwards, 
2  Ti  4^*').  Also,  if  genuine,  the  keen  warning  against  schismatics  and 
errorists  (17-20)  suits  Rome  ^  less  well  than  Epliesus  (1  Co  16*-  ^, 
avTiKelfievoi  ttoXXo/,  Ac  20  '^'f-,  Apoc  22f).  Most  inapplicable  of  all  to  a 
church  like  Rome  is  the  tone  of  Paul's  remark  in  ver.  19  ("your 
obedience,"  "I  will,"  etc.).  The  distant  tone  even  of  a  passage  like 
15-°f-  shows  that  he  was  not  on  close  enough  terms  with  the 
Roman  Christians  to  speak  thus  pointedly,  although  as  addressed  to 
Ephesus  the  words  would  be  perfectly  legitimate ;  and  "  it  cannot  be " 
proved  "  that  many  of  those  with  whom  in  the  course  of  his  twenty  years 
ministry  he  had  established  such  relations  as  are  referred  to  here,  had  for 
one  cause  or  another  found  their  way  to  the  great  city."  Paul  had  been 
a  prisoner  (16'')  long  before  his  confinement  at  Caesarea  or  Rome  (2  Co 
P  IP''),  perhaps  even  at  Ephesus,  so  that  this  letter  need  not  have  been 
written  necessarily  from  the  later  imprisonment  (Col  4^",  Philem  23). 
It  was  composed  in  all  likelihood  at  the  same  time  and  place  as  Romans. 
But  while  Paul  could  send  only  general  counsels  to  the  Western  church, 
his  connection  with  the  Eastern  enabled  him  to  write  a  very  different 
note  full  of  concrete  and  affectionate  detail.^ 

This   is  corroborated    by   the   further   fact   that  Ro  \Q^-^   forms   a 

1  No  evidence,  least  of  all  any  from  the  epistle  to  the  Eomans  itself,  has  been 
forthcomiug  to  prove  the  existence  of  lixti<fa.<rlcct  and  «-x«vS«x«  among  the  Komau 
Christians  of  that  age.  The  only  defence  of  i"--*^  as  Pauline,  is  to  refer  it  to  some 
community  elsewhere.  Dr.  Drummond  prefers  to  think  of  Greek  adventurers  rather 
than  of  Jewish  Christian  antagonists.  At  any  rate,  controversy  against  false  teachers 
is  conspicuously  lacking  in  Romans  ;  and  it  is  hard  to  see  how  such  an  outburst  can 
be  reconciled  with  the  general  phenomena  of  the  preceding  chapters.  When  the 
Ephesian  destination  is  accepted,  the  words  are  luminous  and  apt.  When  the 
Roman  destination  is  advocated,  interpreters  are  reduced  to  the  strait  of  con- 
jecturing that  Paul  was  here  vaguely  warning  the  Romans  against  teachers  who 
existed  in  other  churches  and  might  at  some  future  date  trouble  themselves  !  This 
implies  a  most  unPauline  airiness.  Besides,  the  whole  sense  of  vers.  i''-2"  is  lost 
unless  the  readers  know  the  facts  and  persons  to  whom  the  writer  alluded.  How 
else  could  they  mark  and  turn  away  from  them  1  The  remark  that  Paul  "definitely 
states  that  he  is  only  warning  them  that  they  may  be  wise  if  occasion  arise  " 
(ICC,  "Romans,"  p.  xciv)  is  quite  misleading  and  emasculates  the  apostle's 
language.  Had  he  feared  the  advent  of  Judaising  emissaries  to  Rome,  he  could  and 
would  have  made  this  clear  to  his  readers.  Instances  of  similar  warning,  such  as 
Gal  1^  53,  Ph  31  *■•,— (adduced  by  Zahn) — are  not  genuine  prophylactic  counsels. 
In  the  former  of  these  the  mischief  had  already  begun,  which,  as  even  Zahn  admits, 
was  not  the  case  in  Rome  when  the  apostle  wrote  ;  while  the  remarkably  intimate 
relations  between  Paul  and  Philippi  differentiate  Philippians  entirely  from  an  epistle 
like  Romans. 

2  An  attempt  is  sometimes  made  to  evade  the  force  of  these  arguments  by  urging, 
[a]  that  these  ])eople  mentioned  here  may  well  have  come  to  Rome  through  their 
migratory  (Ja  4i-')  habits,  especially  as  there  was  constant  communication  between 
Rome  and  the  provinces.  But  the  point  is  that  when  Paul  wrote  Romans,  such  a 
migration  had  not  occurred.  Whatever  evidence  we  possess  tells  against  it.  How 
incredible  that  an  exodus  of  Paul's  friends  and  their  relatives  should  have  taken  place 
to  the  capital  at  that  time  !  What  turned  twenty-four  and  more  of  them  suddenly 
into  nomads  ?    Afterwards,  it  is  quite  possilile  that  such  a  migration  gradually  followed 


A    NOTE    TO    EPHESUS  211 

letter  of  commendation  given  to  PlioeLc  (eVtoroA;)  a-vaTUTCKj))  :  so  Semlev, 
Renan,  Hausratli  (iii.  260),  Farrar  {St.  Paul,  chap,  xxxvii.),  Holtzmann 
(EM.  pp.  242-46),  Weiss,  Weizsacker,  McGiffert,  and  Adeney  (BI,  pp. 
379,  380). 1  Paul  would  naturally  introduce  a  person  to  a  circle  with  which 
he  already  possessed  some  influence.  The  value  of  the  commendation 
wou.ld  mainly  consist  in  the  writer's  title  to  respect  and  obedience  from 
those  to  whom  he  spoke,  with  whom  he  was  on  intimate  terms. 

How  this  note  became  incorporated  in  Romans,  it  is  only  possible  to 
conjecture.  It  may  have  been  because  copies  of  both,  as  well  as  the 
originals,  were  written  at  the  same  time  and  from  the  same  place,  that 
the  later  editors  of  the  Pauline  literature  added  them  together.  Perhaps 
Phoebe,  its  bearer,  ultimately  arrived  with  it  (the  original  or  a  copy)  in 
Rome.  In  any  case  the  only  way  of  preserving  a  note  so  unimportant  in 
itself  was  to  put  it  in  the  wake  of  a  larger  letter,  particularly  as  the  note 
lacked  any  formal  address.  Romans  was  apparently  edited — to  judge  from 
its  textual  condition — before  ever  it  reached  the  Canon  ;  and  in  the  two 
closing  chapters  especially  it  is  i)ossible  to  detect  different  textual  strata, 
even  although  the  process  by  which  they  were  deposited  is  now  largely 
obscure.  The  note  may  have  been  put  in  its  present  place  at  the  end  of 
Romans,  since  in  the  Muratorian  Canon  that  epistle  occupied  the  last  place 
among  the  Pauline  epistles  to  the  churches,  as  afterwards  in  Tertullian's 
and  Cyprian's  lists  (Zahn,  GK,  ii.  p.  344).  Probably,  too,  in  a  later  age  the 
note  was  appended  to  Romans  because  it  contained  the  names  of  several 
Christians  (like  Ampliatus)  who  had  become  prominent  figures  in  the 
Roman  church  subsequently  to  the  original  period  of  the  letter.  Their 
traditional  connection  with  Rome  and  the  obscurity  of  this  note's  original 
destination — (which  was  natural  in  an  epistle  of  commendation)— com- 
bined to  further  its  incorporation  with  the  large  Roman  epistle. 

in  the  footsteps  of  the  apostle.  Asiatics  constantly  betook  themselves  to  the  capital, 
and  it  is  therefore  far  from  remarkable  that  {b)  the  names  mentioned  here  have 
almost  all  been  found  in  the  Roman  Corpus  Inscri-ptionum.  Most  of  them  are  quite 
common  throughout  the  Roman  world,  and  half  are  found  in  the  Greek  Corpus 
Inscriptiomim  for  Asia  Minor.  So  far  as  any  weight  can  be  attached  to  the 
importance  of  names  like  Prisca,  Amplias,  Nereus,  and  Apelles,  in  the  subseqiient 
history  of  early  Christianity  in  Rome,  it  is  really  irrelevant  to  the  present  question. 
These  persons  may  have,  and  probably  did,  come  to  Rome  at  some  later  stage ;  but  it  is 
far  from  a  valid  inference  that  because  they  afterwards  lived  in  the  capital,  they  must 
have  been  there  when  Paul  wrote  "  Romans."  Finally,  it  may  be  asked  how  these 
hypothetical  Christians  resident  at  Rome  had  disappeared  when  their  beloved  friend 
Paul,  some  years  later,  wrote  his  prison-epistles  from  the  capital  ?  He  mentions 
none  of  them.  Had  their  nomadic  habits  again  seized  and  scattered  them  ?  It  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  do  more  than  mention  Zahn's  idea  that  Paul  did  not  actually 
know  all  these  Christians  ;  some  he  was  acquainted  with,  and  from  them  he  got 
information  about  the  rest  !  Nor  is  it  logical  to  argue  that  because  Paul  was  a 
wanderer,  his  fellow-workers  were  likely  to  be  wanderers  also. 

1  Also,  0.  Holtzmann  (NT  Zdtgcsch,  p.  132) ;  von  Soden  (EBi,  i.  p.  812)  ; 
Dr.  Cone,  Paul  the  Man,  the  Missionary,  and  the  Teacher,  p.  12  ff.  ;  Haupt  (SK, 
1900,  pp.  147,  148,  in  his  review  of  Zahn) ;  and  at  an  earlier  date,  Laurent 
(pp.  32-38). 


This  letter,  written  by  Paul  as  an  introduction  for  Phoebe,  is  not  to  be 
compared  of  course  with  the  great  epistles  to  the  Galatian  and  Corinthian 
churches.  It  gives  neither  instructions  nor  exhortations,  as  they  do.  Nor 
does  it  to  the  same  extent,  therefore,  reveal  conditions  and  events  in  the  inner 
life  of  the  church  ;  even  tlie  short  address  appended  to  it  does  not  supply  us 
with  any  information  in  this  direction.  But  in  the  very  names,  and  in  their 
grouping,  as  well  as  in  the  short  notes  of  a  personal  and  historical  nature,  it 
still  furnishes  us  with  very  valuable  knowledge.  ...  To  the  introductory 
recommendation  of  Phoebe  is  appended,  in  the  foiin  of  greetings,  the  list  of  those 
persons  to  whom  she  was  to  be  introduced,  and  the  note  is  thus  of  the  nature 
of  an  attestation,  which  she  could  lay  before  the  individuals,  because  it  was 
expressly  addressed  to  them.  For  tlie  rest,  a  short  exhortation  is  added,  which 
was  probably  appended  to  the  letter.  It  contains,  indeed,  several  features,  both 
in  tliought  and  language,  that  are  unusual  with  Paul.  Yet  this  is  hardly  more 
marked  here  than  in  the  short  additions  that  elsewhere  close  the  Pauline  letters, 
written  in  the  apostle's  own  liand,  and  all  distinguished  by  concise  thoughts 
and  figures,  abrupt  sentences,  and  peculiar  words. —Welzsacker. 


[Ro  W--° 

1-2         Introduction  for  Phoebe. 
3-1 G         Greetings  to  Asiatic  Christians. 
17-20]       Warning  and  farewell. 


Rol6  A   NOTE   TO    EPHESUS 

1  I   COMMEND    to    you    our   sister   Phoebe   who    ministers    to    the    Com- 

2  munity  at  Kenchreae  :  receive  her  in  the  Lord  in  a  manner  worthy  of 
saints,  and  give  her  whatever  help  she  may  require  at  your  hands ;  truly 
she  has  proved  herself  a  helper  to  many,  as  well  as  to  myself. 

3  Salute  Prisca  and  Aquila  my  fellow-workers  in  Christ  Jesus, 

4  they  laid  down  their  own  necks  for  my  life  ; 

to  whom  not  only  I  Ijut  also  all  the  Communities  of  the  Gentiles 
give  thanks  : 

5  also  the  community  at  their  house. 
Salute  Epaenetus  my  beloved, 

he  is  the  firstfruits  of  Asia  for  Christ. 

6  Salute  Mary, 

she  laboured  actively  for  you. 

7  Salute  Andronikus  and  Junias  my  kinsmen  and  fellow-prisoners ; 

they  are  men  of  note  among  the  apostles, 
also  they  were  in  Christ  before  me. 

8  Salute  Ampliatus,  my  beloved  in  the  Lord. 

9  Salute     Urbanus,     our     fellow-worker    in     Christ,    and    Stachys    my 

beloved. 

10  Salute  Apelles,  that  genuine  character  in  Christ. 
Salute  those  who  belong  to  the  household  of  Aristobillus. 

11  Salute  Herodion  my  kinsman. 

Salute  those  of  Narcissus'  household  who  are  in  the  Lord. 

12  Salute  Tryjihaena  and  Tryphosa  who  labour  in  the  Lord. 
Salute  Persis  the  beloved, 

she  laboured  actively  in  the  Lord. 

13  Salute  Eufus,  that  choice  character  in  Christ, 

also  her  who  is  his  mother  and  mine. 

14  Salute  Asynkritus,  Phlegon,  Hermes,  Patrobas,  Hernias, 

also  the  brothers  who  are  with  them. 

15  Salute  Philologus  and  Julia,  Nereus  and  his  sister,  and  Olympas, 

also  the  saints  who  are  with  them. 

16  Salute  one  another  with  a  saints'  kiss. 

All  the  Communities  of  Christ  salute  you. 

1 7  Now  I  appeal  to  you,  brothers,  look  to  those  who  are  creating  the  dissen- 
sions and  the  hindrances  among  you,  contrary  to  the  doctrine  which  you 

18  have  learned  ;  turn  away  from  them.     Such  people  serve  not  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  but  their  own  belly,  and  by  fair  and  flattering  speech  they 

19  beguile  the  hearts  of  the  unsuspecting.  Your  obedience  has 
reached  the  ears  of  all.      I   rejoice  then  over  you  ;  but  I  would  have 

20  you  expert  in  what  is  good,  and  guileless  in  what  is  evil.     Soon  shall  the 
God  of  peace  trample  Satan  beneath  your  feet. 

The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  be  with  you, 

213 


COLOSSIANS 

The  Colossian  church  was  Pauline  only  (!•*•  ^  2^)  in  an  indirect  sense, 
but  Paul's  authority  to  address  these  Christians  seems  to  have  been 
unquestioned,  and  the  ejiistle  contains  evidence  (4-'^^)  of  a  warm,  mutual 
interest.  The  danger  which  he  sought  to  combat  lay  in  the  pretensions 
(2*)  made  by  several  members,  under  Jewish  influences,  to  a  higher 
Christian  life.  These  involved  ritual  and  ascetic  practices,  which  in 
turn  derived  their  motives  and  justification  from  certain  speculative  and 
theosoj^hic  principles,  e.g.  the  mediation  and  mission  of  angels,  and  a 
cosmical  dualism.  To  reach  the  practical  question  Paul  strikes  at  the 
theory,  exposing  the  uselessness  and  danger  of  such  habits  by  a  proof  that 
Christ  is  absolutely  sufficient  as  a  redeeming  power.  The  Christology  ^  is 
an  advance  in  some  respects  iipon  the  previous  epistles  (cj).  Ro  11^"  and 
Col  V^).  But  the  advance  is  conditioned  by  the  special  circumstances 
of  the  Colossian  church,  and  is  not  cut  off  from  the  genuinely  Pauline 
basis.  Paul  adopts  and  adapts  certain  ideas  and  phrases  ^  to  reiterate  the 
absolute  adequacy  and  efficacy  of  Christ  in  his  organic  relation  to  the 
church  and  the  world  alike.  Faith  in  him  requires  no  outside  philo- 
sophy or  esoteric  cult  to  perfect  itself.  Through  union  with  Christ  and 
Christ  alone  the  Christian  life  rises  to  the  height  and  fulness  of  its 
moral  destiny,  and  no  so-called  "  Higher  Life "  is  to  be  dreamt  of. 
Any  external  or  additional  aid  (2^^)  is  gratuitous  and  harmful.  This 
thesis  is  urged  upon  lines  which  Paul  in  part  had  already  traversed  (in 
1  Co  and  Ro),  in  part  found  opening  w])  now  freshly  to  his  mind.  The 
style  and  inner  evidence  of  the  writing,  combined  with  a  fair  view  of  the 
errors  attacked  and  the  doctrine  adduced,  serve— in  the  absence  of  many 
historical  traits — to  indicate  that  the  letter  is  a  genuine  product  of  the 
apostle.^  It  is  intended  to  stamp  as  authentic  and  exhibit  as  final  the 
gospel  which  the  Colossians  had  learned  from  his  pupil,  Epaphras. 

1  Dr.  Fairbairn  (Christ  in  Mod.  Theol.  pp.  318-320)  ]mts  this  witli  characteristic 
terseness:  "  Christ  occupies  not  simply  a  historical,  but  a  cosmical  place.  ...  At 
the  touch  of  evil  the  cosmology  becomes  a  soteriology ;  for  when  sin  enters  the  world, 
the  Creator,  who  is  good,  has  no  choice  but  to  become  the  Saviour.  .  .  .  The  cate- 
gories of  time  and  history  liave  thus  ceased  to  be  here  applicable  ;  sin  is  no  longer  an 
affair  of  man  or  earth,  but  of  the  universe.  The  coniiict  against  it  is  extra-temporal ; 
its  field  is  the  wliole  realm  of  mental  being,  the  protagonists  God  and  the  devil."  Cp. 
Knowling,   Witness  of  Epistles,  pp.  256-290. 

2  He  may  have  become  acquainted  with  the  current  terminology  of  the  Greek 
mysteries  in  Rome,  even  if  he  had  not  some  previous  knowledge  of  them.  Cp.  the 
essay  in  Lightfoot's  edition,  ])p.  71-111,  on  "The  Colossian  heresy."  The  exact 
features  of  the  theosophy  at  Colosse  are  difficult  to*  make  out,  and  have  been 
variously  interpreted.  It  is  clear  that  they  were  not  "Gnostic,"  in  the  later  and 
technical  sense  of  the  term  ;  possibly  they  were  syncretistic,  a  local  blend  of 
polytheism,  mysticism,  and  theosophy. 

^  For  the  reality  and  limits  of  the  advance  in  Paulinism  which  marks  off  the 
letters  after    "  Romans,"  cp.  Weiss,  NTTh,  ii.  pp.  75-124,  and  Zahn,  Jiinl.  i.  p. 
347  f.,  particularly  the  latter,  who  harmonises  the  conceptions  of  the  earlier  and  later 
Paulinism  without  straining  exegesis  unduly. 
2U 


COLOSSIANS  215 

Up  to  a  comparatively  recent  period,  the  epistle  was  upon  the  whole 
assigned  to  the  second  century  (110-130  a.d.)  by  most  critics,  from 
Mayerhoff  downwards,  partly  owing  to  the  supposed  development  of  the 
Christology,  but  mainly  on  account  of  its  references  to  what  were  con- 
sidered fairly  mature  forms  of  Gnosticism.  Baur  especially  (Paul,  ii. 
1-44),  followed  by  the  majority  of  his  school,^  found  the  atmosphere  of  the 
writing  not  earlier  than  this  period,  and  Weizsacker  {AA,  ii.  pp.  240-245) 
still  holds  a  similar  view;  he  regards  "Colossians"  as  a  product,  along 
with  the  fourth  gospel,  of  the  Ephesian  school  which  developed  Paulinism 
to  counteract  the  contemporary  tendencies  of  encratitic  thought.  So 
Briickner,  Cfiron.  pp.  41-56,  257-276.  Yet  this  rigorous  verdict  has  to 
be  modified.  It  must  be  admitted  that  there  are  no  definite  traces  of 
any  great  Gnostic  system  in  this  writing,  nor  can  there  be  any  reason 
for  denying  that  Paulinism  in  Paul's  hands  could  have  embraced 
certain  semi-metaphysical  ideas  which  are  called  Alexandrian,  or  that 
the  conceptions  in  Colossians  were  necessarily  foreign  to  his  mind  simply 
because  they  had  not  as  yet  come  to  such  full  expression.  The  possi- 
bility of  such  a  speculative  advance  in  the  writer's  mind  becomes  of 
course  considerably  greater  when  Philippians — with  its  bold  development 
of  Christology — is  accepted  as  genuinely  Pauline. 

The  undoubted  basis  of  Pauline  ideas,  however,  suggested  to  Holtz- 
mann  his  ingenious  and  complicated  interpretation  theory  (Kritik  der 
Ephes.  u.  Kolesserbriefe  (1872) ;  Einl.  pp.  251-267),  by  which,  after  Ewald 
and  in  part  Hitzig,  he  endeavoured  to  distinguish  an  original  and  genuine 
epistle  to  the  Colossians  directed  against  their  legal  and  ascetic  errors. 
This  was  first  used  by  the  autor  ad  Efhesios  against  a  Jewish-Christian 
theosophy ;  afterwards  he  turned  back  and  interpolated  his  earlier 
source  into  our  extant  "  Colossians."  Such  filigree-criticism  has  not 
proved  convincing,^  and  has  only  been  accepted  with  considerable 
modifications.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  most  critics  incline  to  the  simpler 
conclusion  of  accepting  at  least  "Colossians"  as  a  genuine  and  substan- 
tially Pauline  document,  a  position  which  is  fast  becoming  axiomatic" 

This  recognition  of  the  authenticity  and  unity  of  Colossians  had 
been  already  advocated  bv  Schenkel  (Christusbild  d.  Apostel,  pp.  83-86), 
Weiss  {INT,  i.  pp.  323-338,  AJT,  i.  371-377),  Eeuss  (pp.  110-119), 
J.  Koster  (De  Echtheid  van  de  hrieven  aan  de  Kolossers  en  de  Eplxesiers, 
1877),  Renan  {S.  Paid,  pp.  ix-xii),  Lightfoot,  Beyschlag,  Godet,  Salmon, 
and  Hort^  {Jud.  Christianity,  p.  116  f.),  besides  the  brilliant  studies 

1  Cp.  especially  Pfleiderer,  Paulinism,  ii.  pp.  95-119;  Urc.  p.  670  f.,  who  admits, 
however,  the  possibility  of  a  Pauline  nucleus  in  the  letter  ;  also,  from  a  slightly 
different  standpoint,  Schmiedel,  EWK,  ii.  38,  article  "  Kolosser  u.  Epheser"  (1886), 
p.  138  f. ,  who  takes  the  heresy  to  be  a  form  of  Ebionitism  with  Gnostic  tendencies  ;  and 
Cone,  Gospd  and  its  Interpretations,  pp.  249-260. 

2  Cp.  von  Soden's  examination:  JpTh  (1885),  pp.  320-368.  The  parallels  are 
reprinted  by  Haupt  (-Meyer),  Einl.  pp.  27,  28,  79-81. 

3  Possibly  the  stylistic  difficulties  might  be  eased,  were  it  a  feasible  conjecture 
here,  as  in  the  case  of  2  Thess.,  that  Timothy's  share  in  the  epistle  was  something 
more  than  merely  nominal.     Cp.  Renan,  L' Antechrist,  chap.  iv. 

•»  Hort  and  McGiffert,  however,  reject  the  ordinary  hypothesis  of  Essene  influence. 
A  connection  with  some  popular  Greek  ethical  philosophy  the  former  regards  as 
undeniably  possible  ;  but  he  considers  the  Colossian  heresy  to  be  essentially  a  Judaic 
development  and  extension  to  which  a  specious  quasi-Hellenic  varnish  of ' '  philosophy  " 
was  given  in  order  to  disarm  Western  prejudice.  More  simply  and  satisfactorily, 
McGitt'ert,  like  Schenkel,  von  Soden,  and  Erbes  (Ofenbar.  Joh.  p.  135  f.)  prefers  to 
believe  that  the  errorists  were  under  the  influence  of  Alexandrian  rather  than 
Palestinian  Judaism.    The  term  (fiXoo-ofU  was  applied  by  Philo  and  Josephus  to  Jewish 


216  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

of  Sabatier  (Paul,  pp.  229-234)  and  Klcipper  {Der  Brief  an  die  Kolosser, 
1882).  Recently  the  support  has  become  even  more  extensive.  Among 
others,  the  Pauline  authorship  is  accepted  by  L.  Schultze  {Handhuch  der 
theolog.  Wissenschaften,  Band.  i.  Abth.  2,  pp.  91-95),  Schafer  {Einl.  pp. 
132-136),  Oltramare  {Commentaire  sur  les  epUres  de  S.  Paul  aux  Col. 
Ephes.  (1891),  vol.  i.  pp.  66-91),  Clemen,  Harnack,  Jiilicher  (Einl.  pp. 
89-91  ;  EBi,  i.  860f.),  Blass  {Ada  Apost.  prolegomena,  p.  1),  McGiltert 
(AA,  pp.  266-374),  E.  H.  Hall  (Painas  (1899),  pp.  283-286),  Bartlet 
(AA,  p.  186f.),  T.  K.  Abbott  {ICC.  pp.  1-lix),  Adeney,  BI,  pp.  389-391, 
Zahn  {Einl.  i.  pp.  347-308),  and  with  exceptional  ability  by  Haupt 
(-Meyer) i  and  von  Soden{JpTh  (1885),  pp.  320 f.,  497 f.,  672 f.;  HG,  iii.  1, 
pp.  1-18). 

The  determining  factor  in  this  recognition  of  Colossians  as  an 
authentic  work  of  Paul  ^  has  been  the  recognition  of  Gnosticism  in  its 
pre-Christian  sources,  Persian,  Phrygian,  and  Philonic.  Investigation 
into  theosophic  ideas  early  in  the  first  century  has  revealed  symjatoms 
and  developments  of  what  is  called  at  a  later  period  "Gnosticism"  (cp. 
Kriiger,  RTK,  vi.  pp.  728-734).  The  Essenes,  especially,  represent 
aptitudes  which  can  be  taken  as  precursors  of  the  tendencies  ^  combated 
in  Colossians  ;  in  fact,  the  widely  diffused  and  popular  forms  of 
theosophy  among  Jewish  (Ac  19^^)  communities  give  a  religious  climate 
for  the  seventh  decade  of  the  centi;ry,  amply  sufficient  to  explain  the 
ideas  and  language  •*  of  this  epistle.  Gnosticism  was  the  word  originally 
for  an  atmosphere  rather  than  for  a  theory.  It  stood  for  a  syncretism, 
a  mental  temper  whose  incipient  and  elementary  forms  can  be  detected  in 
various  quarters  during  the  earlier  half  of  the  first-century.^     Indeed,  at 

theology.  It  would  connote  any  transcendental  theory  of  God  and  the  world, 
especially  among  Jewish  Christians.  With  the  appeal  to  human  traditions  and  the 
significance  attached  to  questions  of  food  (Col  2  =  Ro  14),  Paul  was  already  familiar. 

1  Haupt  is  dissatisfied  with  both  the  Essene  and  the  Alexandrian  theories  of  the 
Colossian  heresy.  He  prefers  to  regard  it  as  a  phase  of  contemporary  Judaism, 
which  in  the  Phrygian  atmosphere  of  theosophy  and  mystic  cults  attempted  to  erect  a 
religious  system  by  means  of  angel-worship  and  asceticism,  with  the  aid  of  oral  teaching 
imparted  to  the  initiated.  Jiilicher  again  is  imable  to  detect  any  specifically  Jewish 
element  at  all  in  the  Colossian  heresy. 

2  Evidently  Epaphras  and  the  other  teachers  at  ColossG  were  unable  to  cope  with 
the  ramifications  of  the  local  theosophy.  The  predominance  of  abstract  teaching  in 
Paul's  letter  over  personal  references  is  natural  when  it  is  remembered  (i.)  that 
the  readers  were  not  directly  converts  of  Paul,  and  (ii.)  that  the  letter  was  to  be 
supplemented  by  Tychicus'  (4^)  oral  information  upon  the  writer's  situation  and 
prospects. 

3  Grammatical  usage  and  the  inherent  probabilities  of  the  case  are,  upon  the 
whole,  against  the  suggestion  that  the  term  //■■yili'i;  (2i'^  etc.)  and  the  use  of  the  singular 
denote  a  person — some  teacher  of  marked  infiuence  and  authority  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Galatians  (Gal  3i  5"  »).  The  reference  seems  purposely  vague  and  general.  Had  Paul 
heard  of  some  particular  individual,  his  treatment  would  in  all  likelihood  have  been 
of  a  different  character. 

■*  On  the  novelties  of  style  and  vocabulary,  cp.  especially  Haupt's  serviceable 
analysis  (-Meyer,  pp.  27-32).  As  he  points  out,  most  of  the  peculiarities — the 
occurrence  of  strange  expressions,  and  the  absence  of  distinctively  Pauline  terms — are 
to  ])e  found  in  the  first  half  of  l.lie  epistle.  Both  Haupt  and  von  8odeu  agree  that 
"  Colossians  "  is  an  cxaniiilc  of  tlie  tr-uth  that  tlic  style  is  not  always  the  man  ;  it  is 
frerjuently  to  be  explained  by  liis  modi^  and  circumstances  at  the  time  of  writing. 
Paul's  "  theology  as  a  whoh-  never  became  fully  rounded  and  complete  in  such  a 
sense  as  to  exclude  fresh  points  of  views  or  new  expressions  "  (Jiilicher). 

5  Cp.  besides  the  candid  an<l  final  discussion  in  Kliijiper,  cji.  rit.  pp.  .58-119, 
Sanday,  Smitlis  Dirt.  11.  (189:3),  i.  pp.  624-631,  and  Zahn,  AW.  i.  pp.  310-368. 
After  making  allowance  for  some  exaggerations  (with  Schiirer,  !/'/(.Ls  (1899),  167  f.), 


COLOSSIANS  217 

any  time  after  40  a.d.,  early  Christianity  was  upon  the  edge  of  those 
tendencies  which  came  afterwards  to  be  named  "Gnosticism."  A  dis- 
cussion such  as  that  presented  in  "  Colossians  "  is  unprecedented,  so  far 
as  regards  Paulinism,  but  it  is  a  long  way  from  being  historically  a 
prolepsis. 

one  must  also  admit  that  Friedliimler  has  proved  the  existence  of  an  incipient  pre- 
Christian  Gnosticism  in  some  form  or  otlier  within  Judaism  (Der  vorchristliche 
Jildische  Gnosticismus,  1898).  Holtzmann  is  in  agreement  with  the  main  points  of 
this  theory  {NTTIi,  i.  pp.  476-486,  "Die  Gnosis  im  NT"),  but  he  still  adheres 
substantially  to  the  rather  mechanical  hypothesis  already  noted  [ibid.  ii.  pp.  225-258), 
which  has  recently  been  favoured  in  a  tentative  way  by  J.  Weiss  {TliLz,  1900,  pp. 
553-556).  The  latter  critic  rejects  Ephesians  in  toto,  but  accepts  Colossians  as  an 
interpolated  production  of  the  apostle  ;  e.g.  passages  like  !-■'  (oS  iix.oUa.Ti  .  .  .  oupxviv), 
21  {xxi  ciroi  .  .  .  crxpxi),  2-  {a.iTu:v),  etc,  are  insertions  made  by  an  editor  who  wrote  at 
the  time  when  the  Pauline  epistles  were  being  collected  and  used  for  catholic  ends. 
It  must  be  admitted  that  such  changes  in  the  text  of  a  letter  like  this  were  not 
improbable  in  the  second  century,  especially  as  scribes  had  always  the  temptation 
of  conforming  Colossians  to  Ephesians.  But  I  do  not  think  it  likely  that  any  glosses 
which  may  be  detected  in  Colossians  were  due  to  the  author  of  Ephesians  (when  that 
writing  is  taken  as  sub-Pauline),  or  that  they  affect  the  Pauline  authorship  and 
primitive  Gnosticism  of  the  former  epistle,  whose  coefficients  of  age  and  situation 
are  best  supplied  by  the  seventh-decade  date  and  the  impact  of  Asiatic  theosophy 
upon  the  apostle's  mind. 


Historically,  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians  is  of  great  interest.  It  shows 
how  during  his  imprisonment  Paul  was  actually  regarded  as  an  authority  in 
wide  circles,  even  in  circles  to  which  he  was  not  personally  related  ;  and  how 
for  his  own  part  he  had  no  hesitation  in  considering  that  the  sphere  of  his 
mission  embraced  ofi'shoots  of  those  churches  which  he  had  planted  himself. 
It  shows  how  varied  were  the  forms  in  which  the  ideals  of  Jewish  Christianity 
embodied  themselves  ;  how  in  Paul's  case  the  divergences  of  practical  religion 
led  to  the  development  of  dogmatic  conceptions  ;  and  how,  with  that  in  view, 
the  apostle  turned  the  Jewish  doctrine  of  the  Messiah  to  account,  presupposing 
along  with  it  the  Jewish  cosmology.  Finally  the  epistle  gives  us  the  first 
sketch  of  Christian  ethics  as  applied  to  the  various  elementary  forms  of  social 
life. — von  Soden. 


Greeting; : 

Thanksg^iving;  and   Prayer 

for  the  progress 


113-3^   Dogmatic: 

115-17 
118-23 

123_2S 


211-15 

216-3^ 


35_4G  Ethical  : 


and  advance  of  Colossians  in  God's  knowledge 
and  service,  through 

Christ  the  redeemer. 

Christ  the  head  of  the  creation, 

the    Church — the   experience  of 
the  Colossians. 
Paul  the  apostle  of  this  gospel — his  anxiety 
for  them, 
need  of  adherence  to  Christ  and  the  faith  in  spite  of  a  new 

and  false  philosophy  : 
a  statement  of  the  life  after  Christ :  spiritual  and  supreme. 
,,  ,,  ,,  the  (TTOLxela- :  ritual  observances 

and  angel-worship, 
the  free  and  risen  life  in  communion  witli 
Christ. 


individual  ethics— negative  :  against  pagan  vices. 

positive  :  call  to  the  molality  of  Christ, 
social  ethics —  wives  and  husbands, 
children  and  fathers, 
slaves  and  masters, 
general. 
4'"^'^  Personal :    the  coming  of  Tychicus  and  Oiicsimus. 
greetings. 
4I8  Farewell. 


COLOSSI  AN  S 

1  1  Paul,  an  apostle  of  Christ  Jesus  througli  the  will  of  God,  and  Timotheus 
the  brother, 

2  to  the  saints  and  faithful  brothers  in  Christ,  who  are  at  Colossae  : 
grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father. 

3  We  always  give  thanks  to  God  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 

4  for  you  in  our  prayers,  since  we  heard  of  your  faith  in  Christ  Jesus  and 

5  of  the  love  that  you  have  for  all  the  saints,  owing  to  the  hope  which  is 
laid  up  for  you  in  the  heavens — of  which  you  have  already  heard  in  the 

6  word  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel,  which  has  reached  you  even  as  it  covers 
all  the  world,  with  fruit  and  growth  ;  so  is  it  also  among  yourselves 
from  the  day  that  you  learned  and  fully  knew  the  grace  of  God  in  truth, 

7  even  as  you  were  taught  it  by  Epaphras,  our  beloved  fellow-slave,  who 

8  is  a  faithful  minister  of  Christ  for  you,i  who  has  also  given  us  the  news 

9  of  your  love  in  the  Spirit.  For  this  reason,  from  the  day  that  we  heard  of 
it,  we  also  have  not  ceased  to  pray  for  you  and  ask  that  you  may  be  filled 
with  the  full  knowledge  of  his  will  in  all  spiritual  wisdom  and  intelli- 

10  geuce,  to  walk  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  Lord,  so  as  to  please  him  in  every 
way,  by  bearing  fruit  and  growing  in  all  good  conduct  through  the  full 

11  knowledge  of  God  ;  as  you  are  strengthened  with  all  power,  through  the 

12  might  of  his  majesty,  for  all  endurance  and  longsuffering,  giving  thanks 
with  joy  to  the  Father  who  has  qualified  you  to  have  part  in  the  lot  of 

13  the  saints  in  light,  who  has  rescued  us  from  the  power  of  darkness  and 

14  removed  us  into  the  realm  of  the  Son  of  his  love — in  whom  \ve  have 

15  the  redemption,  the  remission  of  sins  ;  who  is  the  image  of  the  invisible 
God,  the  firstborn  of  all  creation, 

16  Since  in  him  all  things  were  created  in  the  heavens  and  on  the  earth, 

Things  visible  and  things  invisible. 
Be  it  thrones  or  lordships  or  principalities  or  powers  : 
All  things  have  been  created  through  him  and  for  him, 

17  Before  all  tilings  he  is,  in  him  all  things  cohere. 

18  He  is  also  the  head  of  the  body,  of  the  Community,  in  that  he  is  the 
beginning,  the  firstborn  from  the  dead  ;  that  he  might  come  to  hold  the 

19  first  place  among  all.     For  it  was  the  good  pleasure  of  the  Fulness  to 

20  dwell  in  him,  and  through  him  to  reconcile  all  things  to  himself  by 
making  peace  through  the  blood  of  his  cross — ^  i^e  it  the  things  on  the 

21  earth  or  the  things  in  the  heavens.  And  as  for  you,  aliens  as  once  you 
were  and  of  hostile  intent  amid  your  evil  deeds,  yet  he  has  reconciled 

22  you  now  in  the  body  of  his  flesh  by'means  of  his  death,  to  present  you  holy 

23  and  faultless  and  irreproachable 'before  him— that  is,  if  you  continue  in 
the  faith,  founded  and  firm  and  unmoved  from  the  hope  of  the  gospel 
which  you  have  heard,  which  has  been  preached  in  all  creation  under  the 
sky,  of  which  I  Paul  was  made  a  minister. 

1  Reading  i^''^''.  -  Omitting  [[hi  oci-roD]]. 

219 


220  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l'^- 


923 


24  Now  I  rejoice  in  my  sufferings  for  your  sake.  Yea,  so  far  as  Christian 
distresses  in  my  liesli  are  incomplete,  I  would  on  my  part  supply  the 

25  deficiency  for  the  sake  of  his  body,  that  is,  the  Community  ;  of  which  I 
was  made  a  minister  according  to  the  stewardship  of  God  given  to  me  for 

26  you,  that  I  should  fully  preach  the  word  of  God,  the  secret  which  has 
been  hidden  from  the  ages  and  from  the  generations — but  now  it  has 

27  been  disclosed  to  his  saints,  to  whom  God  willed  to  display  what  are  the 
riches  of  the  majesty  of  this  secret  among  the  Gentiles  ;  it  is  "  Christ 

28  among  you  !  the  hope  of  majesty !  "  Him  we  proclaim,  admonishing 
every   man   and   teaching   every  man   with   all  wisdom,   that  we    may 

29  present  every  man  perfect  in  Christ  ;  an  end  for  which  also  I  labour 
and  wrestle  keenly  in  virtue  of  his  force  which  is  powerfully  at  work 
in  me. 

2  1        For  I  would  have  you  know  how  keen  is  my  concern  on  your  behalf 
and  on  behalf  of  those  in  Laodicea  and  all  who  have  not  seen  my  face  in 

2  the  flesh,  that  their  hearts  may  be  encouraged,  as  they  themselves  are 
knit  in  love  together   and   brought   to   all  riches   of  intelligent  assur- 

3  ance,  to  the  full  knowledge  of  that  secret  of  the  God  of  Christ,  in  which 

4  exist  all  the  treasures  of  loisdom  and  knowledge  hidden.     I  say  this  to 

5  prevent  anyone  from  deluding  you  by  specious  persuasion.  For  although 
absent  in  the  flesh,  yet  I  am  with  j-ou  in  the  spirit,  rejoicing  to  behold 
your  orderly  array  and  the  solid  front  of  your  faith  in  Christ. 

6  As  therefore  you  received  the  Christ,  even  Jesus  the  Lord,  walk  in 

7  him  :    be  fixed,  be  built  up  in  him,  be   confirmed   in   the   faith   even 

8  as  you  were  taught  it,  abound  ^  in  thanksgiving.  See  that  there  is  no 
one  who  makes  you  his  prey  by  means  of  his  theosophy,  which  is 
a  vain  deceit  after  the  tradition  of  men,  after  the  elements  of  the  world 

9  and  not  after  Christ.     For  it  is  in  him  that  all  the  fulness  of  the  Deity 

10  dwells  bodily,  and  in  him  you  are  made  full,  who  is  the  head  of  every 

11  i^rincipality  and  power  ;  in  whom  also  you  were  circumcised  with  a 
circumcision  which  no  hands  made,  as  you  stripped  off  your  fleshly  body 

12  in  the  circumcision  of  Christ,  when  you  were  buried  with  him  in  that 
baptism  in  which  you  were  also  raised  with  him,  through  your  faith  in 

13  the  force  of  God  who  raised  him  from  the  dead.  And  as  for  you,  dead  as 
you  were  with  the  trespasses  and  the  uncircumcisiou  of  your  flesh,  he 

14  made  you  live  together  with  him  by  forgiving  us  all  our  tres])asses,  can- 
celling the  contract  consisting  of  statutes,  which  stood  against  us- — he 

15  i)ut  that  away,  when  he  hung  it  as  a  trophy  on  the  cross,  wlien  he  stripped 
the  principalities  and  powers  and  exposed  them  openly,  triumphing  there- 

16  in  over  them.  Let  no  one  take  you  to  task,  then,  for  eating 

17  or  drinking,  or  in  the  matter  of  festival  or  new-moon  or  Sabbath.  These 
are  merely  the  shadow  of  what  is  to  be,  whereas  the  substance  belongs  to 

18  Christ.  Let  no  one  disjiara.ye  you  with  his  devotion  to  so-called  humility 
and  to  angel-worshi]),  sjktu luting  in  airy  nothings,^  puffed  up  in  vain  by 

19  tlie  mind  of  his  flesli,  and  discarding  the  Head  from  whom  all  the  l)ody 
tlirough  its  joints  and  ligaments  is  sup])lied  and  knit  together  and  grows 
with  growth  divine. 

20  If  you  died   with  Christ  from   tlie  elements  of  the   world,  why  be 

21  subject  to  statutes  as  thougli  you  still  were  living  in  the  world,  ("  Handle 

22  not,  touch  not,  taste  not ! " — things  that  are  all  destined  to  perish  by 

23  use  !)  after  human  precepts  and  doctrines? — Such  like  things  have  indeed 
a  reputation  for  wisdom,  with  their  self-imposed  worship  and  so-called 

1  Omitting  f[.'v  k^t-^]].  -  Omitting  S  ^v  ut.vmtIov  r./j-'iv. 

'  Reading  ti-a  ;«.«;«)  y.in/x.0KTiCm. 


3^-4^]  COLOSSIANS  221 

humility  and  severe  treatment   of  tlie   body ;    but  they  are  not  of  the 
slightest  value  in  checking  fleshly  indulgence. 

3  1  If  then  you  Avere  raised  with  Christ,  seek  what  is  above, 

Where  Christ  is,  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  God: 

2  Set  your  mind  upon  what  is  above,  not  upon  what  is  on  the  earth  ; 

3  For  you  died,  and  your  life  lies  hidden  with  Christ  in  God. 

4  When  Christ — who  is  your  ^  life — is  disclosed. 

Then  shall  you  also  be  disclosed  with  him  in  majesty. 

5  Put  then  to  death  the  members  that  are  on  the  earth  :  fornication, 

6  impurity,  appetite,  evil  desire,  and  covetousness — which  is  idolatry.     It 

7  is  for  these  things  that  the  wrath  of  God  comes.     In  them  at  one  time 

8  you  also  walked,  when  you  lived  in  them.  But  now  do  you  also  put 
them  all  away  :  anger,  passion,  malice,  slander,  foul  talk  from  your  moutli ; 

9  lie  not  to  one  another — seeing  that  yon  stripped  off  the  old  man  with 

10  his  doings  and  put  on  the  new  man,  who  is  ever  being  renewed  to  full 

11  knowledge  after  the  image  of  his  creator;  where  there  is  no  place  for 
Greek  and  Jew,  circumcision  and  uncircumcision,  barbarian,  Scythian, 

12  slave,  freeman,  but  Christ  is  all  and  in  all.  Put  on  therefore,  as  God's 
chosen,  holy  and  beloved,  a  disposition  of  tender  mercy,  kindness,  humil- 

13  ity,  gentleness,  longsuff'eriug.  Bear  with  one  another  and  forgive  each 
other,  if  any  person  has  a  complaint  against  any  one  else  ;  even  as  the 

14  Lord  also  forgave  you,  so  too  do  you  forgive.     Over  and  above  all  this 

15  put  on  love,  for  love  is  the  bond  that  makes  perfection.  And  let  the 
peace  of  Christ  rule  undisputed  in  your  hearts  ;  for  to  this  you  were  also 

16  called  in  one  body.  And  show  thankfulness.  Let  the  word  of  Christ 
dwell  richly  in  your  midst  :  teaching  and  admonishing  each  other  with 
all  wisdom  in  spiritual  psalms  and  hymns  and  songs,  singing  with  grace 

17  in  your  hearts  to  God.  And  whatsoever  you  do,  in  word  or  deed,  do  all 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  giving  thanks  through  him  to  God  the 
Father. 

18  Wives,  be  subject  to  your  husbands,  as  is  your  duty  in  the  Lord. 
19,  20  Husbands,  love  your  wives  and  be  not  harsh  to  them.  Children, 

obey  your  parents  in  every  point,  for  this  is  well-j^leasing  in  the  Lord. 

21  '  Fathers,  avoid  irritating  your  children,  that  they  may  not  be 

22  dispirited.  Slaves,  obey  those  who  are  your  masters  after  the  flesh 
in  every  point ;  not  with  eyeservice,  like  those  who  court  human  favour,  but 

23  with  singleness  of  heart  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord.     Whatever  you  do,  work 

24  at  it  right  heartily,  as  for  the  Lord  and  not  for  men ;  since  you  know  you 
shall  receive  from'  the  Lord  in  full  return  the  inheritance  that  is  your  due. 

25  Serve  Christ  the  master  ;  for  the  wicked  shall  be  paid  back  forhis  wicked- 

4  1  ness,  and  there  is  no  respect  of  persons.  Masters,  provide  your 

slaves  with  what  is  just  and  fair,  since  you  know  you  also  have  a  master  in 

2  heaven.  Give  yourselves  to  prayer,be  diligent  thereinwith  thanks- 

3  giving.  At  the  same  time  pray  too  for  us,  that  God  may  open  us  a  door 
for  the  word,  so  that  w-e  can  declare  the  secret  of  the  Christ  (for  which 

4  also  I  am  in  bonds)— that  I  may  disclose  it  as  I  should  declare  it. 

5  Walk  wisely  with  regard  to  those  outside,  making  the  very  most  of  your 

6  time.  Let  your  speech  always  be  profitable,  seasoned  with  wholesome- 
ness  ;  know  how  you  should  answer  each  person. 

7  You  will  be  informed  of  all  by  Tychicus,  the  beloved  brother  and 

8  faithful  minister  and  fellow-slave  in  the  Lord.  I  am  sending  him  to  you 
for  this  very  purpose,  that  you  may  know  how  we  are,  and  that  he  may 

9  encourage  your  hearts.     He  is  accompanied  by  Onesimus,  the  faithful 

1  Reading  ifx,av. 


222  HISTORICAL   NP:W   TESTAMENT  [4IO-I8 

and  beloved  brother,  who  is  one  of  yourselves.     They  shall  inform  you  of 

all  that  goes  on  here. 
10        Aristarchus,  uiy   fellow-prisoner,   salutes   you  :    so   does   Mark,   the 

cousin  of  Barnabas,  about  whom  you  received  injunctions  (if  he  comes  to 
H  you,  welcome   him),  so   does  Jesus,   who   is   called  Justus  —  men  who 

belonged  to  the  Circumcision.     These  are  my  sole  fellow-workers  for  the 
1  -  reign  of  God,  men  who  have  proved  a  comfort  to  me.     Epaphras,  one  of 

yourselves,  salutes  you  ;  a  slave  of  Christ  Jesus,  he  is  always  wrestling 

keenly  for  you  in  his  prayers,  that  you  may   stand   perfect  and   fully 

13  convinced  in  all  the  will  of  God.     I  bear  him  witness,  he  toils  hard  for 

14  you  and  for  those  in  Laodicea  and  for  those  in  Hierapolis.     Luke,  the 

15  beloved  physician,  salutes  you,  so  does  Demas.     Salute  the  brothers  in 
IC  Laodicea,  also  Nymphas^  and  the  Community  at  her  ^  house.     Further, 

when  the  letter  has  been  read  among  you,  see  that  it  is  read  in  the  Com- 
munity of  the  Laodiceans  as  well,  and  that  you  also  read  the  letter  from 
17  Laodicea.      Also,  tell  Archippus  :    "Attend  to  the  ministry  thou  hast 
received  in  the  Lord  ;  see  and  fulfil  it." 

IS        The  salutation  is  by  the  hand  of  me,  Paul.     Remember  my  imprison- 
ment. 

Grace  be  with  you. 

1  Reading  Nu^^av.  -  Reading  air?*. 


PAUL  TO  PHILEMON 


The  letter  only  contains  a  few  friendly  lines  ;  but  they  are  so  full  of  grace 
and  wit,  of  earnest,  trustful  affection,  that  this  short  epistle  shines  among  the 
rich  treasures  of  the  NT  as  a  pearl  of  exquisite  fineness.  Never  has  there 
been  a  better  fulfilment  of  the  precept  given  by  Paul  himself  at  the  close  of  his 
letter  to  the  Colossians :  6  X6yos  vixQv  wavTore  iv  ^ap'Tt,  aXan  rjprvfxevos, 
eid^vai  xws  Set  vfias  evl  eKaarij)  air oKplvecr 6 at  (chap.  iv.  6).  This  epistle  is  not 
merely  a  revelation  of  the  apostle's  heart ;  it  becomes  further,  through  its  moial 
significance,  an  invaluable  document  of  the  Pauline  ethics. — Sabatier. 


^■^  Greeting. 

^■■^  Gratitude  for  Philemon's  character  and  service. 
*"-^  Request  and  appeal  on  behalf  of  the  slave  Onesimus. 
22-25  Personal. 
Farewell. 


PAUL  TO  PHILEMON 

1  Paul,  a  prisoner  of  Christ  Jesus,  and  Timotheus  tlie  brother, 

to  Philemon  our  beloved  and  our  fellow-worker,  and  to  Apphia  the 

2  sister,  and  to  Archippus  our  fellow-soldier,  and  to  the  Community 
at  thy  house  : 

3  grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus 

Christ. 

4  I  always  give  thanks  to  my  God  when  I  make  mention  of  thee  in  my 

5  prayers — as  1  hear  of  thy  love  and  of  the  faith  that  thou  hast  to  the  Lord 

6  Jesus  and  for  all  the  saints — praying  that  to  participate  in  thy  faith  may 
result  for  them  in  a  full  knowledge  of  all  the  goodness  we  possess,  Christ- 

7  ward.    I  had  great  joy  and  comfort  over  thj-  love,  because  the  hearts  of  the 

8  saints  have  been  refreshed  through  thee,  brother.  Therefore,  while 

9  in  Christ  I  would  have  great  confidence  in  ordering  thee  to  do  what  is  thy 
duty,  yet  I  prefer  to  appeal  to  thee  for  love's  sake.    Being  of  this  mind  then, 

]  0  I  Paul,  an  old  man,  aye  and  a  prisoner  of  Christ  Jesus  now — I  appeal  to  thee 
for  my  child  whom  I  have  begotten  in  my  imprisonment,  for  Onesimus  ; 

11  at  one  time  he  was  of  no  service  to  thee,  but  he  is  serviceable  now  to  thee 

12,  13  and  to  myself.     I  send  him  back  to  thee  (he  is  my  very  heart):  I  would 

have  liked  to  keep  him  beside  me,  to  minister  on  thy  behalf  to  me  as  I  lie 

14  imprisoned  for  the  gospel ;  but  I  was  unwilling  to  do  anything  without 
thy  consent,  in  order  that  thy  kindness  might  not  be  given  by  way  of 

15  compulsion  but  from  thine  own  free  will.  For  perhaps  it  was  on  this 
account  that  he  was  parted  from  thee  for  a  time,  that  thou  shouldest  have 

16  him  back  for  ever — no  longer  as  a  slave  but  as  something  more  than  a 
slave,  as  a  brother,  beloved  by  me  most  of  all,  but  how  much  more  by 

17  thee,  in  the  flesh  also  as  well  as  in  the  Lord.    If  thou  considerest  me  then 

18  to  be  a  comrade  of  thine,  take  him  home  as  if  it  were  myself.  And  if  he  has 
wronged  thee  at  all  or  owes  thee  anything,  put  that  down  to  my  account. 

19  I  write  it,  I  Paul,  with  my  own  hand  :  "  I  will  repay  it"— not  to  remind 

20  thee,  that  thou  owest  me  thy  very  self  besides.  Yes,  brother  !  let  me 
have  some  return  from  thee  in  the  Lord  !     Refresh  my  heart  in  Christ. 

21  I  write  thee  in  the  confidence  that  thou  wilt  obey,  knowing  that  thou 

22  wilt  do  even  more  than  what  I  say.  At  the  same  time,  get  ready  a  lodging 
for  me  also  ;  for  I  am  hoping  that  through  your  prayers  I  shall  be  restored 
to  you. 

23,  24        Epaphras  my  fellow-prisoner   in    Christ   Jesus  salutes   thee  ;    so  do 
Mark,  Aristarchus,  Demas,  Luke,  my  fellow-workers. 
25        The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  your  spirit. 


EPHESIANS 

Upon  tlie  dubious  hypothesis  tliat  this  encyclical  letter  is  genuine,  its  period 
is  easily  fixed.  The  undoubted  connection  of  its  thought  with  that  of  the 
Colossian  epistle  argues  a  contemporary  origin  during  the  latter  period  of 
Paul's  imprisonment  (3^  4^)  at  Rome  (Phil  4^-).  While  the  question  of 
the  relative  priority  is  not  of  much  moment,  it  is  better,  with  a  majority  of 
critics  (especially  after  Hiinig's  proof  :  ZwTJi,  1872,  p.  63  f.),  to  place  "the 
Colossian  epistle  at  a  slightly  earlier  date,  finding  in  the  Ephesian  letter 
traces  of  development  upon  several  lines  of  thought  (e.g.  the  Spirit  and  the 
church).  Practically — ujjon  arguments,  forcible  if  few — the  ejjistle  is 
reckoned  contemporaneous  with  and  if  anything  subsequent  to  Colos- 
sians  :  so  Weiss  (INT,  i.  pp.  339-358  ;  AJT,  i.  pp.  377-384),  Sabatier 
(op.  cit.  p.  225  f.,  a  very  convincing  discussion),  Reuss  (pp.  110-119), 
Godet  (INT,  pp.  475-490),  Salmon  (INT,  p.  388  f.),  and  Prof.  G.  G. 
Findlay  (Expositor's  Bible,  "  Ejjhesians,"  pp.  3-13).  Similarly  Schiifer, 
E.  H.  Hall,  L.  Schultze,  Hort  ("  Romans  and  Ephesians,"  1895),  T.  K. 
Abbott  (ICC,  pp.  ix-xxii),  Adeney  (BI,  pp.  395-398),  McGifFert  (pp.  378- 
385),  Macpherson  (Gomrii.  Ephesians,  1892),  and  Bartlet  (AA,  189  f.). 

Up  till  recently  the  best  criticism  had  placed  the  epistle  in  the 
second  century,  as  a  polemic  against  Montanism  (Schwegler)  or  Gnosti- 
cism, to  be  dated  either  c.  140  a.d.  as  a  remodelled  and  expanded  version 
of  Colossians  (Hilgenfeld  and  Hausrath),  or  towards  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  as  the  original  work  of  a  Pauline  scholar  (Holtzmann  and 
Mangold).  The  latter  theory  suggests  a  comparison  between  the  so-called 
"Epliesian"  epistle  and  the  seventh  book  of  the  Nikomachean  Ethics; 
neither  is  original,  but  both  are  so  permeated  by  the  Master's  spirit  and 
ideas  as  to  be  practically  authentic  for  the  purposes  of  interpretation.  This 
date,  towards  the  close  of  the  first  or  in  the  opening  of  the  second 
century,  is  held  by  many  excellent  scholars  who  find  the  leading  evidence 
for  a  non-Pauline  period  in  the  apparently  maturer  phase  (Pfleiderer, 
Paulinism,  ii.  pp.  162-193  ;  Weizsacker,  AA,  ii.  pp.  240-245)  of  the 
theology,  which  approximates  in  many  striking  respects  to  that  of  the 
fourth  gospel,  and  with  it  may  be  said  to  form  the  summit  of  NT 
theology.  This  line  of  argument  from  the  epistle's  place  in  the  develop- 
ment of  thought  and  life  (cp.  passages  like  3^  4^^  220)  is  really  crucial 
(Holtzmann,  KritiJc.  p.  200  f.).  The  epistle  itself  gives  few  hints  of 
its  historical  setting  or  even  of  local  colouring,  and  alongside  of  what 
seem  absolute  novelties  in  thought  and  language  lie  specifically  Pauline 
elements.  Consequently,  while  the  extreme  period  (120-150  a.d.)  has 
been  practically  abandoned,  save  by  a  few  critics  like  Hausrath,  S. 
Davidson  (INT,  ii.  pp.  261-300),  Rovers  (Nieuiv-test.  Letterkunde,  1888, 
pp.  65  f.  :  Col.,  Philem.,  Ephes.  in  beginning  of  Hadrian's  reign),  Bruckner 
(Chron.  pp.  257-276),  and  Pfleiderer  (Urc.  p.  684 f.),  a  date  ranging 
from  80  to  100  is  adopted  by  many  (e.g.  Holtzmann,  Hatch,  Schmiedel, 
and  Mangold).     This  is  confirmed  by  the  resemblances  between  Ephes.  and 

15 


226  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

the  Apocalypse  and  Clem.  Eom.  (cp.  on  these,  Hort,  RE,  p.  112  ;  von 
Soden,  HO,  in.  i.  p.  80).  The  characteristics  of  the  epistle  on  this  view 
can  be  approached  along  one  or  other  of  two  hypotheses  :  — 

(a)  The  secretary-theory,  Kenan's  suggestion,^  that  the  letter  was 
written  by  one  of  Paul's  scholars  during  his  lifetime,  and  under  his 
supervision,  is  at  least  possible.  Extend  this  beyond  his  lifetime  to  the 
case  of  a  follower  reproducing  Paul's  ideas  in  view  of  later  interests 
within  the  church,  and  one  secures  a  very  reasonable  ground  for  dating 
the  epistle  towards  the  end  of  the  century,  and  at  the  same  time  pre- 
serving and  doing  justice  to  the  distinctively  Pauline  elements  upon  which 
stress  has  been  recently  and  rightly  laid  (cp.  von  Soden,  JpTIi,  1887,  pp. 
103-135,  432-498  ;  HC,  in.  i.  p.  79-104).  In  this  case  the  letter  would 
be  composed  of  reminiscences  and  traits  gathered  by  a  disciple  of  Paul's, 
and  fused  into  a  more  advanced  exposition.  Thus  Klopper  {Der  Brief  an 
die  Ejtheser)  attributes  the  writing  to  a  disciple  of  the  Pauline  school  who 
wrote  two  or  three  decades  after  his  master's  death.  Certainly  it  presents 
some  very  striking  affinities  with  the  literature  of  75-105  a.d.,  e.g.  the 
development  of  hymnody  (S^*-  i'-"  3-°,  cp.  Lk  1-2),  the  emphasis  on  the 
"  catholicity  "  of  the  church  for  Jew  and  pagan,  the  stress  laid  on  detailed 
moral  obligations,  also  the  remarkable  coincidences  of  thought  with  the 
fourth  gospel,  and  of  style  with  Lk-Acts.  Such  a  position  explains,  as 
aptly  as  the  earlier  date,  the  use  of  Romans  and  the  dependence  upon 
Colossians,  while  it  does  ample  justice  to  the  Johannine  features  which 
otherwise  appear  c.  60  a.d.,  as — to  say  the  least — very  notable  anticipa- 
tions. In  this  event,  the  epistle  is  pseudonymous.  It  was  composed  ^  in 
view  of  current  libertinism,  church  divisions,  and  theoretical  errors  of 
Alexandrian  colour,  in  order  to  counteract  such  tendencies  by  a  restate- 
ment of  the  true  Pauline  faith.  Possibly,  too,  the  errors  were  actually 
due  (as  in  James  and  1  John)  to  abuses  or  misconceptions  of  some  original 
Pauline  doctrines. 

Even  if  one  refuses  the  highly  probable  conjecture  that  dy/oiy  is  a 
gloss,  the  crucial  difficulty  raised  by  the  apparently  objective  and 
collective  references  to  "apostles"  (2^"  3^) — assuming  the  text  to  be 
uncorrupted — is  partly  eased  by  passages  like  1  Co  9^  12^8,  and  Ro  16^ 
For  all  that  can  be  said  in  defence  of  the  various  soteriological  and 
cosmical  "  novelties,"  cp.  Zahn,  Einl.  i.  p.  355  f.,  and  Haupt's  satisfying 
commentary  ad  loc.  That  these  form  a  natural  develojiment  of  Paulinism 
is  undeniable.     The  only  question  is  whether  they  are  "  natural "  within 

1  "  Que  Paul  ait  ecrit  on  dicte  cette  lettre,  il  est  a  peu  pres  impossible  de  I'admettre ; 
mais  qii'oii  fait  composee  de  son  vivant,  sous  ses  yeux,  en  son  nom,  c'cst  ce  qu'on 
ue  saurait  declarer  improbable"  (S.  Paul,  p.  xx).  He  follows  Sehleiermaclier's 
suggestion  of  Tychicus. 

-"Die  Interessen  des  Briefs  haben  zwei  Pole,  die  vijllige  Verschmelzung  von 
geboren  Juden  iind  Heiden  in  der  Cliristeuheit  zu  einer  geschlosseueu  Gemeinschaft  und 
die  Erfassung  des  grossen  kosmischen  Ziels  des  Cliristentlmms.  In  der  niitto  steht 
beide  verbiuilend  der  Begritf  der  ixxk-Kf^x"  (von  Soden).  The  really  vital  proljlem 
in  regard  to  "Epliesians"  is  the  question  whetlier  this  theology  is  compatible  with 
what  we  know  of  Pauline  ideas  from  the  other  epistles.  An  affirmative  answer  has 
been  made  easier  but  not  inevitable  by  the  admission  that  Colossians  is  authentic. 
Upon  the  other  hand,  the  later  date  and  the  pseudonymity  which  it  involves  are 
brought  into  clearer  relief  than  ever  when  attention  is  directed  (as  by  von  Soden)  to 
the  affinities  of  the  writing  with  the  Apocalypse— its  use  of  the  bridal  metajdior,  its 
stress  on  the  apostolic  foundation  and  ivoxiXv^is  (li"  3^-  ^),  and  the  subsequent  treat- 
ment of  church-questions  (Pastorals,  Hennas)  in  epistolary  form  (Apoc  2-3).  Besides, 
the  Gentile  is  the  predominant  partner  in  the  church  to  an  extent  unprecedented  in 
the  earlier  literature.     Cp.  Holtzmann,  £inl.  pp.  254-267,  ^V/TA,  ii.  pp.  254-258. 


EPHESIANS  227 

tlie  limits  of  the  apostle's  lifetime.  Hesitation  upon  this  point  does 
not  at  all  imply  that  Paul  lacked  constructive  and  broad  ideas  of  the 
Christian  brotherhood,  nor  does  it  involve  any  theory  that  binds  the 
apostle  to  "one  limited  and  carefully  catalogued  repertory  of  ideas." 
He  may  well  have  been  a  fresh  and  advancing  tliinker,  and  yet  incapable 
of  having  written  this  epistle,  which  is  so  strangely  silent  iipon,  e.g.,  the 
cardinal  Pauline  ideas  of  Christ's  death,  second  coming,  and  relation  to  the 
individual  Christian,  while  it  approximates  remarkably  to  the  Christology 
of  "Hebrews"  and  the  fourth  gospel  (Christ  =  the  unifying  principle  for 
the  universe,  and  for  the  contradictions  of  Jew  and  Gentile,  the  Johannine 
use  of  ayaTTrj  in  Ephesians,  the  antithesis  of  (^w?  and  crmWos,  etc.),  in  the  17th 
chapter  of  which  "almost  every  verse  offers  a  parallel  to  this  epistle" 
(Lock). 

{h)  Otherwise,  and  on  the  same  line,  there  is  the  more  artificial 
structure-hypothesis — either  in  Holtzmann's  or  in  a  modified  present- 
ment— which  explains  the  Pauline  characteristics  here,  as  in  the  pastoral 
epistles,  chiefly  by  the  theory  of  interpolation  or  compilation.^  Originally 
taken  in  part  from  the  Colossian  epistle,  these  genuine  fragments  may 
have  formed  the  nucleus  of,  or  have  been  worked  up  into,  an  extant 
epistle  {vide  Mangold-Bleek,  p.  602).  But  this  is  needless  in  view  of  (a), 
and  inherently  stiff  (cp.  especially  Oltramare's  ed.  p.  113  f.). 

The  recent  admission  of  Colossians  as  authentic  has  however  helped 
to  make  a  seventh  decade  date  in  the  first  century  intrinsically  more 
probable.  That  both  epistles  were  written  together  has  often  been  made 
a  commonplace  of  criticism,  though  perhajjs  this  is  too  hastily  assumed. 
Still  a  similarity  of  situation  is  obvious,  and  the  estimate  of  one  certainly 
touches  the  estimate  of  the  other  {vide  Sabatier,  op.  cit.  pp.  229-234). 
"They  were  in  all  probability,"  says  Weizsacker,  "written  not  in 
succession  but  together  ;  .  .  .  they  were  meant  to  supplement  each  other, 
and  were  composed  with  that  object  on  one  complete  plan.  Both  there- 
fore start  from  the  same  ideas,  the  same  doctrine"  {A A,  ii.  p.  245).  The 
result  is  that  if  the  "  Gnosticism "  which  explains  Colossians  is  to  be 
discovered  in  the  middle  of  the  first  century  throughout  Asia  Minor,  it 
would  require  more  serious  and  detailed  proof  than  has  yet  been  led  to  bring 
the  twin-epistle — in  spite  of  its  indejiiendent  elements  and  characteristic 
standpoint — down  to  the  second  or  even  to  the  close  of  the  first  century. 
This  theory  of  simultaneous  origin,  however,  does  not  necessarily  follow 
from  the  similarities  of  the  epistles,  as  Ephesians  -  might  well  be  a  later 
restatement  of  the  earlier  writing.  Still  it  seems  to  be  widely  felt  as  a 
possible  hypothesis,  e.g.  by  Oltramare  (ii.  pp.  5-104,  a  copious  statement), 
Trenkle  {Einl.  69-72),  Jiilicher,  and  Harnack  ;  neither  of  the  latter  will 
dogmatise  against  or  for  the  authenticity  of  "  Ephesians,"  although  the 
vast  majority  of  modern  scholars  agree  in  making  it  sulj-Pauline.  Most 
recently  Zahn^  {Eiiil.  i.  pp.  347-362)  has  accepted  the  epistle  as  literally 
genuine,  the  copy  of  a  circular  letter  to  the  Asiatic  churches.  Dr.  A. 
Robertson  {Smith''s  Did.  B.^  i.  jjp-  947-964)  has  an  excellent  discussion 


1  Cp.  besides  von  Soden,  Scbmiedel,  EWK,  ii.  38,  pp.  138-144. 

2  Oue  of  the  most  difficult  passages  (Eph  5^*)  has  been  made  the  subject  of  a 
special  study  by  M.  W.  Jacobus  {ThSt,  pp.  9-29).  If  his  elaborate  arguments  are 
correct,  the  citation  is  perfectly  Pauline  in  method  and  object:  it  is  a  free  spiritual- 
isation  of  Jonah  1^,  as  a  reproof  of  evil  (a-i-\  =  x(ic9iuiiiv). 

3  Who  is  much  more  successful  in  exposing  the  weak  points  of  the  later  date,  than 
in  presenting  a  positive  statement  of  the  earlier. 


228  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

and  defence  of  the  letter  :  and  the  Panline  authorship  is  upheld  by 
Lock,  DB,  i.  pp.  714-718. 

The  crucial  point  lies  in  the  evident  advance  of  Ephesians  upon  the 
theology  of  Colossians,  especially  in  the  concejitions  of  the  church  and  the 
person  of  Christ  :  it  is  a  fair  question  whether  this  advance  (which, 
however,  is  rather  a  matter  of  emphasis  than  a  speculative  reality)  is 
more  natural  as  the  work  of  Paul  himself  than  as  the  reproduction  and 
application  of  his  ideas  in  a  somewhat  expanded  form  by  some  Jewish- 
Christian  Paulinist  towards  the  end  of  the  first  century.  In  the  former 
case,  the  simplest  explanation  would  be  that  the  one  epistle — as  even 
Coleridge  detected,  though  he  reversed  the  true  relationship — is  "the 
overflowing,  as  it  were,  of  St.  Paul's  mind  upon  the  same  subject." 
Written  after  the  cognate  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  Ephesians  contains 
expressions  ^  and  conceptions  which  have  either  percolated  into  the  writer's 
mind  during  the  interval,  or  remained  over  from  the  previous  writing. 
These  are  now  reproduced,  in  combination  with  others  which  have  been 
already  developed.  Hence  the  resemblances  and  the  dift'erences  of  the 
two  letters.  The  former  ^  are  upon  the  whole  undesigned  ;  the  latter  ^ 
are  not  much  more  than  what  might  have  been  expected  from  an  author 
who  was  engaged  in  composing  a  letter  spontaneously  for  a  fresh  circle  of 
readers,  and  felt  himself  free  from  mechanical  anxiety  about  avoiding 
the  repetition  of  anything  he  had  just  written  to  the  church  at  Colosse 
(Hort,  Rom..  Eph.,  p.'i62f.  ;  Oltramare,  i.  pp.  30-37,  ii.  pp.  113-154). 

In  this  event,  the  situation  of  Paul  at  Rome  would  explain  the 
emphasis  upon  the  unity  and  brotherhood  of  Jew  and  pagan  within  the 
church  ("note  the  numerous  compounds  with  aw-),  while  his  "  intellectual- 
ism  "  or  preoccui^ation  with  the  more  speculative  and  mystical  aspects  of 
Christology  would  be  intelligible  in  connection  with  the  features  of  the 
Asiatic  Christianity  as  revealed,  e.g.  in  Colossians  (see  a  popular  state- 
ment of  this  in  Gore's  Ephesians,  pp.  20-34  ;  after  Hort,  op.  cit.  p.  126  f.). 
"  Les  idees  du  fondateur  de  la  theologie  chrotienne  y  sont  arrivees  au 
plus  haut  degre  d'epuration.  On  sent  ce  dernier  travail  de  spiritualisa- 
tion  que  les  grands  ames  pres  de  s'  eteindre  font  subir  a  leur  pensee  et 
au  deh'i  duquel  il  n'y  a  plus  que  la  mort"  (Renan). 

1  The  exceptional  difficulties  raised  by  the  style  and  language  of  the  ejiistle 
cannot  be  ignored.  But  even  after  full  allowance  has  been  made  for  them,  the 
verdict  must  be  that  they  neither  prove  nor  disprove  the  Pauline  authorship — that 
is  to  say,  when  Colossians  is  accepted  as  authentic.  Zahn's  analysis  of  the  linguistic 
phenomena  (I'Jinl.  i.  pp.  363-3fi8)  is  beyond  all  praise,  but  its  result  is  merely  to 
leave  the  problem  upon  this  point  open.  Especially  in  the  earlier  chapters  the 
style  is  oracular  to  the  verge  of  unwieldiness,  and  massive  to  the  point  of  cumbrous- 
ness,  in  a  manner  hitherto  unexampled  in  the  Pauline  letters.  Yet  glimpses  of  the 
characteristic  Pauline  style  break  through  every  now  and  then. 

-  These  appear  in  an  exaggerated  form  when  the  epistles  are  printed,  as  in  a 
modern  collection  they  must  be,  in  juxtaposition,  and  are  apt  to  produce  the 
impression  of  a  tasteless  and  slavish  repetition,  rather  lacking  in  originality.  But 
it  has  to  be  remenihered  (a)  that  the  readers  of  the  one  letter  were  never  intended 
to  see  the  other,  and  (h)  that  Paul  did  not  write  in  view  of  literary  criticism  and  its 
standards.  His  predominant  interest  in  the  practical  work  to  be  achieved  by  his 
letters,  together  with  the  psychological  situation  above-noted,  are  conceivably 
sufficient  to  explain  Col-Eph. 

3  Such  as  the  preoccujjation  in  Ephesians  with  the  fresh  ideas  of  the  Spirit, 
baptism,  the  relation  of  Christ  to  the  church  rather  than  to  the  universe,  the 
continuity  and  unity  of  the  church — implying  a  retrospect  of  considerable  width, — 
the  absence  of  personal  and  controversial  details.  Yet  see  one  or  two  points  in 
Mrritau's  exposition.  Revue  J}ib/iquc  (1898),  pp.  343-369,  '"of  "  I'ecclesiologie  de 
I'epitre  aux  lllphesicns  "  ;  Oltramare  throughout  is  fair  and  thorough,  as  usual. 


EPHESIANS  229 

Upon  the  whole,  however,  the  question  may  be  not  unfairly  said  to 
remain  open  in  the  present  state  of  criticism.  Conclusions  meanwhile, 
in  favour  of  its  authenticity,  can  hardly  fail  to  be  tentative  on  the  score 
either  of  the  literary  connections,  or  of  the  style,  or  of  the  speculative 
developments  1  in  the  theology  of  the  writing.  No  argument,  I  confess, 
seems  totally  decisive,  and  it  is  with  less  confidence  and  less  agreement 
of  scholars  than  in  the  case  of  almost  any  other  NT  document,  that 
Ephesians  has  been  reluctantly  left  in  this  edition  between  60  and 
65  A.D.  All  that  can  be  safely  said  is  that  this  date  is  rendered  somewhat 
more  credil:)le  when  the  letter  can  be  placed  between  Colossians  and 
Philippians  in  a  group  of  fairly  cognate  writings  ;  more  credible  still,  if 
I  Peter  can  be  subsequently  dated  in  the  seventh  decade  as  well.  Un- 
fortunately the  last-named  argument  is  circular,  for  1  Peter  in  its  turn 
has  a  certain  dej)endence  in  conception  and  diction  upon  Ephesians. 
Indeed,  to  determine  the  relationship  and  priority  of  writings  such  as 
these,  forms  the  differential  calculus  of  NT  criticism. ^ 

The  meagreness  (4-'^  3-)  of  the  personal  references— ajiart  altogether 
from  the  bad  attestation,  both  in  tradition  and  MSS  ( JFH,  ii.  pp.  123,  124) 
of  ev  'E4>f era  (V) — forbids  the  theory  that  the  writing  was  destined  exclus- 
ively 3  for  Ephesus.  No  letter  written  with  that  church  in  view  could 
have  lacked  intimate  and  affectionate  allusions  to  some  of  the  Ephesian 
Christians.'*  Unless  the  writing,  therefore,  is  post-Pauline,  the  most 
plausible  alternative  is  to  suppose  that  it  was  composed  for  the  Christian 
communities  of  the  Lycus  valley,  with  whom  Paul  was  in  communication 
through  Tychicus  and  Epaphras.  Ephesus,  as  the  chief  city  of  the  province, 
and  subsequently  a  leading  seat  of  Christianity,  either  received  the  letter 
first  of  all  (like  1  Cor,  1  Co  1-),  or  else  became  its  final  depository. 
Either  supposition  would  explain  the  fact  of  tV  'Ecfjea-ai  occurring  in  one 
or  two  MSS.     Probably  in  the  original  draft  a  blank  was  left,^  in  order 

1  The  culmination  of  Paul's  previous  teacliing  (Chrysostom,  «  yap  fir,haf/.ou  a-xt^ot 
l^flsj-lzTo,  t«Dt«  ivtuvSk  <py,iri,)  might  posslbly  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  Paul  here 
uufokls  the  <ro()>/«  (1  Co  2^),  either  as  the  result  of  liis  own  growth  and  experience, 
or  because  he  considered  the  readers  of  the  letter  were  sufficiently  mature  (tsAe/j/) 
to  be  made  depositaries  of  this  higher  wisdom  (so  most  recently  Hort,  Ecclesia, 
pp.  138,  139). 

2  A  similar  problem,  involving  equally  delicate  questions  of  literary  criticism,  is 
the  relation  between  4th  Esdras  and  Apoc.  Baruch. 

3  Haupt  recently  disbelieves  it  was  meant  for  Ephesus  at  all,  as  Paul  would 
never  have  let  an  epistle  go  to  that  city  without  some  warmer  greeting.  He  con- 
jectures that  the  epistle  was  written  for  some  churches  unknown  to  Paul,  but  that, 
as  Tychicus  its  bearer  belonged  to  Asia  (Ac  20-*),  he  naturally  passed  through 
Ephesus  on  his  way,  and  left  there  a  copy  of  the  letter.  This  copy  became  the 
source  of  most  of  the  MSS.,  owing  to  the  central  position  and  influence  of  Ephesus,  in 
whose  archives  it  was  preserved.  Zahn  regards  Ephesians  as  addressed  to  the  col- 
lective churches  of  Asia  Minor,  who  were  personally  unknown  to  Paul  (excluding 
Ephesus  and  Troas),  identifying  it,  like  Lightfoot  and  Adeney,  with  the  Laodicean 
epistle  (Col  4i6). 

4  The  absence  of  greetings  corroborates  this,  for  though  they  are  also  lacking  in 
Thessalonians  and  Galatians,  these  epistles  contain— as  Ephesians  does  not— personal 
allusions  in  the  body  of  their  contents.  The  old  theory  of  Marcion,  that  our 
Ephesians  was  the  Laodicean  epistle  (Col  4i«),  was  probably  a  guess  thrown  out  to 
solve  a  riddle  which  had  already,  like  several  other  literary  questions,  become 
mysterious  to  the  post-apostolic  age.  It  is  just  another  indication  of  how  early 
tradition  lost  hold  of  the  facts,  and  how  unreliable  even  the  best  second-century 
information  about  the  early  Christian  literature  may  often  be. 

6  After  nls  oZtrn  (li)  the  name  of  a  place  must  be  understood.  All  other  interpret- 
ations are  forced  and  exaggerated  (Oltramare,  ii.  p.  57  f.)- 


230                       HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  j 

1 

that  the  name  of  the  church  might  be  tilled  in.     Had  the  name  of  any  of  ' 

the  churches  originally  addressed  been  inserted  by  Paul,  it  is  impossible  : 

to  see  how  some  trace  of  it  would  not  liave  been  preserved  in  one  or  j 

other  of  the  MSS.    Further,  the  likelihood  that  Paul  would  have  adopted  4 

this  general  method  of  instruction  is  increased  by  the  traces  (Ro  1^*,  ) 

2  Co  11-**)  of  what  may  be  called,  in  an  honest  sense  of  the  word,  his  '| 

"catholic"  interest  in  the  churches,  particularly  when  these  happened  | 

to  belong  to  his  favourite  sphere  in  Asia  Minor.  i 

At  the  same  time  this  theory  cannot  be  described  as  perfectly  con- 
vincing.    At  best  it  is  to  be  taken  as  a  provisional  hypothesis,  which,  in 

the  absence  of  a  better  gives  a  coherent  explanation  of  the  critical  and  '■ 

literary  phenomena  in  (question,  when  these  have  to  be  related  to  Paul  , 
and  to  his  age. 

'i 

I 


EPHESIANS 

Time  and  place  are  indeed  by  no  means  unimportant  in  determining  what 
is  to  be  written,  but  they  are  more  in  the  distance  than  before.  Now  for  the 
first  time  St.  Paul  is  free,  as  it  were,  to  pour  forth  his  own  thoughts  in  a 
positive  form,  instead  of  carrying  on  an  argument,  and  therefore  being 
hampered  by  its  necessary  limitations  :  and  this  great  change  could  not  but 
greatly  affect  his  style.  .  .  .  The  lofty  calm  which  undeniably  does  pervade  it 
may  in  part  be  due  to  the  mellowing  effect  of  years,  but  doubtless  much  more 
to  the  sense  of  dangers  surmounted,  aspirations  satisfied,  and  a  vantage-ground 
gained  for  the  world-wide  harmonious  action  of  the  Christian  comnumity  under 
the  government  of  God.  But,  though  the  vehement  words  of  the  earlier  contests 
have  subsided,  many  parts  of  the  epistle  glow  with  a  steady  white  heat.  .  .  . 
This  idea  of  the  unity  of  Christians  as  forming  a  single  society  with  Christ  for 
its  invisible  Head,  which  in  its  different  forms  dominates  the  whole  epistle, 
was  the  natural  outflow  of  the  apostle's  mind  at  this  time,  as  determined  by 
the  course  of  outward  and  inward  history  on  the  basis  of  his  primary  faith. 
It  needed  to  be  set  forth  for  the  completion  of  his  gospel.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  was  equally  needed  for  the  instruction  of  the  no  longer  infant  churches 
of  Western  Asia  Minor,  in  whom  the  Greek  spirit  of  separateness  and  inde- 
pendence was  doubtless  working  with  dangerous  vigour. — Hort. 


l^-  -  Greeting. 

1^""  Thanksgiving  for  the  blessing  of  God's  choice  (6^,  els  ^Traivov  d6^7]s  t^s 
XdpLTOs  avTov)  and  purpose  in  Jesus  Clirist  (12'',  els 
iiraivov  56^175  aiiTov),  already  experienced  through  the 
Spirit  (14*^,  els  ^iraivov  r^s  bb^yjs  avrou). 

ii5_j-i  Dogrmatic:  prayer    for   knowledge  of  God's   power   as   exhibited   in 
1^^"-^  Christ— his  exaltation  and  authority  : 

21-'''  the  individual  experience— of  forgiveness  and  renewal : 

2"""  humanity — the  common  Peace  produced  through  Christ 

Jesus  for  Gentile  and  Jew. 

3^'^^  Paul,  the  apostle  of  tliis  gospel — 

3""-'  his  prayer  for  his  readers — the  fulness  of  God's  life. 

4I-C-"  Ethica.1 :  a  call  to  Christian  unity  in  the  common  life  of  Christ : 
41"'--*  a  call  to  the  new  life  as  contrasted  with  the  old  ; 

4-5-5-1  maxims  and  motives  : 

5---6'*  a  code  of  household  ethics  :  husband  and  wife, 

child  and  parent, 
slave  and  master. 
6'^°-"^  obstacles  and  aids  to  Christian  virtue. 

621.  22  Personal. 
g2o.  24  FarcAvell. 


EPHESIANS 

1  1  Paul,  an  apostle  of  Christ  Jesus,  througli  tlie  will  of  God, 

to  the  saints  who  are  ^  ...  to  the  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus  : 

2  grace  to  vou  and  j^eace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus 

Clirist." 

3  Blessed  be  tlie  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  has 
blessed  us  with  every  spiritual  blessing  in  the  heavenly  regions  in  Christ, 

4  since  he  has  chosen  us  in  him  before  the  foundation  of  the  world  that  we 

5  should  be  holy  and  faultless  before  him,  by  fore-appointing  us  in  love  to 

6  his  sonship  through  Jesus  Christ,  in  virtue  of  the  pleasure  of  his  will,  to 
the  praise  of  the  majesty  of  his  grace,  with  which  he  has  highly  favoured 

7  us  in  the  beloved  :  in  whom  we  have  the  redemption  through  his  blood 

8  — the  remission  of  trespasses — thanks  to  the  riches  of  his  grace  which  he 

9  has  bestowed  amjjly  on  us  in  all  wisdom  and  thoughtfulness,  by  dis- 
playing to  us  the  secret  of  his  will,  in  virtue  of  his  design,  with  which  he 

10  was  pleased  to  carry  out  in  him  a  dispensation  in  the  fulness  of  the  times 
for  the  gathering  up  of  all  things  under  one  head  in  the  Christ,  the 

11  things  in  the  heavens  and  the  things  on  the  earth:  in  him,  in  whom 
also  we  have  had  an  inheritance  allotted  us  as  those  who  have  been  fore- 
appointed  according  to  the  purpose  of  him  who  works  everything  accord- 

12  ing  to  the  counsel  of  his  will,  that  we  should  be  to  the  praise  of  his 

13  majesty,  we  who  had  hoped  beforehand  in  the  Christ ;  in  whom  you  also, 
ujjon  learning  the  word  of  the  truth,  the  gospel  of  your  salvation — in 
w^hom  you  also  believed  and  were  sealed  with  the  promised  sjiirit  of  holi- 

14  ness,  which  is  the  pledge  and  instalment  of  our  inheritance,  for  the 
redemption  that  gives  actual  possession,  to  the  praise  of  his  majesty. 

15  For  this  reason,  on  liearing  of  your  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus  and  your 

16  love  for  all  the  saints,  I  also  have  not  ceased  to  give  thanks  for  you, 

17  as  I  make  mention  of  you  in  my  ]>rayers,  praying  that  the  God  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ — the  Father  of  majesty — may  give  you  a  spirit  of  wisdom 

18  and  revelation  in  the  full  knowledge  of  him  :  with  light  for  the  eyes  of 
your  heart,  that  you  may  know  what  is  the  hope  of  his  calling,  what 

19  is  the  riches  of  the  majesty  of  his  inheritance  in  the  saints,  and  what  is  the 
surpassing  greatness  of  his  power  for  us  who  believe,  in  virtue  of  the 

20  force  of  the  might  of  his  strength  which  he  has  wrought  in  the  Christ  by 
raising  him  i'rom  the  dead  and  seating  him  at  Jiis  right  hand  in  the 

21  heavenly  regions,  high  above  all  rule  and  authority  and  power  and  lord- 
ship and  eveiT  name  named  not  only  in  this  age  but  also  in  that  which  is 

22  to  come — and  he  has  made  all  tilings  subject  under  his  feet,  ;iud  given  him 

23  to   the   Community  as   head  over  all,  to  the  Community  which  is  his 

2  1  body,  the  fulness  of  him  who  is  filling  all  in  all.     And  as  for  you,  you 
2  were  dead  with  your  trespasses  and  sins,  in  which  at  one  time  you  walked 

according  to  the  course  of  the  present  age,  according  to  the  ruler  of  the 

'  Omitting  \[ty  'E^iVai]]. 

232 


2^-3^]  EPHESIANS  233 

power  of  the  air,  of  tlie  sjjirit  that  is  now  active  among  the  sons  of  dis- 

3  obedience  (among  whom  also  at  one  time  we  all  conducted  ourselves  in 
the  lusts  of  our  Hesh,  following  the  inclinations  of  flesh  and  thoughts, 

4  and  were  by  nature  children  of  wrath  like  the  rest  also) — but  God, 
who  is  rich  in  mercy,  for  his  great  love  with  which  he  loved  us,  dead 

5  even  as  we  were  with  our  trespasses,  made  us  live  together  with  the 

6  Christ  (it  is  by  grace  that  you  are  saved),  and  raised  us  with  him  and 

7  seated  us  with  him  in  the  heavenly  regions  in  Christ  Jesus,  that  in  the 
future  ages  he  might  show  the  surpassing  riches  of  his  grace  in  kindness 

8  towards  us  in  Christ  Jesus.      For  it  is  by  grace   that  you   are   saved 

9  through  faith— and  that  not  of  yourselves,  it  is  the  gift  of  God  :  not  a 

10  matter  of  deeds,  lest  any  one  should  exult.  For  we  are  his  workman- 
ship, created  in  Christ  Jesus  for  good  deeds,  which  God  has  made  ready 
beforehand  for  us  to  walk  therein. 

11  Wherefore  remember  that  at  one  time  you  Gentiles  in  the  flesh — 
called  "  Uncircumcision  "  by  the  so-called  "  Circumcision,"  which  is  a  mere 
thing  in  the  flesh — 

12  remember  that  you  were  at  that  time  apart  from  Christ, 

aliens  to  the  commonwealth  of  Israel,  and  strangers  to  the  cove- 
nants of  promise, 
with  no  hope  and  with  no  God  in  the  world. 

13  But  now  in  Christ  Jesus  you  who  were  at  one  time  far  aivaij  have  been 
brought  near  by  the  blood  of  the  Christ. 

14  For  he  is  our  |)eace. 

He  who   made   both   parties  one  by  breaking  down  the  barrier  of  the 
wall  between, 

15  Who  abolished  in  his  flesh  the  enmity  (that  is,  the  law  of  command- 
ments which  consisted  of  statutes). 

That  he  might  make  peace  by  creating  in  himself  out  of  the  two 
one  new  man, 

16  And  that  he  might  reconcile  them  both  in  one  body  to  God  through 

the  cross, 
By  slaying  the  enmity  in  himself  ^ ; 

17  And  he  came  and  'preached  the  gospel  of  peace  to  you  ivho  ivere  far  off,  and 
peace  to  those  ivho  were  near, 

18  For   through  him  we  both  have  our  access   in  one  Spirit  to  the 

Father. 

19  Well  then,  you  are  no  longer  strangers  and  sojourners  ; 

You  are  fellow-citizens  with  the  saints,  you  are  members  of  God's 
household, 

20  Built  up  on  the  foundation  of  the  apostles  and  prophets  with  Christ 

Jesus  himself  as  the  chief  corner  stone, 

21  In  whom  all  the  building  is  closely  framed  together  and  grows  to  be  a 
holy  sanctuary  in  the  Lord, 

22  In  whom  you  also  are  being  built  together  for  a  dwelling  of  God  in 
the  Spirit. 

3  1         On  this  account  I  Paul,  the  prisoner  of  the  Christ  ^  for  you  Gentiles — 

2  seeing  that  you  have  indeed  heard  of  the  stewardship  of  the  grace  of  God 

3  granted  me  for  you,  namely,  that  the  secret  has  been  made  known  to  me 

4  by  revelation  ;  even  as  I  have  written  already  in  a  few  words,  on  reading 

5  which  you  can  understand  my  intelligence  in  the  secret  of  Christ  (which 
in  other  generations  was  not  displayed  to  the  sons  of  men  as  it  has  now 

G  been  revealed  to  his  [holy]  apostles  and  prophets  in  the  Spirit),  namely, 
1  Reading  cdrS.  -  Omitting  'I»)«D. 


234  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [3^-4^^ 

that  the  Gentiles  are  heirs  togetlier  and  in  the  .^ame  body  together  and 
partakers  together  of  the  promise  in  Christ  Jesus  through  the  gospel, 

7  of  which  I  was  made  a  minister  by  the  free  gift  of  God's  grace  which  he 

8  granted  me  in  virtue  of  the  force  of  his  power.      To  me,  the  least  of  all 
saints,  was  this  favour  granted,  that  I  should  preach  to  the  Gentiles  the 

9  gospel  of  the  unsearchable  riches  of  the  Christ,  and  enlighten  them  on 
what  is  the  dispensation  of  the  secret  which  has  been  hidden  from  the 

10  ages  in  God  who  created  all,  in  order  that  the  most  manifold  wisdom  of 
God  might  now  be  displayed  through  the  Community  to  the  principalities 

11  and  powers  in  the  heavenly  regions,  according  to  the  purpose  of  the  ages 

12  which  he  executed  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord,  in  whom  we  have  our  con- 

13  fidence  and  access  with  perfect  trust  through  faith  in  him.  Therefore  I 
ask  you  not  to  lose  heart  over  the  distresses  that  I  sufl'er  on  your  behalf 

14  — for  these  redound  to  your  credit.  On  this  account  I  bow  my 

15  knees  to  the  Father  from  whom  every  family  in  heaven  and  on  earth  is 

16  named,  that  through  the  riches  of  his  majesty  he  may  grant  you  to  be 

17  made  strong  with  power  through  his  Spirit  in  the  inner  man,  that  the 
Christ  may  dwell  in  your  hearts  through  faith,  so  that  fixed  and  founded 

18  in  love  you  may  be  well  able  to  comprehend  with  all  the  saints  what  is 

19  the  breadth  and  length  and  height  and  depth,  and  to  know  the  love  of 
Christ  whicli  surpasses  knowledge,  so  that  you  may  be  filled  up  to  all  the 

20  fulness  of  God.  Now  to  him  who  is  able  to  do  far  beyond  all 
that  we  ask  or  understand,  in  virtue  of  the  power  which  is  at  work  in 

21  us,  to  him  be  the  honour  in  the  Community  and  in  Christ  Jesus  to  all 
generations  for  evermore  :  Amen. 

4  1        I  a])peal  to  you  then,  I   the  prisoner  in  the  Lord,  walk  worthily  of 

2  the  calling  with  which  you  were  called,  with  all  humility  and  gentleness, 

3  with  longsuffering,  bearing  with  one  another  in  love,  endeavouring 
eagerly  to  keep  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace. 

4  One  body  and  one  Spirit 

(as  also  you  were  called  in  one  hope  of  your  calling) ; 

5  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism  ; 

6  one  God  and  Father  of  all,  who  is  over  all  and  through  all  and  in  all. 

7  Now  to  each  one  of  us  grace  was  granted  according  to  the  measure  of  the 

8  free  gift  of  the  Christ.     Therefore  it  is  said, 

After  going  up  on  high,  he  led  captives  captive : 
He  ^  gave  gifts  to  men. 

9  Now  what  does  the  word  he  went  up  mean,  except  this  :  that  he  also 

10  descended  into  the  lower  regions  of  the  earth  1  He  who  descended  is  the 
same  as  he  who  ivent  up  high  above  all  the  heavens,  that  he  might  fill  all 

11  things.     And  he  gave  some  as  apostles,  others  as  prophets,  others  as  evau- 

12  gelists,  others  as  shepherds  and  teachers,  with  the  object  of  fitting  the 

13  saints  for  the  work  of  ministering,  that  is,  for  building  the  body  of  the 
Christ,  until  we  all  attain  to  the  unity  of  the  faith  and  of  the  full  know- 
ledge of  the  Son  of  God,  to  full-grown  manhood,  to  the  ripe  maturity  of 

14  the  fulness  of  the  Christ :  that  we  may  no  longer  be  children,  tossed  and 
swept  about  with  every  wind  of  doctrine  hy  the  sleight  of  men,  l)y  ci-afti- 

15  ness  which  works  by  error's  artifice — but  that,  holding  to  the  truth,  we 
may  by  love  grow  up  in  all  points  into  him  who  is  the  head,  even  Christ, 

16  from  whom  all  the  body,  closely  bound  and  knit  together  through  every 
joint  with  which  it  is  supplied,  according  to  the  ])r()portion  and  exercise  of 
each  separate  part,  carries  on  its  growth  as  a  body  to  upbuild  itself  by  love. 

17  I  say  this  then  and  charge  you  in  the  Loixl,  no  longer  walk  even 

1  Omitting  [[*«'J]. 


4^^-52^]  EPHESIANS  235 

18  as  the  Gentiles  also  walk  witli  their  mind  befooled,  darkened  in  their 
understanding,  aliens  to  the  life  of  God,  owing  to  the  ignorance  that  is  in 

19  them  on  account  of  the  hardening  of  their  heart — men  who  in  callous 
indifference  have  given  themselves  up  to  sensuality,  to  traffic  covetously  in 

20,  21  all  imiKirity.     But  you,  you  have  not  thus  studied  the  Christ — since  you 
have  indeed  been  taught  him  and  have  been  instructed  in  hini  (even  as 

22  he  truly  ^  is  in  Jesus)  to  put  away,  as  regards  your  former  conduct,  the 

23  old  man  whom  the  lusts  of  deceit  destroy  :  to  revive  yourselves  in  the 

24  spirit  of  your  mind,  and  to  put  on  the  new  man  created  after  God's  like- 

25  ness   in    uprightness    and    holiness    of    truth.  Wherefore   put 
away  falsehood  and  speak  the  truth  each  of  you  ivith  his  neighbour ;  for  we 

26  are  meml)ers  one  of  another.     Be  angry,  yet  sin  not :  let  not  the  sun  set 
27,  28  upon  your  rage,  and  give  the  devil  no  chance.     Let  the  thief  no  longer 

steal ;  rather  let  him  labour  with  his  ^  hands  at  honest  work,  that  he  may 

29  have  something  to  give  to  the  needy.     Let  no  foul  speech  issue  from  your 
mouth,  but  only  such  as  is  good  for  improving  the  occasion,  that  it  may 

30  bring  profit  to  the  hearers.     And  grieve  not  the  holy  Spirit  of  God,  with 

31  whom  you  were  sealed  for  the  day  of  redemption.     Let  all  bitterness  and 
passion  and  anger  and  clamour  and  slander  be  put  away  from  you,  with 

32  all   malice.     And  show  yourselves  kind  to  one  another,  compassionate, 
5  1  forgiving  each  other  even  as  God  also  in  Christ  forgave  you.     Be,  then, 

2  imitators  of  God,  as  beloved  children  ;  and  walk  in  love,  even  as  Christ 
also  loved  us  and  gave  himself  up  for  us  as  an  offering  and  sacrifice  to  God 

3 /or  an  odour  of  fragrance.  But  as  for  fornication  and  all  impurity 

or  covetousness,  never  let  them  be  so  much  as  named  among  you  (even 

4  as  is  becoming  for  saints),  no,  nor  indecency  and  silly  talk  or  ribaldry 

6  (which  are  discreditable),  but  rather  thanksgiving.  For  know  and  under- 
stand that  no  one  who  is  a  fornicator  or  impure  or  covetous — that  is,  an 
idolater — has  any  inheritance  in  the  reign  of  the  Christ  and  God. 

6  Let  no  man  deceive  you  with  vain  words  :  it  is  for  these  things  that  the 

wrath  of  God  comes  upon  the  sons  of  disobedience.     Be  not  therefore  of 

7,  8  their  company  ;  for  while  once  yon  were  darkness,  now  you  are  light  in 

9  the  Lord.    Walk  as  children  of  light — for  the  fruit  of  the  light  consists  in 

10  all  goodness  and  uprightness  and  integrity — testing  what  is  well-pleasing 

11  to  the  Lord;  and  have  no  part  in  the  unfruitful  deeds  of  the  darkness, 
on  the  contrary  expose  them.     For  it  is  disgraceful  even  to  mention  the 

12,  13  things  they  do  in  secret,  but  when  all  these  are  exposed  by  the  light  they 

14  are  disclosed,  for  everything  that  discloses  is  light.     Therefore  it  is  said, 

"  Sleeper,  awake 
And  rise  from  the  dead, 

And  the  Christ  shall  shine  upon  thee  !  " 

15  Be  careful  then  how  you  walk,  not  like  unwise  people  l)ut  like  wise  : 
16,  17  making  the  very  most  of  your  time,  because  the  days  are  evil.     So  do  not 

18  be  senseless,  luit  understand  what  is  the  will  of  the  Lord.  And  do  not 
get  drnnk  with  wine — that  means  profligacy — but   be   filled  with   the 

19  Spirit,  speaking  to  each  other  in  spiritual  psalms  and  hymns  and  songs, 

20  singing  and  praising  the  Lord  in  your  heart,  giving  thanks  at  all  times 
for  all  things  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  (Jhrist  to  the  God  and  Father. 

21,  22  Be  subject  to  one  another  in  the  fear  of  Christ.  Wives,  be  sub- 

23  ject  to  your  own  husbands  as  to  the  Lord  ;  because  the  husband  is  head 
of  the  wife,  even  as  the  Christ  also  is  head  of  the  Community— he  is  the 

24  saviour  of  the  Body.     Yes,  as  the  Community  is  subject  to  the  Christ,  so 

25  also  let  wives  be  to  their  husbands  in  everything.  Husbands, 

1  Reading  a>,y,Bii».  2  Omitting  [[/S/oc/f]]. 


236  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [s^^-G^* 

love  your  wives,  even  as  the  Christ  also  loved  the  Community  and  gave 

26  himself  up  for  her,  to  sanctify  her  by  the  word — -cleansing  her  with  the 

27  bath  of  water — to  present  the  Community  in  splendour  to  himself  with 
never  a  spot  or  wrinkle  or  any  such  flaw,  but  that  she  might  be  holy  and 

28  faultless.     So  ought  husbands  ^  to  love  their  own  wives  as  being  their  own 

29  bodies.  He  who  loves  his  own  wife  loves  himself.  For  no  one  ever  hated 
his  own  flesh :  nay,  it  is  nourished  and  cherished  by  him,  even  as  is  the  Com- 

30,  31  munity  also  by  the  Christ — for  we  are  members  of  his  body.     Instead,  a 
man  shall  leave  his  father  and  his  mother  and  join  himself  fast  to  his  wife, 

32  and  the  two  shall  become  one  flesh.    This  symbol  is  great :  but  I  interpret  it 

33  of  Christ  and  the  Community.  At  any  rate  with  you,  let  each  individual 
love  his  own  wife  as  being  himself  ;  and  as  for  the  wife — let  her  see 

6  1  that  she  reverence  her  husband.  Children,  obey  your  parents  in 

2  the  Lord,  for  this  is  right.     Honour  thij  father  and  mother  (it  is  the  chief 

3  commandment  with  a  promise)  that  it  may  he  well  with  thee ;  and  tliou 

4  shall  live  long  on  the  earth.  And,  fathers,  do  not  enrage  your 
children,  but  nurture  them  in  the  discifline  and  admonition  of  the  Lord. 

5  Slaves,  be  obedient  to  those  who  are  your  masters  after  the 
flesh  with  fear  and  trembling,  with  singleness  in  your  heart,  as  to  the 

6  Christ :  not  by  way  of  eyeservice  like  those  who  court  human  favour,  but 

7  as  slaves  of  Christ  obeying  the  will   of   God  right  heartily,  rendering 

8  service  with  goodwill  as  to  the  Lord  and  not  to  men  ;  since  you  know 
that  each  sliall  be  paid  back  from  tlie  Lord  for  whatever  good  he  does, 

9  whether  he  l)e  slave  or  free  man.  And  you  masters,  act  in  the  same 
way  to  them  and  refrain  from  threats ;  since  you  know  that  their  Master 
and  yours  is  in  heaven,  and  with  him  there  is  no  respect  of  persons. 

10  In  future,  be  strong  in  the  Lord  and  in  the  might  of  his  strength. 

11  Put  on  the  full  armour  of  God  so  that  you  may  be  able  to  stand  against 

12  the  artifices  of  the  devil.  For  ours  is  no  wrestling  against  blood  and 
flesh  !  It  is  against  the  principalities,  against  the  powers,  against  the 
world-princes  of  this  present  darkness,  against  the  spiritual  forces  of  evil 

13  in  the  heavenly  regions.  Therefore  take  to  yourselves  the  full  armour  of 
God,  that  on  the  evil  day  you  may  be  able  to  withstand,  and,  after  all 

14  has  been  accomplished,  to  stand.     Stand  then,  girt  with  truth  upon  your 

15  loins,  and  clad  ivith  uprightness  as  your  coat  of  mail,  and  your  feet  shod  ivith 

16  the  firm  footincj  of  the  gospel  of  peace,  in  all  things  taking  to  yourselves  the 
shield  of  faith,  wherewith  you  shall  be  able  to  quench  the  fiery  darts  of 

17  the  evil  one  ;  take  also  the  helmet  of  salvation,  and  the  stoord  of  the  Spirit 

18  (that  is,  God's  word),  praying  at  every  season  with  all  prayer  and  entreaty 
in  the  Spirit,  and  attending  to  that  with  all  constancy  and  entreaty  for  all 

3  9  the  saints — and  on  my  behalf,  that  I  may  have  speech  given  me  as  often 
as  I  open  my  mouth  to  make  known  with  confidence  the  secret  of  the 

20  gospel  for  Avliich  I  am  an  envoy  in  chains,  that  therein  I  may  have  con- 
fidence to  declare  it  as  I  should. 

21  Now,  that  you  also  may  know  my  afi"airs  and  how  I  am,  Tychicus  the 
beloved  brother  and  faithful  minister  in  the   Lord  sliall  give  you  all 

22  information  ;  I  am  sending  him  to  you  for  this  very  purpose,  that  you 
may  know  how  we  are  and  that  he  may  encourage  your  hearts. 

23  Peace  be  to  the  brothers,  and  love  with  faith,  from  God  the  Fatlier 

24  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Grace  l)e  with  all  whose  love  to  our  Lord  Jesu.s 
Christ  is  love  imperishable. 

1  Omitting  [[^'-oc)]]. 


PHILIPPIANS 


The  epistle  to  the  Philippians  has  been  aptly  called  "the  love-letter"  of  the 
Pauline  epistles.  The  love  of  the  Philippians  for  their  apostle  shows  itself 
practically  in  the  gift  for  which  Paul  sends  his  thanks  in  this  epistle,  and  the 
epistle  itself  breathes  from  first  to  last  the  warmest  love  for  this  congregation, 
which  of  all  the  congregations  he  had  founded  lay  nearest  to  his  heart. 
Written  from  the  heart,  the  letter  bears  no  didactic  character.  Even  the  few 
theological  excursuses,  which  are  introduced  here  and  there,  upon  the  person  of 
Christ  and  justification,  serve  practical  ends.  At  the  same  time  we  get 

painted  for  us  the  outward  situation  of  the  apostle  during  his  last  days,  im- 
prisoned, forsaken,  distressed  ;  and  we  are  enaliled  to  learn  the  moods  and  feelings 
which  moved  him  as  he  came  close  to  death.  The  soft,  charitable  tone  of  the 
apostle's  judgment  even  upon  his  Judaistic  opponents  is  to  be  easily  explained  by 
his  mood  at  the  moment  ;  and  at  such  a  crisis  in  his  life  the  invitation  to  rejoice, 
which  again  and  again  he  issues  to  his  Philippians,  comes  with  a  specially 
affecting  power.  As  an  expression  of  the  apostle's  final  counsels  and  warnings, 
his  final  wishes  and  prayers,  his  final  hopes  and  fears,  the  letter  may  be  described 
as  the  testament  which  he  left  to  his  best-loved  congregation. — Lipsius. 


ji.  2  Greeting. 

13-11  Thanksgiving  and   prayer: 

for  present  attainments  and 

future  advance  in  the   Christian   faith 
and  life. 

112-26  Personal :   The  situation  of  Paul  in  Rome  :   prospects  of  the  gospel 
there. 
His  confidence  and  desire. 

127.218  Appeal  and  counsel :  For  unity  through  humility  : 

The  example  and  imitation  of  Christ — 

Paul's  aid  and  anxiety. 

219-31  Personal :  His  own  movements. 

The  mission  of  Timotheus  in  the  future. 
The  mission  of  Epaphroditus  in  the  past. 

3--41  A  Warning:  against  errorists  of  Judaism  : 

his  own  experience  and  example  : 
a  resum^. 

4""^  Appeal  and  counsel :  to  unity, 

joy, 

moral  effort. 
410-20  Thanksgiving:  for  gift  from  Philippi. 
421-23  Farewell. 


PHILIITIANS 

1  1  Paul  and  Timotheus,  slaves  of  Christ  Jesus, 

to  all  the  saints  in  Christ  Jesus  who  are  in  Philippi,  with  the 
overseers  and  ministers  : 
2  grace  to  you  and  peace  from  God  our  Father  and  the  Lord  Jesus 

Christ. 
3,  4        I  thank  my  God  whenever  I  remember  you — as  in  every  prayer  of 

5  mine  I  always  offer  prayer  for  you  all  with  joy — for  your  fellowship  as 

6  regards  the  gospel  from  the  first  day  up  to  the  present,  confident  as  I 
am  of  this  very  thing,  that  he  who  began  a  good  work  in  you  will  finish 

7  it,  up  to  the  day  of  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  right  for  me  to  have  these 
thoughts  on  behalf  of  you  all,  because  I  carry  you  in  my  heart — yoii  who 
are  all  partakers  of  my  grace,   both  in  my  imprisonment  and  in  the 

8  defence  and  confirmation  of  the  gospel.     For  God  is  my  witness,  how  I 

9  long  for  you  all  with  the  affection  of  Christ  Jesus.  And  my  prayer  is 
this,  that  your  love  may  excel  more  and  more  in  full  knowledge  and  all 

10  moral  perception,  that  you  may  prize  the  things  that  transcend,  so  as  to 

11  be  sincere  and  void  of  offence  in  view  of  the  day  of  Christ,  filled  with  the 
fruit  of  uprightness  which  is  through  Jesus  Christ  to  the  honour  and 
praise  of  God. 

12  Now,  brothers,  I  would  have  you  understand,  that  my  affairs  have 

13  really  tended  to  the  progress  of  the  gospel ;  the  result  being  that  through- 
out the  whole  Court  of  Appeal  and  everywhere  else,  my  imprisonment 

14  has  been  recognised  to  be  the  imprisonment  of  a  Christian  ;  and  further, 
my  imjjrisonment  has  given  confidence  to  the  greater  number  of  the 
brothers  in  the  Lord,  who  wax  more  and  more  bold  in  speaking  the  word 

15  of  God  fearlessly.     Some  indeed  are  preaching  Christ  even  out  of  envy 

16  and  quarrelsomeness,  and  some  also  out  of  good  will.  The  latter  pro- 
claim Christ  from  love,  as  they  know  that  I  am  destined  to  defend  the 

17  gospel ;  the  former  from  factiousness,  from  no  pure  motive,  thinking  to 

18  cause  me  distress  as  well  as  imprisonment.  What  does  it  matter  ?  at 
all  events,  in  every  way,  be  it  in  pretext  or  in  honesty,  Christ  is  being 

19  proclaimed  ;  and  in  this  I  rejoice.  Yes,  and  I  shall  rejoice  ;  for  I  know 
that  all  tilts  ivill  result  in  my  deliverance  through  your  prayer   and  the 

20  supply  of  the  Spirit  of  Jesus  Christ,  as  I  eagerly  anticipate  and  hope 
that  I  shall  be  put  to  shame  in  nothing,  but  that  with  all  confidence 
now   as  ever  Christ  will   be   magnified  in  my  body,  either  by  life  or 

1,  22  by  death.     For  to  me  life  is  Christ  and  death  is  gain.     Yet  if  life  in  the 
flesh — if  that  means  fruitful  work  for  me,  then  I  cannot  tell  which  to 

23  prefer.      I  am  in  a  dilemma  between  two   courses  :  I  have  the  desire 

24  to  depart  and  be  with  Christ,  for  that  is  far  far  better  ;  however,  to  stay 

25  on  in  the  flesl)  is  more  needful  on  your  account.  So,  persuaded  of  this,  I 
know  that  1  sliall  remain  and  live  on  with  you  all  for  your  progress  and 

26  joy  in  the  faith  ;   that  through  me  you  may  liave  abundant  reason  for 

27  exulting  in  Christ  Jesus,  over  my  return  to  you.  Only,  conduct 

233 


l2^^-2"^]  PHILIPPIANS  239 

yourselves  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  gospel  of  Christ,  so  that  whether  I 
come  and  see  you  or  am  absent,  I  may  hear  of  your  affairs,  that  you  are 
standing  firm  in  one  S2:)irit,  striving  together  with  one  soul  for  the  faith  of 

28  the  gospel,  and  not  scared  in  anything  by  your  adversaries:  such  fearlessness 
is  a  proof  to  them  of  perdition,  but  to  you  of  salvation,  and  salvation  too 

29  from  God  ;  because  you  have  had  this  grace  given  you  on  behalf  of  Christ, 

30  not  only  to  believe  on  him  but  also  to  sufter  on  his  behalf — while  you 
wage  the  very  contest  that,  as  once  you  saw  and  now  you  hear,  I  wage. 

2  1        I  pray  you  then,  by  every  exhortation  in  Christ,  by  every  incentive  of 
love,  by  any  participation  in  the  Spirit,  by  all  affection  and  tender  mercies, 

2  complete  my  joy  and  be  of  the  same  mind,  with  the  same  love,  with  one 

3  soul  and  one  mind :  do  nothing  by  way  of  faction  or  empty  pride,  but 

4  in  humility  let  each  consider  the  other  better  than  himselif,  consulting 
not  your  own  interests,  but  also  those  of  each  other. 

5  Let  this  mind  be  in  you  which  was  also  in  Christ  Jesus— 

6  Who  though  existing  in  the  form  of  God,  considered  not  equality  with 

God  a  prize  to  be  seized, 

7  But  emptied  himself  l:)y  taking  the  form  of  a  slave  : 

8  Born  in  the  likeness  of  men,  and  found  in  fashion  like  a  man 

He  humbled  himself  in  obedience  as  far  as  death,  even  the  death  of 
the  cross. 

9  Therefore  God  also  lifted  him  on  high 

And  bestowed  on  him  a  name  above  every  name, 

10  That  at  the  name  of  Jesus  evenj  knee  should  bow 

In  heaven  and  on  earth  and  under  the  earth, 

11  And  every  tongue  confess  that  "Jesus  is  Lord" — to  the  honour  of  God  the 

Father. 

12  So  then,  my  beloved,  even  as  you  have  always  been  obedient,  not  as  when 
I  am  present  merely,  but  much  more  now  when  I  am  absent,  work  out 

13  with  fear  and  trembling  your  own  salvation  ;  for   it  is  God  who  renders 

14  both   will  and   deed   effective    in  you,  for  his  own  good  pleasure.     Do 

15  all  without  murmurs  and  disputes  ;  that  you  may  be  blameless  and 
guileless,  the  children  of  God,  faultless  in  the  midst  of  a  generation  crooked 
and  perverse,  among  whom  you  appear  like  luminaries   in  the  world  : 

16  holding  fast  the  word  of  life,  that  I  may  have  reason  to  exult  in  the  day 

17  of  Christ  that  I  did  not  run  in  vain  or  labour  in  vain.  Yes,  although  I 
have  my  blood  poured  out  on  the  sacrifice  and  sacred  service  of  your 

18  faith,  I  rejoice  for  myself  and  rejoice  with  you  all ;  even  so  do  you 
rejoice  and  rejoice  with  me. 

19  But  I  hope  in  the  Lord  Jesus  soon  to  send  you  Timotheus,  that  I  also 

20  may  be  of  good  courage  when  I  learn  of  your  affairs.  For  I  have  no  rnan 
with  a  soul  like  his,  who  will  have  a  genuine  concern  _  for  your  affairs  ; 

21  one  and  all  are  seeking  their  own  interests,  not  the  interests  of  Jesus 

22  Christ.     But  you  know  his  tried  character,  how  he  served  with  me  in  the 

23  gospel,  like  a  child  with  his  father.     I  hope  then  to  send  him  directly,  so 

24  soon  as  I  see  how  my  own  affairs  turn  out ;  but  I  am  confident  in  the 

25  Lord  that  before  long  I  shall  also  come  myself.  And  I  consider  it  needful 
to  send  you  Epaphroditus,  who  is  my  brother  and  fellow-worker  and  fellow- 

26  soldier,  as  well  as  your  messenger  and  minister  to  my  need  ;  for  he  was 
longing  for  you  all  and  sorely  troubled  because  you  had  heard  that  he 

27  was  ill — and  ill  he  was  indeed,  nearly  to  death  ;  but  God  had  pity  on 
him,  and  not  merely  on  him,  but  also  on  me,  lest  I  should  have  sorrow 

28  upon  sorrow.     I  send  him  then  all  the  more  eagerly,  that  you  may  rejoice 

29  once  more  at  seeing  him,  and  that  I  may  be  the  less  sorrowful.     Receive 


240  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^'^-i^ 

30  him  in  the  Lord  then  with  all  joy,  and  value  men  like  him  ;  because  for 
the  work  of  Christ  he  came  near  to  death,  hazarding  his  life  to  make  up 
for  the  lack  of  your  ministry  towards  me. 

3  1        Well  then,  my  brothers,  rejoice  in  the  Lord.     To  write  you  the  same 

2  things   is  not  irksome  to  me,    and  it  is  prudent  for  you. — Beware   of 

3  the  dogs  !  Beware  of  the  wicked  workers  !  Beware  of  the  Incision.  For 
we  are  the  Circumcision,  we  who  worsliip  with  the  Spirit  of  God  and  exult 

4  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  put  no  reliance  in  the  flesh.  Though  I  myself  also 
possess  ground  for  relying  on  the  flesh.     If  any  one  else  presumes  to  put 

5  reliance  on  the  flesh,  far  more  can  I  ! — circumcised  on  the  eighth  day, 
belonging  to  the  race  of  Israel,  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  a  Hebrew  born 

6  of  Hebrews,  as  regards  the  law  a  Pharisee,  as  regards  zeal  a  persecutor  of 
the  Community,  as  regards  the  uprightness  of  the  law  proved  blameless. 

7,  8  But  what  was  gain  to  me,  this  I  have  for  Christ  considered  loss.  Yes 
indeed,  and  I  consider  everything  to  be  loss  for  the  sake  of  the  surpassing 
knowledge  of  Christ  Jesus  my  Lord.  For  him  I  forfeited  everything,  and 
9  consider  it  as  mere  refuse,  that  I  may  gain  Christ  and  be  found  in  him 
(possessing  not  the  uprightness  which  is  from  the  law  as  my  uprightness, 
but  that  which  comes  through  faith  in  Christ,  the  uprightness  which 

10  faith  has  from  God),  so  as  to  know  him — know  the  power  of  his  resurrec- 
tion and  what  it  is  to  participate  in  his  sufferings,  being  conformed  to 

11  his  death,  if  so  be  that  I  may  attain  to  the  resurrection  from  the  dead. 

12  Not  that  I  have  obtained  it  already,  or  that  already  I  am  perfected  ;  nay 
I  press  on  to  try  and  overtake  it,  seeing  that  I  myself  have  been  over- 

13  taken  by  Christ  Jesus.  Brothers,  I  do  not  ^  reckon  myself  to  have  over- 
taken it.    But  one  thing  I  do :  forgetting  what  lies  behind  and  stretching 

14  forward  to  what  lies  before,  I  press  on  to  the  goal  for  the  prize  of  the 

15  high  calling  of  God  in  Christ  Jesus.  Let  all  of  us  therefore  who  are 
perfect  be  of  this  mind  ;  and  if  you  differ  in  mind  upon  any  matter,  God 

16  shall  reveal  that  also  to  you.     At  any  rate,  so  far  as  we  have  attained,  let 

17  us  walk  in  the  same  steps.  Brothers,  unite  in  imitating  me,  and 

18  mark  those  who  walk  even  as  you  have  us  for  a  pattern.  For  many  are 
walking — of  whom  I  often  used  to  tell  you  and  tell  you  now  with  tears, 

19  that  they  are  the  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ :  perdition  is  their  fate,  the 
belly  their  god,  in  their  shame  they  glory,  men  whose  mind  is  set  on  earthly 

20  things.     It  is  in  heaven  our  commonwealth  exists  ;  and  from  heaven  we 

21  wait  for  a  Saviour,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  shall  fashion  the  body  that 
belongs  to  our  humiliation  till  it  is  like  the  body  that  belongs  to  his 
majesty,  in  virtue  of  the  force  with  which  he  is  also  able  to  subject  every- 
thing to  himself. 

4  1        So  then,  my  brothers,  beloved  and  longed  for,  my  joy  and    wreath, 

2  stand  thus  firm  in  the  Lord,  beloved.  I  appeal  to  Euodia  and  I 

3  appeal  to  Syntyche  to  be  of  the  same  mind  in  the  Lord.  Also  I  pray 
thee,  true  Synzygus,  assist  these  women';  for  they  strove  by  my  side 
in  the  service  of  the  gospel,  together  with  Clement  and  the  rest  of  my 

4  fellow-workers,  whose  names  are  in  the  hook  of  life.     Rejoice  in  the  Lord 
b  always.     Again  I  will  say  it,  rejoice.     Let  your  forbearance  be  known  to 

6  all  men.  The  Lord  is  near.  Be  anxious  about  nothing,  but  in  everything 
by  prayer  and  entreaty  together  with  thanksgiving  let  your  requests  be 

7  made  known  before  God  ;  so  shall  the  peace  of  God  which  surpasses  all  con- 
ception guard  your  hearts  and  your  minds  in  Christ  Jesus. 

8  Well  then,  brothers,  whatever  is  true,  whatever  is  serious,  whatever  is 
just,  whatever  is  pure,  whatever  is  lovely,   whatever  is  courteous,  all 

1  Reading  ol. 


4^^--^]  PHILIP  PI  ANS  241 

9  excellence,  all  merit,  keep  these  in  mind  !  Practise  what  you  have  also 
learned  and  received  and  heard  and  seen  in  me;  so  shall  the  God  of  peace 
be  with  you. 

10  It  was  a  great  joy  to  me  in  the  Lord  that  you  at  last  blossomed  out  in 
thoughtfulness  on  my  behalf  ;  though  what  you  did  lack  indeed  was  not 

11  thoughtfulness  but  opportunity.     Not  that  I  speak  on  the  score  of  want ; 

For  I  have  learnt  to  be  content  with  my  position. 

12  I  know  how  to  live  in  straits, 

I  know  also  how  to  live  in  wealth  : 
In  each  and  every  case  I  hold  the  secret 
of  fulness  and  of  hunger, 
of  wealth  and  of  want. 

13  I  am  able  for  anything,  in  him  who  strengthens  me. 

14  Nevertheless,  you  have  done  well  to  make  common  cause  with  me  in  my 

15  hardship.  You  yourselves  are  aware,  Philippians,  that  in  the  beginning  of 
the  gospel  when  I  left  Macedonia  no  Community  had  dealings  with  me  in 

16  the  matter  of  debit  and  credit,  none  except  yourselves  ;  for  even  when  I 

17  was  in  Thessalonika  you  sent  once  and  again  to  relieve  my  need.    Not  that 

18  I  crave  the  gift;  I  crave  the  accumulation  of  interest  to  your  account.  I 
have  got  everything,  and  I  abound ;  I  am  fully  supplied,  after  receiving  from 
Epaphroditus  what  you  sent,  an  odour  of  fragrance,  an  acceptable  sacrifice 

19  well-pleasing  to  God.  And  my  God  shall  fully  supply  every  need  of 
yours  through  his  riches  in  majesty  in  Christ  Jesus. 

20  Now  to  our  God  and  Father  be  the  honour  for  ever  and  ever  :  Amen. 

21  Salute  every  saint  in  Christ  Jesus. 

The  brothers  who  are  with  me  salute  you. 

22  All  the  saints  salute  you,  especially  those  who  belong  to  Caesar's 
household. 

23  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  your  spirit. 


i6 


THE  FIEST  EPISTLE  OF  PETER 

Two  tides  of  five  swept  tlirougli  the  Christian  world  of  the  first  century  : 
the  outburst  of  Nero's  malevolence  and  the  persecution  under  Doniitian. 
Up  to  the  time  of  the  former,  the  capital  enemy  of  Christianity  had  been 
the  Jew,  not  Caesar.  But  the  punishment  of  the  Christians  (64  a.d.)  as 
scapegoats  for  the  Emperor  first  introduced  persecution  to  the  Christian 
horizon,  which  had  hitherto  (Phil  li2f=Ac  28^1)  been  comparatively  un- 
clouded. The  agitation  and  shock  produced  by  this  forms  the  background 
of  1  Peter.  Evidently  sporadic  and  spasmodic  persecution  (eV  ru  Koa-nai,  5'-*) 
was  going  on  in  the  provinces  upon  the  charge  of  the  Name.^  The 
Christians  qua  Christian  were  liable  to  be  sought  out  and  punished. 
Ripples  liad  passed  out  from  the  capital,^  where  Peter  wrote,  to  the 
Asiatic  provinces,  and  recently  att'ected  the  position  of  Christians  in  those 
localities.  Consequently  the  purport  of  this  message  to  Northern  Asia  is 
l^ractically  the  same  as  the  instruction  and  encouragement  given  nearly 
twenty  years  earlier,  perhaps,  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Southern  Asia  : 
oTi  8ta  TToXXav  dXiyj/ecov  Set  i^/naj  ela-eXdelv  els  Trjv  jSaaiXeiav  tov  Qeov 
(Ac  14--).  Only,  the  situation  is  graver.  Possibly  it  was  aggravated  by 
the  local  restlessness  and  turbulence,  e.g.  in  the  province  of  Bithynia 
during  its  senatorial  administration  between  27  B.C.  and  the  despatch  of 
Pliny  in  112  a.d.  to  execute  necessary  reforms.  In  these  years  dis- 
organisation and  riot  Avere  a  common  feature  of  the  province,  so  that 
references  such  as  those  made  in  1  Peter  to  social  interference  are  historically 
credil)le  by  the  seventh  decade  of  the  first  century.  There  is  not,  indeed, 
any  reason  "  why  Asia  Minor  should  not  have  had  persecutions  of  its  own, 
indej)endent  of  any  known  persecution  bearing  an  Emperor's  name, 
and  perhaps  even  a  little  earlier  than  Nero's  persecution  "  (Hort).    At  the 

1  This  is  a  weighty  and  disputed  point.  On  the  view  taken  above,  ijersecution 
and  ])uni«hnient  for  the  "  name"  of  Christian  commenced  as  early  as  the  seventh  decade 
of  tlie  tirst  century.  Even  under  Nero  it  became  criminal  to  be  a  Christian.  This  is 
]>ractically  Moninisen's  position,  supported  by  Mr.  E.  G.  Hardy  {Okristianiti/  and 
tlie  Roman  Empire,  1894,  pp.  70  f.,  80  f.,  125  f.),  Prof.  Sanday  (JSx}}.*  vii.  p.  405  f.), 
and  those  editors  who  accept  the  seventh-decade  diite  and  authenticity  of  the  writing. 
A  casual  remark  like  that  in  Phil  1^^  shows  that  the  distinctiveness  of  Christianity 
was  not  unrecognised  in  liome  even  as  early  as  tlie  opening  of  the  scviMith  decade. 
Tliis  is  put  with  much  force  by  Chase  (J>J',  iii.  p.  784 f.),  whose  artirlc  .m  tlic  epistle 
is  the  finest  piece  of  work  upon  it  in  any  language.     He  adopts  the  pic-til  .Lite 

-  The  figurative  sense  of  "  Babylon  "  suits  excellently  the  situation  uud  the  semi- 
apocalyjitic  tinge  of  the  writing  (Si-i---  4''"-  i--w  5'*''-).  It  is  widely  accepted  in 
modern  criticism  :  cp.  Renan,  I' Antechrist,  chap.  v.  ;  Seufert,  ZwTIi  (1885),  pp. 
IKM.OH;  Salmon,  INT,  p.  440 f.  ;  Lightfoot,  Vlevient,  ii.  p.  491  f.  ;  0.  Holtzmaun, 
Nri'/r  t.  /.  ii'fsdi.  (1885),  p.  97  ;  Hort,  Jud.  Christ,  p.  155  ;  von  Soden,  110, 
(1,1  l..r. ;  .lull'  her,  Einl.  p.  132  ;  Ramsay,  ORE,  pp.  286,  287  ;  Sanday  and  Headlam, 
"  i;..iiiaiis"  /'''',  p.  xxix.  ;  McGiflert,  A  A,  p.  598;  Chase,  iJli,  i.  pp.  '213,214; 
and  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  y^.  19-21),  with  many  others. 

On  the  il.iiiiliii  111'  Christians,  cp.  the  English  summaries  and  discussions  in 
Church  (jvj'ii'.  Il,r,nn  (Oct.  1895),  pp.  26-47  ;  F.  C.  Conybeare,  Monuvienls  of 
Earlij  Christianity-  (1896),  pp.  282-28S  ;  and  Leckv,  Hist.  Euro}).  Morals,  chap.  iii. 


THE   FIRST    EPISTLE    OF    PETER  243 

same  time  it  is  from  Nero's  persecution  tliat  the  writer  at  any  rate 
drew  the  intensity  of  his  counsels.  The  writing  certainly  looks  back 
to  a  period  of  keen  terror  and  distress  (1^  S^*^  4^^  5^),  wfiich  had  not 
long  begun  (cp.  the  almost  contemporary  evidence  of  Mk  13"",  and  the 
allusions  to  the  past  in  Heb  lO'^--  2=^). 

After  the  crisis  and  controversy  at  Antioch,  Peter's  career  is  only  to  be 
traced  with  dim  and  approximate  accuracy.  Like  John,  he  had  left 
Jerusalem  by  the  time  of  Paul's  last  visit  (Ac  2V'^).  General  activity 
(1  Co  9^)  is  visible  in  Syria  and  possibly  in  those  parts  of  Asia  Minor 
where,  as  he  travelled  and  preached,  he  would  not  traverse  the  Pauline 
mission-field  (1  P  1^).  But  several  items  in  the  later  tradition  {e.g.  Clem. 
Rom.  and  Ignatius)  point  with  comparative  certainty  to  a  final  residence  in 
Rome  ;  which  is  only  possil)le  after  Paul  had  either  left  the  city  or  died. 
That  both  apostles  were  there  together  is  simply  unprovable.  External  cir- 
cumstances, then,  imply,  or  at  least  favour,  a  connection  and  familiarity 
on  Peter's  part  with  Paul's  teaching,  and  an  acquaintance  with  Paul's 
surviving  followers.  Whether  this  involves  an  apisroximation  in  doctrine 
is  another  question.  In  the  dispute  at  Antioch,  Peter's  fault  was  not  a 
difference  of  principle  (Harman,  Journ.  Bihl.  Lit.  xvi.  pp.  31-39).  He 
and  Paul  shared  ^  the  same  general  conception  of  the  gospel  and  its 
obligations.  But  he  failed  in  practical  consistency,  and  in  loyalty  to  the 
23rinciples  upon  which  he  had  already  agreed.  His  error  was  a  false 
opportunism.  If  in  subsequent  years,  after  this  temporary  aberration  had 
i:)assed,  Peter  came  under  the  impressiveness  of  the  Pauline  teaching, 
especially  during  his  residence  in  Rome,  that  influence  would  half 
unconsciously  and  vaguely  colour  his  thoughts  -  and  words  when  he  set 
himself  to  write  a  letter  of  encouragement  to  the  tried  Christians  of 
Northern  Asia  Minor  (figuratively  addressed  as  God's  people  and 
chosen  ones  1^),^  with  whom,  however,  there  is  no  trace  either  inside 

1  Cp.  Hoit,  Jiid.  Christianity,  pp.  77-79.  The  evidence  of  1  Corinthians  [e.g.  15ii) 
corroborates  the  supposition  that  there  was  no  vital  antagonism  of  principle  between 
Paul  and  Peter.  A  rapprochement  was  not  out  of  the  question,  when  Peter's  "gospel " 
and  Paul's  were  not  contradictory  views,  but  in  the  main  complementary  delimitations 
(Gal  27''';  cp.  Sabatier,  pp.  28-31,  and  Lipsius  ad  Inc.).  Of  the  two  men,  Peter — 
so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  our  sources — was  distinctly  the  more  receptive  and  less 
original.  Pienan,  in  his  discussion  of  the  eiiislli-  (/'.  I  ii/.'rhrist,  chap,  v.),  demurs  to  the 
conception  of  Peter  as  an  exponent  of  ni'idjlitil  I'nulinisra.  He  prefers  to  explain 
the  relation  of  the  two  men  by  Peter's  scanty  gift  for  literature  and  even  for 
speculation:  "happily  for  himself,  Peter  appears  to  have  remained  all  through 
his  life  a  theologian  of  very  moderate  ability."  The  epistle,  however,  is  no  com- 
pilation or  echo,  for  all  its  dejiendence  upon  other  and  earlier  writings  ;  and  Kenan  is  on 
safer  lines  when,  in  an  earlier  chapter  of  the  same  volume,  he  calls  attention  to  two 
considerations  which  are  essential  for  a  grasp  of  the  apostolic  age.  One  is  that 
"  deep  differences  of  opinion  (deeper  indeed  than  any  that,  in  the  subsequent  history 
of  the  church,  gave  rise  to  schism)  divided  the  founders  of  Christianity,"  leading  to 
a  bitterness  of  polemic  which  was  i)artly  due  to  the  tire  and  susceptibility  of  the  Jewish 
character.  The  other  is,  that  "a  higher  conception  united  these  brother-opponents, 
even  during  their  lifetime  " — anticipating  tlie  later  and  official  reconciliation  made  by 
the  sub-apostolic  church.  Wernle  {Die  >'^i/iinptische  Frage,  p.  199 f.)  very  similarly 
lays  stress  on  Peter's  untheological  temperament  as  the  key  to  his  character. 

'  The  soteriology,  no  less  than  the  Christology,  "  is  in  the  spontaneous  rather  than 
the  articulated  stage"  (Fairbairn,  Christ.  Mod.  Theol.  p.  330).  The  author  "has  no 
philosophy  as  to  the  vocation  or  institutions  of  Israel ;  he  has  only  the  most  vivid 
intuition,  born  of  personal  experience,  into  the  significance  of  Christ." 

3  On  11 211  see  the  beautiful  saying  in  Ep.  Diognetus  :  ^oia-a.  iiv/i  TaTpU  limv  alrSiv,  xa) 
Ta.(ra.  Tarp);  jsn).  For  the  colloquial  use  of  !TXr,But,6-J-/i  and  iid-o-xopx.,  compare  the 
three  letters  of  Ti.  Gamaliel  of  Jerusalem  (Derenbourg,  Histoire  et  geogr.  de  la 
Palestine,  pp.  241-244),  where  the  greeting  e^''^'")  "H-"'^  ^x-^Uuvdu-n  is  taken  from  the 


244  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

or  outside  the  epistle  that  he  had  any  direct  acquaintance.  Paul  had 
died,  not  Paulinism.  Erijntur  persona,  manet  res.  Yet  it  was  a  modified 
Paulinism,  combined  with  other  ideas,  and  reproduced  on  more  general 
lines,  that  spoke  through  this  circular  epistle  addressed  by  the  Jewish 
Christian  leader  to  the  North  Asiatic  communities. 

The  problem  of  the  sources  from  which  the  epistle  draws  its  references 
to  Jesus  is  still  unsolved.  Either  they  are  due  to  the  evangelic  tradition 
from  which  the  synoptic  gospels  presently  sprang,  or  simply  to  the 
Messianic  interpretation  of  OT  ^^assages  (like  Is  53),  which  in  the  early 
church  afforded  colours  for  the  jDicture  of  Christ's  patience,  suffering, 
and  redemption.  Even  if  a  later  date  is  chosen  for  the  epistle,  it  is 
unlikely  that  it,  any  more  tlian  even  Hebrews,  draws  upon  the 
synoptic  gospels  in  their  present  form.  It  is  more  valid  to  trace 
resemblances  between  the  general  conception  of  the  epistle  and  some  of 
the  Petrine  speeches  in  Acts,  which  (as  even  Holsten,  Overbeck,  and 
Schmiedel  allow)  reflect  a  nucleus  of  primitive  Christian  theology  ;  and 
there  is  a  convincing  statement  of  the  epistle's  priority  to  the  Apocalypse, 
with  which  it  has  several  features  in  common,  by  Usteri,  IFissenschaftlicher 
u.  praktischer  Commentar  u.  den  ersten  Petrushrief  (1887),  j^p.  309-312. 

In  addition  to  the  dogmatic  question  (on  which  cj).  besides  Eeuss, 
Hist  Christ.  Theol.  ii.  p.  262  f.,  and  PaTil  Ewald,  Hauptproblem,  pp.  68-75, 
Ritschl's  Entstehung,^  ])p.  116,  285),  three  points  are  material  in  a  dis- 
cussion u2>on  the  period  of  this  writing's  composition  :  the  authorship, 
the  literary  connections,  and  the  relations  which  are  implied  between  the 
Roman  government  and  Christianity.  All  these  points,  it  must  be 
confessed  at  the  outset,  are  unhesitatingly  used  by  the  best  editors  and 
critics  to  determine  a  position  for  the  document  which  brings  it  down 
later  than  the  lifetime  of  its  reputed  author.  But  if  the  Petrine  author- 
ship be  provisionally  admitted,  the  date  is  plainly  within  the  seventli 
decade  of  the  first  century  ;  the  letter  falls  either  before  64  a.d.,  the  pos- 
siljle  date  of  Peter's  martyrdom  upon  the  newer  chronology,  or  before  67, 
the  commonly  adopted  year.  Two  periods  then  are  tenal^le.  That  before 
64  has  been  held  by  Hofmann,  Bleek  (+62  a.d.),  Bartlet  (AA,  p. 
297  f.,  c.  63  A.D.),  and  Renan  (63-64  a.d.),  while  Zahn  puts  it  in 
the  spring  of  64  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  17-27).  Salmon  dates  it  not  earlier  than 
64  A.D.  Usually,  however,  a  somewhat  later  period  in  the  apostle's  life 
is  assigned  as  the  date  of  the  epistle's  composition,  with  the  conse- 
quences of  the  Neronic  persecution  in  the  l)ackground  (Tacitus,  Annales, 
XV.  44,  quos  per  flagitia invisos  vulgus  Christianos  appelabat  =  4^*-  '^).  The 
years  64-67  in  this  case  form  the  general  locus  of  the  letter.  So  the  older 
critics  after  Ewald  and  Neander,  Mayerhoft",  de  Wette,  Meyer,  Sieffert 
{Real-Encyd.  xi.  (1883),  p.  534  f.),  and  Huther;  in  this  country  and  more 
recently,  Farrar,  Early  Days  of  Christianity,  pp.  67-85  ;  Plumptre, 
Bible  Studies,  p.  450,  "Epistles  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude,"  Cambiidge, 
1887  ;  Schiifer,  Einl.  pp.  319-329  ;  also  Bovon,  NTTh,  ii.  pj).  440-444  ; 
Sanday  and  Headlam,  "  Romans,"  ICC,  pj).  Ixxiv-lxxvi ;  Stevens,  NTTh, 
pp.  293-311  ;  Hort,  Judaistic  Giristianity,  pp.  154,  155,  also  in  his 
jjosthumous  First  Epistle  of  Peter  (1898)  ;  and,  with  his  usual  candour, 
Adeney,  BI,  pp.  440-447.  Weiss  is  practically  alone,  except  for  Kiihl 
(Meyer),  in  putting  the  epistle  prior  to  Rom.-Ephes.  {Petrinische 
Lehrbegriff,  1858,  and  in  INT,  ii.  pp.  143,  144) ;  the  admitted  coincidences 
of  language  (especially  with  Ro  xii-xiii)  and  sentiment  certainly  imply 

LXX  (Dan  S""^  6-"'  [Tlieod.].      The  Gentile  orij^in  of  the  reailers  must,  particularly 
siuee  the  arguments  of  von  Soden  and  Zahu,  be  accepted  as  an  axiom. 


THE    FIRST    EPISTLE    OF    PETER  245 

its  subsequent  position  (cp.  especially  at  this  point,  XJsteri,  oj).  cit.  pp. 
250-256,  280  f.,  and  Za.]m,Einl  ii.  pp.  36-38)  and  its  literary  dependence. 
The  latter  point  is  valid,  though  it  has  Ijeen  frequently  over-estimated, 
cp.  Dr.  Patrick's  article,  Theological  Review,  ii.  pp.  177-193  ;  and  Scharfe, 
SK  (1889),  iv.  pp.  633-670,  "Die  schriftstellerische  OriginalitJit  des 
ersten  Petrusbriefs  ").  The  terminus  a  quo,  then,  for  the  date  is  the  period 
in  which  Eomans,  if  not  Ejohesians,  was  composed  and  circulated.  The 
terminus  ad  quern  is  the  more  doubtful  date  of  Peter's  death,  on  the 
assumption  that  the  Avriting  is  authentic. 

Professor  Ptamsay,  on  the  other  hand,  finds  himself  compelled  by  not 
very  obvious  historical  considerations  to  regard  the  imperial  procedure 
found  in  the  second  century  as  initiated  not  by  Nero,  nor — as  Neumann 
holds — by  Domitian,  but  by  Vespasian  ;  in  consequence  of  this,  he  dates  ^ 
1  Peter  in  the  second  part  of  Vespasian's  reign  (between  75  and  80  a.d.), 
CEE,  chaps,  xi-xiii ;  SPT,  p.  22  ;  Ex2}A  viii.  pp.  8f.,  110  f.,  282  f.  This 
period,  he  holds,  is  the  only  one  which  adequately  corresponds  to  the 
policy  of  the  Empire  and  the  consequent  attitude  of  Christianity,  as  these 
are  reflected  in  this  epistle.  For  the  necessary  abandonment  of  67  as  the 
traditional  terminus  ad  quern  of  Peter's  life,  he  quotes  an  obiter  dictum  of 
Dr.  Hort.  But  there  is  no  need,  and  hardly  any  evidence,  for  the 
hypothesis  that  a  change  took  place  in  the  imperial  policy  under  the 
Flavians.  As  a  rule,  the  features  of  that  recently  started  persecution  (4^2) 
and  hostile  pressure  upon  the  Christians,  which  forms  part  of  the 
historical  situation  for  this  writing,  can  be  interpreted  as  characteristic- 
ally Neronic  ^  (Beyschlag,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  377-382  ;  Allard,  Histoire  des 
Persec.  i.  p.  61  f.).  "  The  words  of  Tacitus  [Annal.  xv.  44]  in  regard  to 
the  Christians  under  Nero  exactly  suit  the  circumstances  to  which  this 
epistle  refers"  (Hatch,  EB,  article  "Peter").  While  Christianity  is 
evidently  within  an  anxious  and  agitated  situation,  l^esieged  by  suspicion 
and  prejudice,  the  comjiulsory  worship  of  the  Emperor,  which  dis- 
tinguished the  later  persecution  of  Domitian,  is  conspicuously  absent. 
The  unpopularity  of  Christians  might  be  due  partly  tp  their  connection  with 
Judaism,  partly  to  the  secrecy  of  their  rites  and  beliefs,  partly  to  social 
disturbances.  The  organisation  and  general  shape  of  the  communities,  too, 
are  primitive,  and  there  is  an  absence  of  definiteness  in  the  official  traits, 
even  where  it  might  have  been  expected.  All  this  points  to  a  date 
between  the  Pauline  letters  and  the  Apocalypse  (or  Hebrews).  The 
difficulties  of  such  a  position  must  be  admitted.  But  they  are  not 
insuperable.  They  rise  from  our  limited  knowledge  of  the  period  in 
question,  rather  than  from  any   inherent   discrepancies   which   can  be 

1  Similarly  Swete  (Mark,  p.  xvii.  f.)  and  F.  J.  Briggs  (CM,  1897,  pp.  449-454). 
The  latter  also  gives  up  the  traditioDal  martyrdom  of  Peter  under  Nero,  and  thinks 
that  not  until  70-75  a.d.  could  the  Roman  attitude  of  hostilities  to  Christians  have 
spread  from  the  capital  to  the  provinces.  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  39-42)  endeavours  to 
explain  the  features  of  the  writing  from  the  pre-Neronic  period,  i.e.  apart  from  the 
existence  of  any  authoritative  persecution,  and  agrees  that  the  term  u^oT^oyia.  (3i') 
should  be  taken  iu  a  non-technical  sense  (Col  45f-).  Jacoby  (NT  Ethik,  pp. 
220-222)  fully  accepts  the  traditional  date  and  authorship. 

2  L.  Schuitze,  Handbiich  der  theol.  Wisscnschaften,  Band  1,  Abth.  2,  pp.  106-109. 
In  the  Domitianic  Apocalypse  (6i")  and  Lk  182-8,  exactly  as  in  4  Esdras  4'3,  the  cry 
is,  "How  long?"  The  apparent  delay  of  retribution  is  the  question,  not  (as  in 
1  P  41-)  the  approach  of  trial.  The  reference  in  Clem.  Rom.  to  Jewish  "jealousy  " 
as  the  cause  of  Peter's  death  might  also  learl  us  to  infer  that  the  apostle  liad  becoine 
an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  Jews  during  his  later  life.  Would  this  implied 
"apcs'tasy"  tally  with  that  approximation  to  the  liberal  views  of  Pauline  Chris- 
tianity, which  must  be  assumed  upon  the  traditional  view  of  1  Peter  ? 


246  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

reasonably  fcnmd  between  the  wi^iting  and  its  contemporary  background 
(Haupt,  SK,  1895,  pp.  390-393).  i  Tlie  main  points  wliicli  would  make 
such  a  position  teiuiljle,  could  they  be  established,  are,  (a)  that  Peter 
survived  Paul,  and  wrote  this  letter  after  64  -  ;  (h)  that  his  Roman 
residence  is  historical  ;  (c)  that  as  the  survivor  of  the  company  (Gal  2), 
he  wrote  out  of  his  Christian  authority  to  the  Gentile  Christians^  of 
Northern  Asia,  just  as  Paul  had  previously  written  to  the  collective 
churches  in  the  Ephesus  district ;  (d)  that  Peter  not  only  had  read  and 
absorbed  Romans, — which  under  the  circumstances  was  highly  jjrobable, 
— but  had  also  access  to  one  of  the  copies  which  had  Ijeen  made  of 
Ephesians.  That  the  latter  writing  (i.e.  a  copy  of  it)  came  back  to 
Rome  some  years  after  its  circulation  in  Asia,  is  far  from  improbable, 
in  view  of  the  close  communication  between  Rome  and  the  Asiatic 
provinces.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be  admitted  that  no  case  for  the 
authenticity  of  the  writing  amounts  to  much  more  than  a  combination  of 
slender  probabilities,  and  in  face  of  the  evidence  and  adherents  of  the 
pseudonymous  theory,  no  one  can  hold  even  provisionally  to  the  seventh 
decade  date  without  reluctance  and  uneasiness. 

Giving  up  the  Petrine  authorship,  the  older  school  (Schwegler, 
Hilgenfeld,  Mangold,  etc.)  fixed  the  date  (cp.  Schmiedel,  EWK,  ii.  p.  34, 
1883,  article  "Catholic  Epistle")  in  Trajan's  reign,  c.  112  a.d.,  or 
slightly  later,  113-115,  when  persecution  for  the  Name  was  prominent. 
This  favourite  position  is  still  held  by  Holtzmann  {Einl.  pp.  310-320), 
Weizsacker  (AA,  ii.  p.  160),  S.  Davidson  (INT,  i.  pp.  529-563),  and  W. 
Briickner  {Ohron.  pp.  67-80).  Similarly  Pfleiderer  (Urc.  pp.  654-660), 
whose  arguments,  as  well  as  those  of  Holtzmann,  are  put  aside  with 

1  The  really  difficult  points  of  the  seventh  decade  date  are  (a)  the  relation  of  the 
writing  to  Roiii.-Ephes.,  and  (b)  the  existence  of  so  developed  a  Christianity  north  of 
the  Taurus  by  tliat  time,  as  Pliny's  evidence  only  carries  us  hack  to  c.  90  a.d.  The 
latter  point  is  not  decisive,  for  the  evangelisation  of  Asia  Minor,  even  during  the 
period  of  Paul's  activity,  lies  partly  in  shadow,  except  for  the  possible  activity  of 
Aquila  and  Priscilla.  T^lie  literary  connection  of  1  Peter  with  the  later  Pauline 
epistle  is  indubitable,  and  can  hardly  be  explained  apart  from  the  hypothesis  of 
an  amanuensis  who  was  familiar  witli  these  writings.  Peter  must  in  that  case  have 
been  himself  acquainted  with  the  leading  Pauline  ideas— impregnated  in  fact  with 
certain  phrases  and  thoughts  of  his  fellow-apostle.  (Even  Kliipper,  though  unable 
to  admit  that  either  is  genuine,  recognises  the  use  of  Ephesians  in  1  Peter.)  He 
reproduces  these  freely  and  in  a  modified  form  (cp.  his  treatment  of  Christ's 
sufferings  and  of  man's  faith),  writing  as  he  does  with  a  practical  object  in  view. 
Still  the  epistle  requires  a  historical  situation  sufficient  to  admit  of  "'the  marriage 
of  true  minds  "  involved  in  such  an  attitude  to  Paulinism,  and  this  is  furnished  if 
we  suppose  that  Peter  reached  Rome  early  in  the  seventh  decade,  a  fact  which  it  is 
becoming  more  and  more  difficult  to  ignore,  even  under  the  mass  of  subsequent 
traditions.  One  of  the  advantages  of  the  "  newer  chronology  "  is  that  it  leaves  room 
for  this  residence  of  Peter  in  Rome  after  the  death  of  Paul. 

"  It  is  not  a  crucial  oljjection  to  this  date  that  the  epistle  contains  none  of  the 
definite  and  poignant  allusions  whicli  we  should  expect  to  the  recent  Neronic 
persecution.  The  references  to  contemporary  hostility  are  explicit  enough  for 
practical  purpose — and  for  safety. 

3  To  tliem  the  OT  predicates  of  worship  and  privilege  are  consistently  transferred. 
Zahn  {Kinl.  ii.  pp.  7,  8)  ingeniously  turns  the  difficulty  of  Peter  writing  to  Gentiles, 
by  the  remark  that  they  would  feel  iuspirited  and  confirmed  in  the  faith  by 
receiving  such  care  and  advice  from  the  prominent  leader  of  the  circumcision 
(dill  2').  Lilie  several  others  of  Zahn's  acute  explanations,  this  smacks  of 
riofmanii.  Nor  is  Ihere  any  basis  for  Chase's  ingenious  hypotliesis  that  Peter  was 
summoned  by  Paul  to  Rome  to  show  tlieir  unity,  and  that  Silvanus  starfcd  from 
Rome  to  Asia  as  the  messenger  of  Paul,  but  also  carrying  a  supplementary  letter 
from  Peter. 


THE    FIRST    EPISTLE    OF    PETER  247 

consideralile  force  Ly  Usteri  {of.  cit.  pp.  240-247)  and  Ramsay  {GEE, 
p.  187  tf.).  Jiilicher,  like  Cone  {Gospel  and  its  Interpret,  p.  260  f.),  con- 
siders we  cannot  go  far  wrong  with  the  general  date  100  c./  and  Bousset 
places'  1  Peter  with  Apoc.  2-3  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  century 
(in  Meyer's  Comm.  "Apoc."  p.  284) ;  while  von  Soden — argning  mainly 
(after  Neumann)  from  the  references  to  persecution — prefers  to  come 
back  definitely  to  Domitian's  reign  {JpTh,  1883,  pp.  461-508  ;  HG,  in. 
ii.  p.  109  f.),  like  J.  Reville  (Les  orig.  de  I'J^piscopat,  i.  p.  358  f.),  Scholten, 
and  Harnack  (in  its  original  form,  83-93  a.d.,  or  possibly  even  earlier, 
"Die  moglichkeit  ist  nicht  ai;sgeschlossen,  das  es  schon'  geraume  Zeit 
vorher  verfasst  ist "),  with  Wrede  (ZNTV,  1900,  pp.  75-85)  and  McGitfert 
(A A,  pp.  482  f.,  5931).  The  last-named  supposes  that  the  writing  was 
composed  by  a  Paulinist  during  Domitian's  reign,  anonymously  ;  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  take  seriously  his  further  suggestion  that  Peter's 
name  was  added,  not  to  give  it  apostolic  authority  (as  Harnack 
suggests),  but  simply  as  "  the  chance  act  of  an  individual  scribe,"  though 
it  is  a  really  ingenious  conjecture  that  Barnabas  was  the  author.  More 
plausible,  thougli  with  as  little  basis  in  actual  evidence,  is  Harnack's 
subtle  hypothesis  that  the  writing,  an  anonymous  and  earlier  homily, 
received  between  150  and  175 — i.e.  before  the  age  of  Clement  Alex., 
Tertullian,  and  Irenaeus,  who  evidently  knew  the  letter  as  Petrine — the 
addition  of  its  present  address  and  conclusion  ;  these  were  the  work  of 
the  author  of  2  Peter,  modelling  his  style  on  Ac  15  and  Heb  13.^ 

Tlie  question  of  the  date  is  thus  dependent  upon  the  question 
of  authorship  to  a  large  degree  (Reuss,  pp.  262-275).  Certainly  a 
prolific  literature  grew  up  in  the  second  century  under  the  name  of 
Peter  ;  but  so  far  from  discrediting,  this  fact  seems  rather  to  increase 
the    probable    genuineness    of    at    least    the    present    writing,    which 

1  Besides  the  fact  that  the  readers  are  not  addressed  as  members  of  a  second 
generation,  but  as  people  who  had  been  brought  to  Christianity  not  long  ago, 
althongh  they  ha<l  no  personal  intercourse  with  Christ,  another  cardinal 
objection  to  the  second-century  date  ought  probably  to  be  admitted  in  the  literary 
relation  (Usteri,  pp.  320  -  324)  between  Clem.  Rom.  and  this  epistle,  cp. 
Pet    11   1^9    21  2^  21''  2-'i 

CR.'  11  7^  36-^  59  24  51^  IQiv  33«'  ^^^^^  ^'""^  ^^''  '^'"  °^  '^''''^'  "^'^  ''''"*°""'* 
and  iT/JoraTox;,^™?.  Some  of  these  may  be  due  to  Clem.  Rom.'s  acquaintance  with 
Ephes.-Heb.;  liut  even  so,  that  analogy  tells  for  the  previous  date  of  1  Peter. 
A  similar  conclusion  is  to  be  drawn  from  the  resemblances  between  it  and  the 
Apocalypse. 

-  This  theory,  which  would  add  li-^  512"  to  the  writing,  as  a  title  and 
conclusion  composed  after  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  has  really  not  much 
more  support  here  than  the  similar  hypothesis  in  the  case  of  James.  The  fact  that 
the  MSS.  supply  no  evidence,  makes  it  difficult  for  us  to  suppose  that  all  extant 
MSS.  are  descended  from  an  ancestor  which  was  thus  altered  before  the  end  of  the 
second  century.  Also  it  is  hard  to  see  why  a  similar  process  was  not  applied  to 
1  John  [TU,  ii.  2,  pp.  106-109  ;  Chron.  pp.  455-465).  The  allusion  in  1  P  5i  does 
not,  of  course,  necessarily  imply  an  eyewitness,  for  f/,Kpru;  can  quite  well  be  taken 
in  the  sense  of  passages  like  1  Co  15i5,  and  "the  sufferings  of  the  Christ "  mean 
probably  (as  in  1  P  4i3)  Christian  trials.  Indeed,  had  Peter  written  the  epistle,  it  is 
hard  to  see  why  he  would  not  have  used  a  word  like  aiTorr-^.e,  or  .some  definite  and  clear 
expression.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  good  point  to  notice  that,  so  far  as  we  can 
judge,  only  three  men  could  have  stood  in  the  relations  indicated  by  1  P  5i'-i'' 
to  Mark  and  Silvanus.  These  three  were  Paul,  Barnabas,  and  Peter.  Between 
them  the  authorship  (real  or  intended)  probably  lies.  F.  W.  Lewis  {J<:.q).=  x.  pp. 
319,  320)  argues  that  the  epistle  was  written  after  Paul's  death,  since  the  absence  of 
any  mention  of  Paul  (1  P  S'-'-  is)  indicates  that  Mark  and  Silvanus  had  been  deprived 
by  death  of  their  former  master. 


248  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

stands  quite  by  itself  among  tlie  Petrine  literature  ("  Er  stelit  f lir  sicli 
ohne  inrere  Verbindung  mit  den  anderen  petriuisclien  Schriften, 
und  auch  seine  Gescliiclite  ist  mit  der  der  anderen  unvermengt,"  Har- 
nack),  and  supports  2  Peter  (3^,  rnvTTjv  rji^rj  devrepav  vfxiv  ypdcfjco 
eTTifTToXriv).  Such  later  productions  must  have  had  some  previous 
literary  basis  to  build  upon,  besides  the  mere  tradition  of  the  apostle's 
authority.  In  this  case  the  existence  of  one  authentic  writing  (Euseb. 
HE.  iii.  3)  is  almost  a  necessary  postulate  for  the  composition  of  allied 
pseudonymous  documents. 

Kecent  criticism  has  eased — it  is  too  much  to  say,  solved — some  of  the 
main  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  seventh  decade  date,  (a)  Historically, 
the  Trajanic  date  has  been  found  unnecessary  and  even  indefensible. 
(b)  Theologically,  all  idea  of  a  direct  dogmatic  tendency  or  of  a  mediating 
and  conciliatory  unionism,  has  been  abandoned  (e.g.  Holtzmann,  Einl. 
pp.  331,  332).  These  two  points  really  include  a  large  amount  of  the 
evidence  which  would  incline  one  to  favour  a  later  period  of  composition. 
To  them  also  must  be  added  (c)  the  possibility  of  an  amanuensis. 
The  seventh  -  decade  date,  with  its  implicate  of  authenticity,  is  not 
seriously  affected  by  the  further  question,  which  has  been  recently 
discussed,  whether  the  style  of  the  epistle  does  not  require  its  actual 
authorship  to  be  assigned  to  some  interpreter  of  Peter  (ep^irjvfvs)  who 
had  been  in  touch  with  Paul  at  some  previous  time.  This  may  well 
have  been  Silvanus,  who  wrote  (1  P  5^"- i^^^c  15^-)  the  letter  under 
his  master's  supervision  (as  by  tradition  Mark  wrote  his  gospel),  or  after 
his  death.  Usteri  ^  adopts  the  latter  view  ;  while  von  Soden,  following 
Ewald,  Grimm  (8K,  1872,  p.  688  f.),  and  Spitta  (Der  2  Pet.  und  Jud., 
1885,  p.  531),  similarly  gives  the  authorship  to  Silvanus,  who,  in  his 
opinion,  wrote  some  twenty-five  years  after  Peter's  death.2  But  if  it 
cannot  be  admitted  that  Peter  wrote  the  Greek  of  this  epistle,  or  indeed 
any  of  the  speeches  attributed  to  him  in  Acts,— and,  despite  all  that 
has  been  urged  in  defence  of  Galilean  culture  and  education,  this  is  a 
most  reasonable  conclusion, — then  the  secretary-hypothesis  is  valid  and 
accessible.  In  this  case  Peter  dictated  the  letter,  and  the  phrase  Sta 
'^ikovavov    (5^-)     eypa-^a    would    be    equivalent^    to    expressions    like 

1  "  Bald  nach  des  Petrus  Tod  war  allerdings  fiir  [Silvanus]  ein  rein  gemlith- 
licher,  aber  psychologisch  selir  begreitlicher  und  vollig  zureicheuder  Beweggrund 
vorlianden,  pietiitsvoU  im  Namen  desjenigen  Apostels,  nut  welcheni  er  zuletzt,  noch 
verVmnden  geweseu,  sein  Sendsclireiben  abzuiassen  "  {ojJ.  cit.  pp.  345,  346).  The 
authorship  of  Silvanus  (himself  an  icrio-ToXos  (1  Th  2«)  and  prophet  (Ac  l.^^^j  turns 
the  scale  in  favour  of  a  date  somewhat  earlier  than  Domitian's  reign,  as  there  is  no 
evidence  that  he  lived  so  long,  and  as  the  use  of  Peter's  name  would  be  more 
effective  in  the  years  immediately  succeeding  his  death.  Zahn  agrees  (EM.  ii. 
pp.  9-11)  in  laying  stress  upon  Silvanus'  share  in  the  epistle,  -which,  however,  he 
takes  as  Petrine  through  and  through.  Reuss  (pp.  144-148)  evidently  was 
undecided,  though  some  of  Chase's  objections  seem  conclusive  (DB.  iii.  pp.  789,  790). 
The  latter,  d  propos  of  the  style,  speaks  of  the  writer's  "delicacy  and  accuracy  of 
percejition  in  regard  to  the  rliythnucal  arrangement  of  words,"' the  range  of' his 
vocabulary,  and  his  use  of  synonyms,  tenses,  and  the  like.  But  he  seems  to  find 
little  difficulty  in  attributing  these  to  Simon  Peter. 

-  Cp.  Seufert's  articles  (ZivTh,  1881,  pp.  178-197,  332-379)  on  the  relation  of 
Ephes.  to  1  Peter.  Both  of  these  he  regards  as  written  in  Trajan's  reign  by  the 
same  irenical  author,  Silvanus  (also  Zwrii,  1885,  pp.  350-371).  '  The  main   resem- 

■11  1     ,  ,,       ,  ...  .      Enh      P    1^8-20    35.10    2>8-22    218  48r.  1 20-22 

blances  between  the  two  writings  are  in     ^     - - = = ^        . 

°  Pet.    VU 13-5     110-12  24-6     3i8f.      322 

3  Cp.  Zahn  {Ehil.  ii.  16).  Dionysius  (ajjud  Ens.  HE,  iv.  23.  11)  refers  to  the 
epistle  of  Clem.  ]{om.  as  t->,v  rpoTi/i«v  i/xif  f^i«.  K>.-fi/^ivTce  ypafiTa-av, 


THE    FIRST    EPISTLE    OF    PETER  249 

Ac  1522  23^  po  16"  ;  Ignat.  aii  Rom.  x^  etc.  (cp.  Link,  SK,  1896,  pp.  405- 
436,  "Die  Dolmetscher  des  Petrus,  zur  Beaiitwortung der  Frage  nach  den 
griechischen  Sprachkenntnissen  des  Apcstels  ")}  The  absence  of  motive 
and  evidence  have  led  many  critics  to  blnntly  reject  the  idea  of 
pseudonymity  ;  and  if  liis  own  theory  should  turn  out  to  be  incorrect, 
Harnack,  e.g.,  would  "  consider  the  improbable  to  be  possible,"  and 
attribute  the  letter  to  Peter  rather  than  believe  in  the  authorsliip  of  a 
pseudo-Peter.  If  these  are  the  alternatives,  there  can  be  small  doubt 
ultimately  which  will  be  adopted.  The  scales  then  turn  in  favour  of  the 
seventh-decade  date.  And  it  seems  as  though  the  hypothesis  of  a  secretary, 
who  in  this  case  translated  Peter's  thoughts  into  a  Greek  style  2  which  the 
apostle  could  hardly  have  managed  himself,  would  help  to  solve  the 
undoubted  difficulties  besetting  a  position  which  is  otherwise  inherently 
probable.  In  face  of  Col  4^^-i''  and  2  Co  P,  the  spread  and  organisation 
of  Christianity  in  Asia  Minor  are  perfectly  credible.  The  readers  are 
comparatively  new  converts  {2--  -'"  4^^);  their  Christian  life  has  no  long  re- 
trospect, and  no  fixed  consolidation.  They  have  been  overtaken  by  trials, 
which  are  a  novelty  to  them  {'^^').  These  are  to  be  borne  with  patience, 
and  the  hope  is  held  out  that  by  this  blameless  endurance  on  their 
part  and  a  better  understanding  on  the  part  of  their  opponents,  some  fresh 
advance  may  be  secured  for  the  gospel.  Heresy  is  unknown.  The 
situation  is  marked  (as  Eesch  and  Beyschlag  argue  correctly)  by  none 
of  the  traces  of  decline  and  controversy  that  ap2Dear,  e.r/.,  in  Hebrews  or 
James.  Here  the  charismatic  gifts  are  in  exercise  (4^^),  and  the  end  of 
the  age  (4''')  is  awaited  as  the  prelude  to  the  Messianic  realm.  The 
favourite  words  of  tlie  letter  are  airoKokv^i^  and  dvaarpocpi].  Rudi- 
mentary and  vexed  and  guileless,  these  Christians  in  the  provinces  of 
the  Empire  (2^'*)  merely  needed — as  they  received — a  letter  of  kindly, 
wise  counsel  to  steady  hope  and  consistent  conduct,  which  is  as  suitable 
to  the  situation  as  it  is  wholly  worthy  of  its  reputed  author  *  ("  viel- 
leicht  das  liebenswiirdigste  Buch  des  neuen  Testamentes,"  A.  Meyer).  In 
Ascensio  Isaiae,  S^^-S^,  for  example, — a  fragment  to  be  dated  ^  not  later 

1  One  can  go  heartily  with  Usteri  and  Harnack  in  their  dissatisfaction  with  the 
pseudonym  hypothesis,  as  that  is  sometimes  applied  to  this  writing.  It  is 
certainly  difficult  to  see  how,  twenty  or  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Peter  (as 
e.g.  von  Soden  argues),  a  writing  could  have  been  composed  in  his  name,  which 
contains  such  a  minimum  of  personal  references  ;  a  writing,  too,  which  is  neither 
apocalyptic  nor  ecclesiastical  nor  evangelic.  The  lack  of  individual  allusions  is 
remarkable,  whether  the  writing  be  taken  as  authentic  or  pseudonymous.  But  it  is 
certainly  not  better  explained  upon  the  latter  theory.  Besides,  we  have  really  no 
data  for  supplying  us  with  a  standard  of  how  a  personal  disciple  of  Jesus  ought  to 
have  written  ;  and  perhaps  it  is  rather  a  modern  and  unfair  demand  to  insist  that 
Peter  would  and  should  have  filled  his  letter  with  references  to  the  great  Master 
who  had  been  his  companion  and  leader.  Are  we  sure  the  personal  impression  was 
so  vital  and  deep  ?  And  if  so,  must  it  have  taken  this  form  of  expression  ?  This 
assumption — in  all  schools  of  criticism — is  not  borne  out  by  1  John,  if  that  be 
apostolic  ;  and  otherwise  it  is  destitute  of  evidence  and  probability  alike. 

2  The  use  of  the  book  of  Wisdom  and  of  the  LXX  are  most  noticeable. 

3  "Der  unter  den  katholischen  Briefen  noch  am  ehesten  den  Eindruck  des 
naiv  und  primitiv  Christlichen  maehen  konnte "  (Jiilicher).  On  the  value 
of  the  tradition  which  connects  Peter  and  Rome,  cp.  Harnack,  Ckrori.  pp. 
703-707. 

*  The  passage  (1  Pt  4^^)  on  reproach  for  the  name  of  Christ  ought  to  be  no  longer 
seriously  advanced  as  an  argument  for  some  later  date,  when  the  name  of  Christian 
had  become  a  familiar  term  in  the  Empire.  In  ]\Iark  (9^^ -*i),  a  document  almost 
contemporary  with  1  Peter,  the  same  phrase  (?)  is  employed  as  a  familiar 
description,  unless  that  passage  be  a  later  insertion. 


250  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

than  80  a.d., — the  tone  is  at  once  more  definite  and  inferior.^  Strife  on 
the  second  advent,  ([uarrelling  and  love  of  money,  corrujjtion  of  elders 
and  shepherds,  the  reign  and  defeat  of  Berial,  the  Neronic  persecution, 
these  are  all  well  mai-ked,  and  stand  out  in  great  contrast  to  tlie  less 
developed  situation  reflected  in  this  epistle. 

The  strong  case  afforded  by  tradition  in  favour  of  the  epistle  as  a 
Petrine  fragment  deserves  to  be  mentioned  as  a  subsidiary  argument, 
when  the  question  of  the  authorship  is  involved.  "The  only  natural 
interpretation  of  the  facts— the  early  and  wide  influence  of  the  epistle 
on  the  one  hand  ;  on  the  other,  the  consistent  and  unwavering  attri- 
bution of  it  to  St.  Peter  on  the  part  of  all  writers,  from  Irenaeus' 
time  onward — is  that  from  the  first  it  was  regarded  as  the  work  of  the 
apostle "  (Chase).  Also,  one  of  the  most  serious  drawbacks  to  the 
ordinary  "pseudonymous"  theory,  which  otherwise  is  so  attractive,  is 
the  absence  of  definiteness  and  authority  assigned  to  Peter.  This  feature 
is  not  in  keeping  with  the  reputation  and  growing  prestige  of  the  apostle 
in  the  later  church,  as  evinced  even  in  Matthew,  Acts,  and  Clem.  Rom., 
and  one  cannot  help  feeling  that  a  later  Christian,  comjjosing  in  Peter's 
name,  would  have  laid  more  stress  on  the  apostle's  position  than  is 
contained  in  the  meagre  and  modest  reference  (1^  5^).  Neither  in  con- 
nection with  the  author  nor  d  propos  of  the  community  (5^  ?)  is  there  a 
trace  of  the  incipient  hierarchical  tendencies  jsrevailing  at  the  close  of 
the  century  (e.g.  Clem.  Rom.  xl-xli).  Surely  any  writer,  producing  a 
work  under  Peter's  name  towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  or  tenth  decades, 
would  have  naturally  coloured  the  personality  of  the  apostle  to  suit  not 
merely  the  tradition  but  the  contemporary  status  of  his  office.  It  may 
also  be  noted  that  there  is  no  hint  of  Gnosticism,  and  that  the  "Paulinism  " 
of  this  epistle  is  corroborated  by  the  "Paulinism"  of  the  tradition  preserved 
in  Acts  (cp.  lo'-*"^!).  Unless  the  latter  is  simply  due  to  the  editor,  it  is  rooted 
in  the  sources  of  the  Petrine  history. 

In  another  aspect  the  letter  possesses  some  significance.  Taken 
thus,  with  its  title  and  date,  it  forms  practically  the  nearest  written 
evidence  we  have  for  the  activities  of  the  primitive  apostles.  In 
regard  to  their  careers  and  fortunes  the  utmost  that  can  be  safely 
gathered  from  tradition  is  an  impression  of  extensive  movement,- 
scattered  preaching,  and  occasional  settlements  in  various  localities. 
No  literary  expression  survives.  Any  records  which  may  have  existed 
were  soon  lost  :  probably,  at  the  best,  they  were  scanty.  If  tradition 
is   to    be  credited,   any    such  attention    to    literature   was  out  of    the 

1  It  is  doing  an  injustice  to  1  Peter  to  group  it  with  tlie  rest  of  the  so-called 
"catholic"  ejnstk'S.  The  category  of  "  catholic  "  is  merely  a  late  ecclesiastical 
device,  and  is  significant  mainly  for  the  history  of  the  canon.  NT  criticism  has  to 
take  each  writing  ultimately  upon  its  individual  merits;  and  whatever  be  the  affinities 
of  the  other  "  catholic  "  epistles,  1  Peter  at  least  demands  to  be  recognised  and 
judged  by  itself. 

The  uinque  passage  in  chap.  3  on  Christ's  descent  to  the  under-world  is  simply, 
like  Mt  27'*-'- ''•',  a  naive  attem])t  of  the  early  Christian  consciousness  to  express,  in 
terms  of  apocalyptic  imagery,  the  significance  of  Christ's  death,  and  its  infiuence 
even  on  the  dead.  It  does  not  necessarily  throw  suspicion  on  the  writing,  nor  is 
tliere  any  obvious  reason  for  regarding  it  (with  A.  Meyer :  J)ie  moderne  Forschung 
■iiber  d.  NT,  pji.  41-43)  as  an  insertion. 

2  On  the  dissemination  of  early  Christianity,  cp.  Hausrath,  ii.  195-216.  From 
the  tone  of  a  passage  like  1  P  li'-,  it  does  not  seem  likely  that  the  readers  owed 
their  nitial  faith  to  the  direct  mission  of  the  author,  nor  (4^"')  can  they  have  been 
Jewish  Christians. 


THE    FIRST    EPISTLE    OF    PETER  251 

question,  precluded  not  only  Ly  natiiral  inaptitude,  but  by  the  more 
pressing  concerns  (e^vnTjpeTovfiei'oi  are  jifi^ovi  kul  inrep  livdpcoiroi' 
Sianovla,  Ens.  HE,  iii.  24)  of  practical  organisation  and  propaganda.^ 
The  avTunraL  became,  in  virtue  of  their  position,  inrajperai  rod 
Xoyov  (Lkl^"*);  authorship  was  reserved  for  a  subsequent  generation. 
No  motives  existed  among  the  first  disciples  for  preserving  a  chronicle 
of  their  own  lives  or  a  register  of  their  reminiscences. 

1  For  an  interesting  parallel  compare  some  sentences  written  by  John  Knox  upon 
himself,  in  view  of  the  absorbing  necessities  of  the  church  in  his  day  :  "  Consitlering 
niyselfe  rather  cald  of  my  God  to  instruct  the  ignorant,  comfort  the  sorrowfull, 
confirme  the  weake,  and  rebuke  the  proud,  by  tong  and  livelye  voyce  in  these  most 
corrupt  dayes,  than  to  compose  bokes  for  the  age  to  come  ...  I  decreed  to  containe 
myselfe  within  the  bondes  of  that  vocation,  wherunto  I  founde  niyselfe  especially 
cald.  I  dare  not  denie  but  that  God  hath  revealed  unto  me  secretes  unknowne  to 
the  worlde  ;  and  also  tliat  he  hath  made  my  tong  a  trumpet,  to  forwarne  realmes 
and  nations,  yea,  certaine  great  personages.  .  .  .  These  revelations  and  assurances 
notwithstanding,  I  did  ever  absteyne  to  commit  anye  thing  to  writ,  contented  onely 
to  have  obeyed  the  charge  of  him  who  commanded  me  to  cry"  {Works,  vi.  229, 
230).  An  interesting  study  of  Peter's  character  from  the  critical  standpoint 
is  given  by  Rapp  {PM,  1898,  pp.  323-337) ;  more  elaborately  by  Chase  {DB,  iii. 
pp.  756-779).  But  it  is  unsafe  to  argue  directly  from  the  tone  of  a  purely  practical 
and  occasional  letter  (or  homily)  like  1  Peter,  either  to  the  cliaracter  of  its  author  or 
to  the  theological  standpoint  of  the  writing  in  question.  Because  these  pages  are 
dominated  by  the  superlative  temper  of  hope  (l^s),  it  does  not  necessarily  follow 
that  Peter  (or  the  author  of  the  prosopopoeia)  was  particularly  characterised  by  that 
virtue,  or  that  in  the  development  of  this  idea  the  writing  represents  a  divergence 
from  orthodox  Paulinism  (Holtzmann,  jVTTh,  ii.  pp.  S08-311).  The  epistle  has  a 
practical  bent.  It  was  composed  for  a  special  emergency.  The  author  discoursed  of 
hope,  simply  because  hope  was  what  his  readers  needed.  The  line  of  argument  must 
have  been  congenial  to  him,  of  course,  for  it  is  applied  with  great  insight  and 
sagacity  ;  but  because  it  is  thus  used  at  this  epoch,  it  must  not  be  inferred  to  have 
been  normal  to  the  writer.  Its  emphasis  is  due  to  the  urgent  situation  of  the  moment 
rather  than  to  any  general  idiosyncrasy  upon  his  part,  or  to  some  dogmatic  move- 
ment of  his  consciousness.  Many  other  Christians  might  have  written  in  much  the 
same  fashion  under  the  circumstances  ;  and,  as  Wrede  (Uchcr  Avfyahe,  etc.,  pp.  18, 
19)  correctly  argues,  the  author  of  1  Peter  might  easily  have  written  another  letter  in 
another  situation,  which  would  have  lacked  any  such  preoccupation  with  hope. 


Epistles  were  in  fashion  ;  from  simple  correspondence  the  ejjistle  had  become 
a  literary  form,  an  imaginary  framework,  which  served  as  a  setting  for  little 
religious  treatises.  .  .  .  The  epistle  of  Peter,  in  spite  of  its  bad  style,  which 
resembles  that  of  Paul  rather  than  that  of  James  or  of  Judas,  is  a  touching 
fragment,  in  which  the  condition  of  the  Christian  consciousness  towards  the 
end  of  Nero's  reign  is  admirably  reflected.  A  sweet  melancholy,  a  resigned 
confidence,  fills  it.  The  last  times  are  approaching.  ...  If,  as  we  readily 
believe,  this  epistle  really  belongs  to  Peter,  it  does  great  credit  to  his  good  sense, 
to  his  uprightness,  to  his  simplicity.  It  is  probable  that,  little  versed  in 
composition,  and  not  hiding  from  himself  his  literary  sterility,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  appropriate  the  pious  phrases  constantly  repeated  around  him,  which, 
although  derived  from  different  systems,  did  not  contradict  one  another.  It  is 
useless  to  seek  in  his  work  for  the  rigour  of  a  logical  system.  — Renan. 


l'-^-  Introduction  :  thanksgiving  for  the  readers'  Christian  hope. 

1'"  2'"  Moral  Obligations  of  this  hope:  duties  of 

holiness  towards  God, 
love  towards  one  another, 
as  God's  people. 

^"-5''  A  table  of  duties:  for  Christians,    in   the    outside   world  —  towards 

authorities, 
in  the  household- — as 
2^^'^  slaves  :  patience  under  suffer- 

ing, the  suffering  of  Christ. 
3^"^  wives, 

3''  husbands. 

58-^19  Common  duties  and  their  motives:  patience  and  meekness  under 

suffering, 
4^-8  moral  purity, 

4''""  mutual  service. 

412-19  Persecution  :  need  of  a  good  conscience  under  trial. 

5^''   Duties  in  the  church  :  the  elders, 

need  of  humility, 

watchfulness. 
5i-'-i^  Conclusion. 


I.  PETER 

1  1  Peter,  au  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ, 

to  the  exiles  of  the  dispersion  in  Pontus,  Galatia,  Kappadocia,  Asia, 

2  and  Bithynia,  who  are  chosen  according  to  the  foreknowledge  of  God  the 
Father,  through  sanctification  by  the  Spirit,  to  obey  and  to  be  sprinkled 
by  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  : 

grace  to  you  and  peace  be  multiplied. 

3  Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  out  of 
his  great  mercy  has  begotten  us  anew  to  a  living  hope  through  the  resur- 

4  rection  of  Jesus  Christ  from  the  dead,  to  an  inheritance  imperishable  and 

5  undefiled  and  unfading,  kept  in  heaven  for  you  who  by  God's  power  are 
being  guarded  through  faith  for  the  salvation  which  is  ready  to  be  revealed 

6  in   the  last  time.     Whereat  you  rejoice;  although  for  a  little  while  at 

7  present  (if  need  be)  you  are  grieved  by  manifold  trials,  that  your  tested 
faith  (a  thing  far  more  precious  than  gold  which  perishes  and  yet  is  tested 
in  fire)  may  turn  out  to  your  praise  and  honour  and  glory  at  the  revela- 

8  tion  of  Jesus  Christ — whom  you  love  without  having  seen  him,  on  whom 
you  believe,  though  at  present  you  see  him  not,  rejoicing  with  ineftable 

9  and  glorious  joy,  as  you  obtain  the  outcome  of  your  faith,  that  is,  the 

10  salvation  of  your  souls.  A  salvation  in  regard  to  which  the  prophets  who 
prophesied  of  the  grace  which  was  meant  for  you,  sought  and  searched  out 

11  eagerly,  searching  for  the  time  or  the  nature  of  the  time  to  which  the 
Spirit"  of  Christ  within  them  pointed,  when  it  predicted  beforehand  the 
sufferings  destined  for  Christ  and  the  majestic  glories  that  were  to  follow 

12  — to  them  it  was  revealed  that  not  for  themselves  but  for  you  were  they 
ministering  the  things  \\hich  are  now  disclosed  to  you  through  those  who 
preached  the  gospel  to  you,  by  the  holy  Spirit  sent  from  heaven  ;  things 
into  which  angels  desire  to  gaze. 

13  Therefore  gird  up  the  loins  of  your  mind,  be  sober,  have  perfect  hope 
in  the  grace  which  is  to  be  brought  you  at  the  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ. 

14  As  oljedient  children,  not  fashioning  yourselves  after  the  former  desires 

15  of  your  ignorance,  but  like  the  holy  One  who  called  you,  be  you  also  holy 

16  in  every  way  of  conduct  ;  since  it  is  written,  Hohj  shall  you  be,  for  I  am 

17  holy.  And  "if  you  call  on  him  as  Father  who  without  respect  of  persons 
judges  according  to  each  man's  work,  conduct  yourselves  with  fear  during 

18  the  time  of  your  sojourn.  For  you  know  it  was  not  with  perishable  things, 
with  silver  or  gold,  that  you  were  redeemed  from  the  futile  Avay  of  conduct 

19  which  your  fathers  handed  down   to  you.     Nay,  it  was   with   precious 

20  blood  as  of  a  faultless  and  unstained  lamb— even  of  Christ,  who  was 
indeed  fore-known  before  the  foundation  of  the  world,  but  was  disclosed 

21  at  the  end  of  the  times  for  the  sake  of  you  who  through  him  believe  upon 
God,  who  raised  him  from  the  dead  and  gave  him  majesty  ;  so  that  your 

22  faith  and  hope  are  directed  to  God.  As  you  have  purified  your  souls,  in 
obedience  to  the  truth,  for  unfeigned  brotherly  love,  love  one  another 

23  cordially,  with  the  intensity  of  those  who  are  born  anew,  not  from  perish- 

253 


254  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [l24-22i 

able  seed  but  from  imperishable,  through  the  livimj  and  lasting  word  of 

24  God.     Since 

All  flesh  is  like  grass. 

And  all  its  glory  like  the  flower  of  grass: 
Withered  is  the  grass, 

And  fallen  the  flower, 

25  But  the  Lord's  ivord  lasts  for  ever. 

2  1  And  tliis  is  the  word  which  was  preached  as  gospel  to  you.  Put  away  then 
all  malice  and  all  guile  and  hypocrisy  ^  and  envies  and  all  defamations  ; 

2  as  infants  newly  born,  long  for  the  rational  unadulterated  milk,  that  by 

3  it  you  may  grow  to  salvation,  since  you  have  tasted  that  the  Lord  is  kind. 

4  Drawing  near  to  him  as  to  a  living  stone,  rejected  Ijy  men  but  choice,  valued 

5  with  God,  you  also  as  living  stones  are  built  up  into  a  spiritual  house,  to  be 
a  holy  priesthood,  to  offer  spiritual  sacrifices  acceptable  to  God  through 

6  Jesus  Christ.     Since  it  is  contained  in  scripture — 

Lo,  I  lay  in  Zion  a  chief  cornerstone,  choice,  valued ; 
And  he  who  believes  on  him  shall  never  he  disappointed. 

7  The  value  is  for  you  then,  wdio  believe  ; 
But  for  the  unbelieving 

The  stone  which  the  builders  rejected, 
Has  is  made  head  of  the  corner 

8  And  a  stone  of  stumbling  and  a  rock  of  hindrcmcc. 
Disobedient  to  the  word  they  stumble: 

And  to  this  they  were  also  appointed. 

9  But  you  are  a  chosen  race,  a  Idngly  priesthood,  a   holy   nation,  a  people 

for  possession. 
That  you  may  show  forth  the  virtues  of  him  who  called   you  out  of 
darkness  into  his  marvellous  light, 

10  Once  no  people  but  now  GocVs  people, 

JVlio  once  had  not  obtained  mercy,  but  have  obtained  mercy  now. 

11  Beloved,  I  appeal  to  you  as  sojourners  and  exiles  to  abstain  from  the 

12  fleshly  desires  which  wage  war  against  the  soul.  Maintain  your  good 
conduct  among  the  Gentiles  ;  so  that  wdiile  they  defame  you  as  wrongdoers, 
they  may,  by  viewing  your  good  deeds,  magnify  God  on  the  day  of 
visitation. 

13  Be  subject  to  every  institution  of  man  for  the  Lord's  sake,  either  to 

14  the  king  as  pre-eminent,  or  to  governors  as  those  who  are  sent  by  him  for 
the  punishmeirt  of  wrongdoers  and  for  praise  to  those  who  do  what  is 

15  right  (because  the  will  of  God  is  this  :  that  you  silence  the  ignorance  of 

16  those  who  are  senseless,  by  doing  good)  ;  as  free  men,  yet  not  employing 

17  freedom  to  veil  wickedness,  but  as  God's  slaves.  Do  lionour  to  all,  love 
the  brot]ierhood,/e«r  God,  honour  the  king. 

18  Servants,  be  sulyect  to  your  masters  ^^•ith  all  respectfulness,  not  only 
to  the  kindly  and  equitalde  but  also  to  the  surly. 

19  For  it  is  a  merit. 

If  thanks  to  the  thought  of  God  a  man  bears  distresses  though  he 
suffer  unjuslly. 

20  What  sort  of  credit  is  it. 

If  you  endure  when  you  are  buffeted  for  having  sinned  ? 
Nay,  if  you  endure  when  you  suffer  for  doing  what  is  right, 
That  is  a  merit  witli  (Jod. 

21  You  were  called  to  this  :  for  Christ  also  suffered  for  you, 

Leaving  an  example  for  you  to  follow  in  his  footstei^s. 
1  Reading  irozpiinv. 


2"-3-^]  I.    PETER  255 

22  He  committed  no  sin  iior  was  guile  found  in  liis  mouth  : 

23  When  reviled,  lie  reviled  not  in  retort ; 
Suffering,  he  did  not  tlireaten, 

But  delivered  up  his  cause  to  him  who  judges  uprightly. 

24  Our  sins  he  bore  himself  in  his  body  on  the  gibbet, 

That  we  might  break  with  sin  and  live  for  uprightness  ; 
And  by  his  bleeding  wound  you  tvere  cured. 

25  For  you  were  like  sheep  astray, 

But  now  you  are  turned  back  to  the  shepherd  and  overseer  of  your 
souls. 
3  1         In   like  manner,  you  wives,  be  subject  to  your  own  husbands  ;  so 
that  even  if  any  of  them  oljey  not  the  word,  they  may  be  won  over 

2  without  a  word  through  the  conduct  of  their  wives,  by  viewing  your 

3  chaste  and  respectful  conduct.     Let  your  ornament  be  no  outward  orna- 

4  ment — braiding  hair  and  wearing  gold  or  putting  on  dresses  ;  let  it  Ije  the 
hidden  man  of  the  heart,  with  the  imperishable  nature  of  that  gentle  and 

5  quiet  spirit  which  is  in  God's  sight  most  precious.  For  thus  it  was  once 
that  the  holy  women  who  hoped  in  God  also  adorned  themselves,  being 

6  submissive  to  their  own  husbands  (as  Sarah  obeyed  Abraham,  calling  him 
^Hord" ;  and  you  are  her  children),  doing  what  is  right  and  not  frightened 

7  by  any  terror.  Husbands,  in  like  manner,  dwell  considerately  with  the 
female,  as  with  the  weaker  vessel ;  show  honour  to  them  as  to  those  who 
along  with  you  are  heirs  of  the  grace  of  life,  so  that  your  prayers  be 
not  hinderecl. 

8  Now  finally  be  all  harmonious. 

With  sympatliy,  brotherly  love,  compassion,  humility, 

9  Not  rendering  evil  for  evil  or  reviling  for  reviling, 

But  on  the  contrary  blessing  ; 
Since  you  were  called  to  this. 

That  you  might  inherit  a  blessing. 

10  For  he  who  would  love  life 

And  see  fair  days, 
Let  him  refrain  his  tongue  from  evil, 
And  his  lips  from  speaking  guile  : 

1 1  Let  him  turn  aside  from  wrong  and  do  right. 

Let  him  seek  peace  and  aim  thereat. 

12  For  the  Lord's  eyes  are  upon  the  upright 

And  his  ears  open  to  their  prayer, 
But  the  Lord's  face  is  against  the  doers  of  wrong. 

13  And  who  is  it  that  will  ill-use  you,  if  you  are  bent  upon  what  is 

14  right?     But  even  though  you  should  suffer  for  the  sake  of  uprightness, 
IT)  happy  are  you.     Have  no  fear  of  them  nor  be  troubled,  but  hallow  Christ  in 

your  hearts  as  Lord.     Always  be  ready  with  a  defence  for  everyone  who 
demands  of  you  a  reason  for  the  hope  within  you  ;  but  let  it  be  with 

16  gentleness  and  respectfulness.  Keep  a  good  conscience,  in  order  that, 
defamed  as  you  are,  those  who  libel  your  good  conduct  in  Christ  may 

17  be  put  to  shame.     For  it  is  better  to  suffer  for  doing  what  is  right, 

15  should  the  will  of  God  so  be,  than  for  doing  what  is  wrong.  Since 
Christ  also  died  once  for  sins,  the  just  for  the  unjust,  that  he  might  bring 
us  near  to  God  :  put  to  death  in  the  flesh  but  made  alive  in  the  spirit — 

19,  20  in  which  also  he  went  and  preached  to  the  spirits  in  prison,  wlio  had 

been  disobedient  at  one  time,  while  the  long-suffering  of  God  lingered  on 

in  the  days  of  Noah  during  the  construction  of  the  ark,  into  which  a  few, 

21  that  is,  eight  souls  were  safely  brought  through  water.     You   also  are 


256  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [3"-5 

now  saAed  by  the  counterpart  of  tLat,  by  bajjtisiu  (not  because  you  put 

away  the  filth  of  the  flesh,  but  because  you  seek  earnestly  a  good  con- 

22  science   toward  God),  through  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  is 

at  God's  right  hand ;  for  he  went  into  heaven,  with  angels  and  authorities 

4  1  and  powers  made  subject  to  him.  As  Christ  then  sufiered  in 

the  flesh,  equip  yourselves  also  with  the  same  conviction  (namely,  that 

2  he  who  has  suffered  in  the  flesh  is  quit  of  sin),  so  as  to  live  for  the  rest  of 
your  time  in  the  flesh  no  longer  for  the  lusts  of  men  but  for  the  will  of 

3  God.  For  it  is  quite  sufficient  in  the  time  gone  by  to  have  executed 
what  the  Gentiles  aim  at,  when  you  walked  in  ways  of  sensuality,  lust, 

4  carousing,  revelry,  dissipation,  and  illicit  idolatry ;  so  that  they  are 
surprisecl  you  do  not  rush  with  them  into  the  same  flood  of  profligacy, 

5  and  they  abuse  you — they  shall  render  account  to  him  who  stands  ready 

6  to  judge  living  and  dead  (for  this  was  why  the  gosjiel  was  preached  to  the 
dead  as  well,  that  while  judged  as  men  are  judged  in  the  flesh,  they 
might  live  as  God  lives,  in  the  spirit). 

7  Now  the  end  of  all  things  is  near. 

Be  of  sound  mind  then,  be  sober  and  pray. 

8  Above  all,  be  intense  in  your  love  for  one  another  : 

For  love  hides  a  multitude  of  sins. 

9  Be  hospitable  to  one  another  without  murmuring. 

10  As  each  has  received  a  talent,  serve  one  another  with  it. 

As  able  stewards  of  God's  manifold  grace. 

11  If  anyone  speaks, 

let  it  be  as  the  oracles  of  God  : 
If  anyone  serves, 

let  it  be  out  of  the  strength  which  God  supplies  ; 
That  in  all  things  God  may  be  honoured  through  Jesus  Christ, 
Whose  is  the  majesty  and  dominion  for  ever  and  ever  :  Amen. 

12  Beloved,  be  not  surprised  at  the  burning  trial  which  occurs  among 

13  you  to  test  you,  as  though  something  strange  were  happening  to  you  ;  nay 
be  glad  as  you  share  in  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  that  you  ma}'  also  be  glad 

14  and  rejoice  at  the  revelation  of  his  majesty.  Hapjay  are  you  if  you  are 
denounced  because  of  Christ ;  for  the  sjjirit  of  majesty  and  of  God  rests  on 

15  you.     Let  none  of  you  suft'er  as  a  murderer  or  thief  or  wrongdoer,  or  as  a 

16  pryer  into  other  people's  business.  But  if  a  man  suffers  as  a  Christian, 
let  him  not  be  ashamed  ;    nay,  let  him   magnify  God  because  of  this. 

17  For  it  is  time  ^  for  the  judgment  to  hctiin  with  the  household  of 
God. 

Now  if  it  begin  with  us. 

What  shall  be  the  fate  of  those  who  disobey  God's  gosj^el? 

18  And  if  the  upright  is  scarcely  saved, 

Where  shall  the  impious  and  sinner  appear  ? 

19  So  then  let  those  who  suffer  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  God  con- 
tinue to  do  right,  and  trust  their  souls  to  the  faithful  Creator. 

5  1         I  appeal  to  the  elders  among  you — I,  wlio  am  a  fellow-elder  of  yours, 

a  witness  of  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  and  a  sharer  also  in  the  majesty  to  be 

2  revealed — l)e  shepherds  to  the  flock  of  God  among  you, 

not  from  compulsion  but  voluntarily,^ 
nor  for  base  gain  but  with  hearty  will, 

3  nor  in  the  way  of  lording  it  over  your  charges,  but  showing  your- 

selves patterns  to  the  flock. 
1  OiuittiiiK  [[i,]].  2  Omitting  [[y.«.Tk  Oiiv]]. 


5^-^*]  I.    PETER  257 

4  Tlien  when  the  chief  shepherd  is  disclosed,  you  shall  obtain  the 
unfading  wreath  of  honour. 

5  In  like  manner,  you  younger  men,  be  subject  to  the  elders  ;  and  put 
on,  all  of  you,  the  apron  of  humility  :  for 

The  haughty  God  resists, 

But  to  the  humble  he  grants  grace. 

6  Humble  yourselves  then  under  God's  mighty  hand, 

That  he  may  raise  you  in  due  season, 

7  Casting  \jour  anxiety  all  upon  him. 

Because  he  cares  for  you. 

8  Be  sober,  be  watchful.     Your  opponent  the  devil,  like  a  roaring  lion, 

9  walks  about  seeking  some  one  to  swallow  up.  Resist  him,  firm  in  faith, 
knowing   that  the  very  same   sufferings   are   being   dispensed   to   your 

10  brotherhood  throughout  the  world.  And  after  you  have  suffered  a 
little,  the  God  of  all  grace,  who  called  you  to  his  eternal  majesty  in  Christ, 

11  shall  himself  equip,  establish,  strengthen  you.  To  him  be  the  dominion 
for  ever  and  ever  :  Amen. 

12  Through  Silvanus  the  faithful  brother  (as  I  consider  him),  I  have 
written  a  few  words  to  you,  exhorting  and  testifying  that  this  is  the  true 
grace  of  God.     Stand  in  it. 

13  She   who   is   in  Babylon,  the  Community   chosen   along  with   you, 

14  salutes  you  ;  and  so  does  my  son  Mark.  Salute  one  another  with  a  kiss 
of  love. 

Peace  to  vou  all  who  are  in  Christ. 


17 


THE  FIRST  THREE  GOSPELS  ^ 

Three  periods  can  be  rouglily  distinguislied  (Jiilicher)  in  the  process  of 
gospel-composition  :  (a)  the  oral  (30-60  a.d.),  during  which  the  necessity 
for  written  narratives  had  not  yet  emerged  fully  or  widely,  (5)  the 
evangelic  (60-100  a.d.),  in  which  our  synoptic  gospels  substantially  came 
to  their  present  shape,  and  (c)  the  apocryphal  (after  100  a.d.),  when  a 
crop  of  fabricated  narratives  sprang  up,  which  lie  round  the  evangelic 
histories  in  the  early  church,  cold  and  vanquished,  like  the  snakes  about 
the  cradle  of  Herakles.  The  presuppositions  of  the  synoptic  gospels  are 
to  be  found  in  the  requirements  and  tendencies  whicli  prevailed  in  the 
period,  (a)  especially  among  the  circles  of  Christianity  in  Jerusalem- 
Judaea.  It  is  not  over-piaise  to  speak  of  the  splendid  service  ^  rendered 
to  Christianity  by  their  maintenance  of  the  historic  tradition,  and  by  the 
tenacity  with  which  they  cherished  and  reproduced,  in  the  more  or  less 
stereotyped  forms  of  oral  reminiscence,  words  and  acts  of  Jesus.  During  the 
years  30-60  this  stream  carried  in  solution  memories  and  historic  traits 
"which  were  afterwards  consolidated  into  the  inestimable  deposit  of  the 
gospels.  In  form  the  tradition  was  fluid  and  free.  Its  py^mary  shape  and 
scope,  the  stages  of  its  passage  from  a  previously  condensed  and  oral  form 
into  the  comparative  fixity  of  written  memoirs— these  are  unresolved 
problems.  The  point  is  that  up  to  the  seventh  decade  the  propaganda  of 
Jesus  must  have  been  mainly  oral.  Parallel  with  Paul's  preaching  and 
writing  lay  this  work  of  the  primitive  church,  as  it  clung  to  the  historical 
base  of  the  faith  in  the  human  life  of  Jesus.  Yet  apparently  it  was  not  till 
after  60  that  written  records  of  this  work  began  to  show  themselves.  Com- 
position of  this  kind  was  much  slower  to  waken  than  ej^istolary  writing. 
Historical  records •''  possibly  would  have  had  a  certain  flavour  of  mechanical 
authority  and  fixity.     Eook-religion,  even  historically  considered,  is  legal 

1  Although  in  chronological  order  Hebrews  intervenes  iDetween  Matthew  and  Luke, 
I  liave  incorporated  here  the  note  upon  the  latter  gospel,  for  the  sake  of  practical 
convenience. 

2  Weizsiicker,  A  A,  ii.  p.  34  f.,  Pfleid.  Urc.  p.  758  f.  ;  cp.  Holsten,  Die  Synopt. 
Evcjlien.  (1886)  p.  160  f.,  and  the  interesting  but  somewhat  arbitrary  statement  in 
Blass'  PG,  pp.  21-28,  on  the  occasion  and  need  for  written  evangelic  narratives. 
The  fall  of  the  Jewisli  state  in  70  a.d.  brought  consequences  which  seriously  affected 
early  Christian  literature,  as  well  as  the  external  circumstances  of  the  church.  But 
we  must  not  argue  from  it  too  rigidly  for  the  production  of  gospels  either  prior 
or  subsequent  to  the  crisis.  To  deduce  the  development  of  early  Christianity  in 
doctrine  and  organisation  from  the  period  66-70  in  Judaea  would  be  as  legitimate  as 
.0  explain  the  English  Reformation  solely  from  the  matrimonial  crisis  of  Henry  the 
Eighth. 

3  Unless  the  speeches  in  Acts  are  an  excejjtion.  If  they  are  not  free  com- 
positions by  the  author  (or  authors  of  the  sources),  they  must  have  been  partly 
based  on  tradition  or  reminiscence,  partly  compiled  from  notes  or  journals  made  by 
contemporaries  during  the  years  40-60  a.d.  Clemen  has  a  full  note  with  references 
{Chron.  pp.  88-90). 

20S 


THE    FIRST    THREE   GOSPELS  259 

religion  ;  its  associations  are  with  technicality. ^  Until  the  fixing  of 
the  tradition  in  literature  became  a  religious  necessity  to  the  church, 
belief  came  from  hearing,-  and  hearing  from  a  spoken  message  about 
Christ.^  Indeed,  the  fact  that  Christ's  life  was  narrated  at  all  was  due 
ultimately  to  the  need  felt  by  the  early  Christians  for  some  knowledge  of 
his  laws.  They  looked  forward  to  appearing  before  his  tribunal,  Avhere 
he  was  to  be  their  judge  ;  their  fate  depended  on  their  obedience  to  his 
precepts.  Hence  it  was  essential  to  know  these,  in  order  that  life  nnght 
be  regulated  by  them  exactly  and  conscientiously.  The  words  of  the 
Lord  thus  assumed  a  place  of  authority  side  by  side  with  the  OT  scrip- 
tures, under  whose  moral  code  the  majority  of  the  first  generation  of 
Christians  had  been  trained.  But  for  these  laws  and  words  the  only 
available  source  lay  in  the  Master's  life.  What  he  practised,  what  he 
commanded,  was  the  supreme  concern  of  all ;  and  to  meet  this,  among 
other  needs,  the  gospels  were  compiled.  For  he  wlio  was  to  judge  his 
followers  had  been  once  among  them  in  human  person,  and  the  future 
judgment  would  be  determined  by  the  precision  with  which  his  example 
had  been  followed  and  his  commands  obeyed. 

Whatever  narrativt-s  accompanied  or  preceded  the  extant  gospels  have 
passed  out  of  existence,  like  the  Ionian  chroniclers  {\oy6ypa(poi,  avyypa- 
(f)€ls)  superseded  by  Herodotus.  This  fact  lends  an  appearance  of  some 
abruptness  to  their  genesis.  Their  origin  seems  to  resemble  that  of  the 
great  Hebrew  prophecies  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  which  start  up  on  the 
horizon  with  an  appearance  of  great  suddenness,  probably  because  the  ante- 
cedent conditions  are  obscure,  partly  because  the  preceding  literature  is 
no  longer  extant.  Still,  in  the  ca^e  of  the  synoptic  gospels,  the  conditions 
of  their  origin  are  neither  quite  indistinct  nor  lacking  in  significance. 

1  Deissmaini,  Bibel-siudien  (189.5),  s.v.  ypa^u,  pp.  108-111  ;  axBij;  Khpc-rrxi  is  used 
in  the  inscriptions  and  Egyptian  papyri  as  a  juristic  phrase.  Drydeu  rather  happily 
remarks  of  Jesus  {The  Hind  mul  the  Panther,  part  ii.), 

"  He  could  have  writ  himself,  but  well  foresaw 
The  event  would  be  like  that  of  Moses'  law ; 
No  written  laws  can  be  so  plain,  so  pure, 
But  wit  may  gloss,  and  maUce  may  obscure." 

2  But  it  is  exegetically  needless  to  accept  the  ingenious  conjecture  {God  and  the 
Bible,  ch.  vi.)  that  a  survival  of  the  oral  Johanuinu  tradition  is  awkwardly  but  con- 
sistently preserved  by  the  editor  of  the  fourth  gospel  in  the  recurring  oiVaj;  (4"  13-" 
211),  which  might  be  rendered,  says  M.  Arnold,  by  the  phrases,  "as  1  have  been 
saying,"  or  "  as  I  am  telling,"  or  "  as  I  am  going  to  tell  "  you. 

^  There  is  a  familiar  parallel  in  the  cold  reception  given  by  the  early  Greeks  to 
the  art  of  writing,  and  traces  of  the  way  in  which  they  disparaged  treatises  and  litera- 
ture appear  even  in  Plato  {Phaedriis,  275d,  '276a,  X(,yo\,  Ziivra  xa.)  iv-^^xo^  oZ  i  ytypxfA.- 
f/.ito;  uluXo)!  ay  ti  xiyoiro  l.za.iu;).  This  shy  suspicion  was  due  to  the  Hellenic  instinct 
for  .flexibility :  through  politics,  morality,  religion,  they  felt  a  certain  horror  of  what- 
ever tended  to  petrify  and  tix  ideas.  As  Prof.  Butcher  has  pointed  out  {As2>ects  of 
Greek  Genius,  "on  the  written  and  spoken  word,"  pp.  166-199),  it  was  the  very 
"sense  that  the  laws  represented  a  personal  intelligence  "  that  "probably  caused 
a  disinclination  to  reduce  them  to  written  and  stereotyped  commands."  Conse- 
quently "long  after  writing  was  well  known  in  Greece,  the  laws  remained  unwritten." 
For  all  its  semi-artistic  shape,  this  feeling  is  in  some  respects  akin  to  that  of  the 
early  Christians  with  regard  to  the  authority  of  Jesus.  When  one  adds  to  it  the 
contemporary  distaste  of  the  Jews  to  commit  anything  to  writing,  and  the  displace- 
ment of  authorship  by  rhetoric  in  Asia  Minor  (Mommsen,  Provinces  R.E,  i.  363), 
the  comparatively  late  rise  of  the  gospels  becomes  less  surprising.  An  example  of 
retentiveness  on  the  part  of  a  pupil  is  given  incidentally  by  Irenaeus  in  his  descrip- 
tion of  Polykarp's  lessons  (EUS.  HE,  v.  20).  TaS™  y.x}  rin  ii«.  ri  iXio;  rod  BioS  ri  It' 
iuoi  yiyovi;  o-Touoa.liii  riicovov,  C^i>u.iviU.<XTiXou.S'<i(  Kira.  oux  Iv  x^'-P'^'V^  *^^'  '*■  ''"?  ^^'''  ''•'''■  P^'"-- 
xxi  all  lia  ri,v  X^f"  '^''^  ^'-"^  yvtiiriMi  xira  avafA.apt/KiifJ,«i. 


260  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

For  one  tiling,  the  extension  of  Christianity  across  the  confines  of  Pales- 
tine, -which  had  already  proved  an  incentive  towards  oral  tradition,  now 
became  a  capital  stiniulus  towards  the  shaping  of  more  permanent  records. 
The  development  of  the  faith  required  a  method  of  instruction  fuller  and 
less  occasional  than  apostolic  letters  (1  Th  5-'',  Col  4^^%  or  peripatetic 
teaching;  and  as  this  lack  came  to  be  felt  very  widely  (Lk  l^),  it  was 
natural  that  efforts  should  be  made  to  supply  it.  Sketches  of  Christ's 
acts  and  words  were  put  into  circulation.  The  supreme  aim  ^  was  to 
preserve  a  uniform,  sufficient  standard  for  faith  and  morals,  which  rested 
on  a  continuous  tradition  ;  for  only  in  this  way  could  the  most  distant 
churches  be  made  independent  of  any  weakness  or  irregularity  in  instruc- 
tion, and  at  the  same  time  furnished  with  some  clue  to  the  meaning  of 
Jesus  and  his  reign.  Thus  the  written  gospels  were  at  once  a  result  of 
the  church's  progress  and  a  necessity  for  that  progress.  The  local  sever- 
ance brought  about  by  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  only  rendered  this  exigency 
more  imperative  than  ever.  So  far  as  the  NT  is  concerned,  the  activity 
of  the  next  period  is  devoted  to  conserving  a  historical  past,  the  outward 
association  with  which  had  been  snapped,  the  connection  with  which  had 
become  increasingly  vital,  and  the  abuse  of  which  was  no  longer  to  be 
seriously  feared.  Not  only  the  fourth  gospel  but  also  the  three  earlier 
narratives  represent  the  intense  and  manifold  interest  roused  by  the 
historical  Jesus  in  the  "  theological "  consciousness  of  the  church,  as  well 
as  the  practical  needs  which  turned  the  whole  church,  in  a  special  sense, 
into  a  "  Christ-party  "  during  the  latter  half  of  the  first  century.  To 
know  Jesus  was  their  requirement.  But  that  knowledge  meant  no  dry 
historical  light  upon  the  Master's  life.  It  could  Ije  satisfied  by  no  mere 
annalist.  To  love  him,  to  hope  in  him,  to  rule  one's  life  by  his  precepts 
and  for  his  sake — this  was  the  craving  of  the  church,-  and  it  was  instruc- 
tion upon  these  lines  that  the  gospels  were  intended  to  contain  and  to 
convey.  Among  even  the  Greeks,  as  Dr.  Gardner  points  out,  much 
more  among  the  early  Christians,  history  was  nearly  always  strongly 
motive  or  didactic. 

When  the  circumstances  of  the  age  are  taken  into  account,  then,  the 
composition  of  gospels  after  the  seventh  decade  becomes  a  timely  and 
natural  phenomenon.  A  first-class  criterion  for  their  position  amid 
the  varying  jihases  of  early  Christianity  is  the  expectation  by  w^hich  it 
was  doininated,  that  Christ  would  speedily  return  and  i-eign.  Such  a 
hope  formed  its  primitive  and  distinctive  tenet,  together  with  the  idea  of 

^  Holtzmann  [NTTh,  i.  p.  404  f.)  distinguishes  three  dominant  motives  wliich 
he  considers  to  have  operated  during  the  composition  of  our  extant  gospels  :  («)  the 
dogmatic,  which  strove  to  portray  Jesus  in  relation  to  the  Messianic  ideal  and  the 
work  of  redemption,  {b)  the  aesthetic,  drawn  from  the  OT  speeches  and  songs,  .and 
devoted  to  the  presentation  of  Jesus  in  his  wisdom  and  activities,  (c)  the  Oriental, 
arising  from  the  current  speculations  and  prepossessions  of  Oriental  mysticism,  such 
as,  e.ij.,  the  idea  of  pre-existence.  The  moral  basis  of  the  mytliopoeic  spirit,  with  its 
hearing  upon  the  historical  expression  of  early  Christianity,  is  discussed  by  Dr.  Percy 
Garilner.  A.y,/,,,-,//,,,  Kvangdica,  pp.  94-117,  144  f.,  300  f.,  312  f.,  and  incidentally  in 
M.  Paschou.ls  iirti.le  in  Revue  cle  Theol.  d  di  Fhihsojj/iic  (1900),  pp.  59-82,  "Le 
Mythe  et  la  Li'gende.'' 

2  On  this  donnnant  sense  of  Christ's  personality  and  spirit  in  early  Cliristianity, 
see  the  fine  statement  in  Ruskin's  Stones  of  Venice,  vol.  ii.  ch.  viii.  §  xlv.  But, 
as  the  epistles  and  gospels  prove,  this  common  ground  of  interest  was  able  to  support 
varied  and  distinctive  theories  u]iou  the  significance  of  Jesus.  The  tradition  itself 
was  not  rigid,  much  less  the  ensuing  interpretation.  .."  Kami  von  einer  in  der  ganzen 
apostolischen  Christenheit  verlireiteten  fltereotypen  iJberlieferung  auch  luir  in  bezug 
auf  die  wichtigsteii  Tatsachen  der  ev.  Geschichte  nicht  die  Rede  sein  "  (Zaliii). 


THE    FIRST    THREE    GOSPELS  261 

the  resurrection,  and  must  have  had  strong  support  in  the  teaching  of 
Jesus  himself,  as  the  congenial  Messianic  beliefs  of  contemporary  Judaism 
would  hardly  have  been  sutticient  to  start  the  opinion  unless  it  had  had 
some  base  in  the  authority  of  Christ.  The  history  of  early  Christianity, 
as  that  is  mirrored  in  the  gospels,  is  in  large  measure  the  emancipation 
and  transformation  of  this  cardinal  belief.     Three  forces  weie  at  work  : 

(a)  the  natural  process  of  disappointment,  fostered  by  the  lapse  of  time ; 

(b)  the  logic  of  events,  including  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  gradual 
dethronement  of  Jewish  particularism  and  materialism  from  the  evangelic 
consciousness  ;  (c)  the  influences  of  Hellenistic  Judaism  and  the  broader 
thoughts  of  the  age,  which  in  Paul  and  the  fourth  evangelist  were  able  to 
spiritualise  the  primitive  conception.  These  forces  and  factors  are  not 
independent  of  one  another,  and  all  go  back  to  an  element  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  Jesus  which  was  only  ajipreciated  and  developed  several 
decades  after  his  death.  However,  they  are  historical  entities  which 
orientate  most  effectively  the  period  of  the  gospels'  comjDosition,  and 
explain  their  l)irth.  For  "events,"  as  Vinet  has  somewhere  remarked, 
"are  the  real  judges  of  events,  and — purely  moral  questions  excepted — 
history  only  gets  itself  written  under  their  dictation." 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  also  observed  that,  while  the  jihrase 
"  Jesus  above  the  head  of  his  reporters  "  indicates  a  real  truth  of  history, 
affording  a  correct  standpoint  from  which  to  valuate  the  extant  sources, 
it  is  apt,  nevertheless,  to  convey  a  wrong  impression.  Jesus  had  no 
reporters.  So  far  as  his  words  have  reached  us,  their  existence  is  due  to 
the  keen  and  loving  memory  of  his  adherents.  It  is  to  attach  a  modern 
and  quite  a  misleading  idea  to  his  life  when  we  allow  ourselves  to  think  of 
him  as  surrounded  like  a  i:)hilosophic  lecturer  by  those  who  treasured  up 
his  words  in  view  of  future  developments,  to  be  authoritative  for  a  com- 
munity, or  to  furnish  by  anticipation  some  guidance  for  a  strange  prospect 
ahead.'  Nothing  was  further  from  the  thoughts  of  the  primitive  disciples, 
and  it  may  be  questioned  how  far  even  Jesus  occupied  such  a  standpoint 
of  prevision.  At  any  rate,  anything  like  an  immediate  and  tangible  pre- 
servation of  his  sayings  or  deeds  is  historically  incredible.  Simi^le  and 
informal,  they  rose  from  the  wayside  of  his  experience.  Simply  and 
informally  they  were  remembered  and  repeated  by  his  adherents.  Their 
passage  to  us  has  all  the  charm  and  impressiveness  of  this  natural  process, 
and  there  is  no  need  to  crush  it  into  mechanical  supernatural  methods 
which  rob  it  of  reality,  in  the  vain  attempt  to  increase  its  reliability. 
"Do  not  degrade  the  life  and  dialogues  of  Christ  out  of  this  charm,  by 
insulation  and  peculiarity.  Let  them  lie  as  they  befell,  alive  and  warm, 
]iart  of  human  life,  and  of  the  landscape,  and  of  the  cheerful  day."  That 
is  a  true  protest,  truer  than  Emerson  meant ;  for  it  applies  to  the  subse- 
([uent  transmission  no  less  than  to  the  original  setting  of  the  life  of  Jesus 
in  the  gospels. 

Broadly  speaking,  we  may  say  that  two  streams  coloured  the  evangelic 
narratives.'  One  contained  the  volume  of  practical  interests  and  require- 
ments germane  to  the  growing  church. i  The  variety  of  the  gospels  proves 
1  So  far  as  regards  Jesus,  the  historical  interest  of  the  early  Christians  was  deter- 
mined by  the  demands  of  faith,  which  centred  upon  three  subjects  :  (a)  the  sutferings 
and  death,  {b)  the  notable  actions  and  events  of  his  life,  (c)  his  teaching.  The  human 
birth  and  childhood  forms  only  a  secondary  stage  of  interest  (Matt-Lk),  wliich  is 
again  transcended  by  the  later  growth  of  reflection  (.Ju  fiis)  upon  the  pre-existence 
of  the  Christ.  Of  the  three  former  topics,  the  passion  probably  formed  the  leadmg 
object  of  attention— to  judge  from  the  space  assigned  it  in  the  synoptisls,  and  the 
references  in  1  Pet.  and  Hebrews. 


262  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

that  these  were  not  altogether  homogeneous  ;  but  they  must  have  pos- 
sessed common  features  which  went  far  towards  determining  the  con- 
ception of  Christ  preserved  in  the  records.  To  the  fact  of  these  general 
practical  requirements,  of  which  our  gospels  are  partly  the  precipitate, 
must  be  added  the  primary  fact  of  the  early  Christian  consciousness, 
namelv,  the  sense  that  in  the  historical  Jesus  Messianic  hojies  and  promises 
were  fultilled.  To  some  degree  this  significance  of  Jesus  is  recognised  in 
Paul,  though  it  is  not  prominent.  His  knowledge  of,  and  interest  in, 
the  career  and  human  character  of  Jesus  represent  quite  an  appreciable 
quantity,  although  they  have  been  depreciated  and  exaggerated  by  various 
schools  of  criticism.  Still  there  can  be  no  doubt  tliat  other  interests 
were  unsatisfied.  There  was  always  the  lingering  tradition  of  the  his- 
torical Jesus,  and  the  parallel  movement  of  Judaism  back  to  OT  prophecy 
probably  intensified  the  passion — partly  intuitive,  partly  born  of  the 
exigencies  of  controversy — for  finding  in  him,  from  the  evidence  of  his 
own  words  and  deeds  (Ac  2--),  an  actual  and  detailed  fulfilment  of  the 
Messiah  sketched  in  the  OT.  Among  such  vigorous  convictions  and 
creative  tendencies  the  synoptic  gospels  were  shaped  (cp.  Prof.  Bendel 
Harris  in  Contemp.  Review,  August,  1895).  The  most  objective  writings  ^ 
in  the  NT  literature,  they  were  not  born  in  vacant  space.  Their  ante- 
cedents are  as  obvious  as  their  definite  origin  in  the  needs  and  ideas  of 
the  time  with  which  they  are  in  correspondence,  and  it  is  hardly  possible 
to  miss  in  each  its  birth-marks  or  heredity. 

It  is  like  trying  to  drink  out  a  sea,  said  Goethe  once,  to  enter  into  an 
historical  and  critical  examination  of  the  gospels.  Eighty  years  of 
research  have  not  sensibly  abated  this  impression  of  complexity  and 
intricacy  in  dealing  with  "^  the  synoptic  problem.  While  enquiry  has 
exhausted  one  or  two  lines  of  treatment,  it  has  at  the  same  time  thrown 
open  others  which  are  still  unsurveyed.  Still  it  is  possible  out  of  the 
chaos  of  synoptic  criticism  to  secure  the  following  postulates,  which 
not  only  are  sutticient  for  the  purposes  of  the  present  edition,  but  also 
command  very  wide  recognition  among  com]ietent  and  independent 
scholars.     Taking  the  gospels  in  their  present  form,  we  note  their 

(A)  Succession,  (i.)  The  priority  of  Mark  to  the  others  is  generally 
accepted  :  cp.  liitschl  (Gesamwelte  Ausslitze,  pp.  1-57,  Entsteliunfj,  pp.  28, 
M\  Reuss,  Renan,  B.  Weiss  in  his  long  series  of  critical  mcmographs, 
Holtzmann  {FAnl.  pp.  340-390,  HG,  i.  Einleitung),  Wendt  ("Die  Lehre 
Jesii  "  (]Rsr;),  p),.  1-44),  Havet  {Ongines,  iv.  p]).  225-296),  Jacoljsen  {Un- 
ti'r^i'rh.  hI„  r  ,lir  ,ijn.  Kw.  1883),  E.  A.  Abbott  {E.B.,  art.  "  Gospels,"  and  in 
Tin-  ('iinninui.  Trad  it  ion,  p.  vi),  Volkmar  (Jesus  Nazar.  pp.  18-19,  his  date 
is  exactly  73  A.D.),  Carpenter  {The  First  Three  Gospels),  Westcott  (Introduc- 
tion to  Study  of  Gospels),  Sanday  (Smith's  Did.  B'K  (1893),  pp.  1222-1242),  ' 
Massebieau  (Examen  des  citations  de  Vancien  Testament  dans  I'evangile  selon 
S.  Matthieu),  and  Harnack  (Ghron.).  There  is  a  pretty  fair  agreement 
among  scholars  working  along  different  lines,  that  "  the  common  tradition 
upon  which  all  the  thi'ee  synoptics  were  based  is  substantially  our  St. 
Mark,  so  lai'  a-  matter,  general  form,  and  order  are  concerned"  (F.  H. 
Woods,  Sfmli,,  JUhlira,  vol.  ii.  p.  94).  Compare  Salmon,  INT  (lect.  ix.) ; 
Julicher,  Eiul.  p.  215  ;  Pfleiderer's  Urc.  p.  360;  Resch,  TU,  x.  l,ch.  5; 
Bruce,    ExGT,    i.    (1897) ;    E.    Roehrich,    la   Composition   des   ^vangiles 

1  The  objectivity  varies  :  its  maximum  lies  in  Mark,  the  presentation  of  Matt,  and 
Luke  has  been  more  inliiienced  by  other  interests,  while  in  the  fourth  gospel  we  have 
the  minimum.  Compare  Westcott's  remarks  (Gospel  of  John,  Jntnd.  ])p.  liv-lv), 
on  subjectivity  in  relation  to  tlie  tiuthfulness  of  a  narrator. 


THE    FIRST    THREE    GOSPELS  263 

(1898),  pp.  1-28  ;  Briggs,  Messiah  of  Gospels,  pp.  70-256 ;  Du  Buisson 
("The  origin  and  cliaracteristics  of  Mark,"  1896);  Brandt,  "die  Evan- 
gelisclie  Gescliiclite  mid  der  Ursprung  des  Christenthunis "  (1893),  pp. 
536 f.  ;  A.  J.  Jolley,  The  Synoptic  Problem  for  English  Readers;  Rev.  Sir 
J.  C.  Hawkins,  Bart.,  in  "Horae  Synopticae"  (1899) ;  Dr.  Cone,  "  Gospel 
Criticism  "  (1891),  pp.  150-160  ;  V.  H.  Stanton,  DB,  ii.  article  "  Gospels"  ; 
Wernle,  die  Synoptische  Frage  (1899) ;  Soltau,  Mine  Liicke  d.  Synopt. 
Forschung  (1899)  ;  Adeney,  BI,  p.  324  f.  ;  Salmond,  DB,  iii.  258-260  ;  and 
apparently  Dr.  G.  L.  Gary,  IH,  i.  pp.  xix-xxxiii. 

This  judgment  upon  the  priority  of  Mark  is  based  chiefly  upon  the 
impression  afforded  by  its  contents.  Editorial  solicitude  is  less  con- 
spicuous here  than  in  Matthew  or  Luke  (cp.  Mk  3-,  omitted  in  Mt-Lk  ;  3' 
fier'  opyrjs,  etc.  etc.),  as  though  the  narrative  of  Christ's  life  still  lay  near 
to  the  life  itself,  and  had  not  yet  passed  very  deeply  into  the  sphere  of 
subsequent  reflection,  where  religious  interests  and  reverence  itself 
naturally  exercised  an  increasing  control  over  editors  and  their  materials. 
Less  connected  and  complete,  Mark's  naive,  fresh,  and  (compared  with  Mt 
and  Lk)  unconventional  portrait  of  Jesus  in  all  likelihood  preceded  the 
more  conscious  and  polished  attempts  of  the  others  to  present  Christianity 
as  well  as  Christ.  This  is  corroborated  by  his  treatment  of  the  chronology 
and  his  general  disposition  of  the  life,  which,  is  silently  presupposed  in  the 
later  synoptists.  Mark's  order,  if  placed  between  Matthew  and  Luke,  shows 
at  once  that  they  had  it  before  them,  and  freely  amplified  or  rearranged 
its  scheme  to  suit  their  own  ideas.  Their  variations  and  divergences 
become  intelligible  when  once  its  tradition  is  accepted  as  a  common, 
prior  outline  of  the  biography.  Apart  from  other  indications, — e.g.,  the 
simpler,  abrupt,  unpremeditated  form  '  of  several  sayings  (3-^  8^^  9-^^'-*), 
and  the  treatment  of  the  disciples  (e^^'^-^^  gi^-is  io35)^_the  priority  of 
Mark  is  most  decisively  urged  by  the  amount  of  material  common  to 
itself  and  to  Mt-Lk.  The  distinctive  contents  of  Mark  are  comparatively 
insignificant  beside  the  matter  shared  by  it  with  the  later  gospels,  and 
of  this  feature  only  one  explanation  is  feasible.  That  the  realistic, 
graphic  narrative  of  Mark  was  a  later  compilation,  an  abridgment  or 
extracted  essence  of  the  others,  formed  in  a  slavish  and  piecemeal  fashion, 
is  so  pointless  and  improbable  a  view,  that  it  has  been  almost  unanimously 
dropped  from  serious  criticism.  The  alternative  is  that  it  was  from  Mark 
the  others  borrowed,  and  that  round  the  nucleus  Avhich  each  took  from  this 
primitive  gospel,  they  gathered  the  larger  and  wider  materials  whicli 
have  lent  distinctiveness  and  weight  to  their  OAvn  records.  One  interest- 
ing result  of  this  is  that  the  central  current  of  evangelic  tradition  flows 
from  a  Petrine  source  ;  for  there  is  a  growing  tendency  upon  all  sides  of 
criticism  to  credit  and  even  emphasise  the  Papias-tradition  which  links 
Mark  to  Peter.  ^ 

Besides,  the  closest  scrutiny  of  Mark  fails  to  discover  much  cogent 

1  On  the  realism  of  Mark,  the  prophetic  picture  of  Matthew,  aud  Luke's  idealised 
sketch,  of.  Bruce,  With  Open  Face,  chs.  i.-iii. ;  on  the  fontal  position  of  Mark, 
Blass,  FG,  206-210  :  on  its  relation  to  the  later  scheme  of  Matthew,  W.  C.  Allen, 
HxpTi,  xi.  -op.  279-284,  Wernle,  Synopt.  Frag.  p.  127  f.,  and  Roehricht,  la  Composi- 
tion des  Krangile.s,  pp.  58  f.,  208  f.  Halevy's  article  in  the  Revue  Semitique  (April, 
1900,  pp.  115-149),  "Notes  sur  I'evang.  de  S.  Marc,"  I  have  not  been  able  to  see.  _ 

2  J.  F.  Blair  [The  Apostolic  Gospel,  1896)  prefers  to  regard  Mark  as  a  primitive 
harmony.  The  aj)ostolic  source  already  existed  in  various  versions,  he  conjectures, 
whioh  have  been  combined  in  our  second  gospel.  Similarly,  the  fourth  gospel  is  an 
elaborated  commentary  upon  this  source.  He  rejects  the  Papias-tradition  of  Mark  s 
Petrine  origin,  but  on  insufficient  grounds. 


264  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

evidence  to  jDrove  the  use  of  written  sources,  with  the  exception  of  the 
"  small  apocalyse  "  whicli  has  been  incorporated  in  ch.  xiii.  The  existence 
of  an  Ur-Marcus  is  unreasonably  disputed  ;  but  that  document,  after  all 
the  ingenuity  and  hypothetical  reconstructions  which  have  gathered  round 
it,  remains  a  shadowy  x  in  the  synoptic  problem.  Despite  argument 
from  textual  critics  and  literary  analysts,  our  extant  Mark  is  substantially 
a  unity,  in  a  sense  that  Mattliew  and  Luke  are  not.  They  are  composite 
works,  dependent  not  merely  upon  Mark  itself  and  the  Logia,  but  also 
upon  other  sources  which  no  longer  exist.  Mark  is  written  from  the 
best  reminiscences  of  an  eye-witness,  proliably  with  little  or  nothing 
except  oral  tradition  between  it  and  tlie  original  facts.  Whatever  written 
sources  have  been  used  in  our  second  gospel  are  of  quite  a  subordinate 
character  compared  to  tlie  original  mass  of  narrative ;  and  any  alterations 
made  in  it  as  a  final  recension  of  Mark's  Petrine  notes,  do  not  form  a 
substantial  feature  in  the  book. 

The  conclusion,  then,  is  that  tliis  gospel  precedes  the  others,  standing 
most  nearly  to  the  original  tradition  ;  and  this  estimate  throws  a  clear 
liglit  across  almost  all  the  phenomena  of  the  writing.  Its  value  and 
validity  can  be  tested  and  justified  only  by  a  detailed  comparison  of  the 
three  documents  with  one  another.  Taken  as  a  whole,  Mark  does  not 
present  traces  of  adaptation  to  church  interests  and  feelings  to  nearly 
the  same  extent  as  these  appear  throughout  Matthew  and  Luke.  It  is 
less  of  a  compilation.  It  shares  with  Matthew  and  Luke  the  atmosphere 
of  the  second  generation,  charged  with  reflections  and  requirements,  but 
one  can  feel  the  presence  of  a  circle  for  which,  perhaps  also  of  an  author 
for  wliom,  these  did  not  yet  possess  a  very  dominating  importance  in 
relation  to  the  memoirs  and  conception  of  Jesus.  At  the  same  time  it  is 
to  be  freely  admitted  by  the  upholders  of  Mark's  priority,  that  in  several 
passages  Matthew  and  Luke  stand  actually  closer  than  Mark  to  the 
original  tradition.  The  fact  of  Mark's  priority  in  order  of  composition 
does  not  imply  that  the  gospel  contained  an  absolutely  exact  reproduction 
of  the  primitive  narrative  and  sayings.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  possible,  and 
indeed  almost  certain,  that  some  earlier  portions  of  the  tradition  did  not 
pass  into  writing  (or  at  least  into  the  extant  writings)  until  subsecjuently 
to  the  publication  of  Mark.  But  this  existence  of  secondary  elements 
does  not  affect  the  priority  of  Mark,i  as  a  literary  unity,  to  Matthew  and 
Luke  (J.  Weiss,  ThLz,  1897,  511-513). 

The  relative  priority  of  Mark  depends  especially  upon  the  adoption 
of  the  '  Two-Sources  '  theory.  At  present  this  hypothesis  has  the  wind  in 
its  sails,  and  may  be  said  almost  to  have  passed  out  of  the  rank  and  number 

1  Two  recent  theories  stand  sadly  apart  from  the  main  body  of  criticism.  Zahn 
(Einl.  ii.  pp.  199-233),  following  Grotius,  arranges  the  gospels  thus :  Matthew 
(Aramaic),  Mark,  Luke,  Mattliew  (Greek).  Mark  has  used  Mt  (Aram.),  and  has  in 
turn  been  nsed  Ity  Mt  (Gk. ).  Tlie  re])eated  dilliculties  in  whicli  so  retrograde  a  theory 
involves  its  author  will  not  yield  even  to  the  a)»idicatioii  of  his  dexterity  and  learn- 
ing. Its  three  weakest  points  are,  {a)  that  Matthew  is  a  translation,  (h)  that  Matthew 
could  have  been  practieally  written  by  62,  and  (r)  that  Mark  is  nothing  but  a  mosaic- 
work  of  older  traditions,  ;ui  abbreviation  and  suniniary  of  the  first  tiospel.  Godet, 
again  (/AT,  ii.  p.  208f.),  jiuts  the  coniimsition  of  Mnttlirw  artuidlv  in  the  vears  60-66. 
Both  ofthese  attempts  betray  reaetioiKirv  iiKnciiicnts  1,.  tli.'  .iM  pnition  (Matt.,  Mark, 
Luke),  ofwhichHilgenfeld  remains  the  r'liici  upholder  (  mm'  his  ■•  Maiv.isia  Novissima,'' 
Zwlh,  1899,  pp.  481-507).  Prof.  Gilbert  {Student's  Life  „j  Jesus,  Ib'.tS,  pp.  1-47), 
like  Reville,  holds  that  all  three  synoptists  are  independent  of  each  other,  though 
they  nsed  written  sources ;  and  Belser,  writing  from  the  Eoman  Catholic  standpoint, 
gives  two  exhaustive  essays  {T<J,  1893,  pj).  3.5.5-407;  1898,  pp.  177-238),  leaning  of 
course  to  the  conservative  and  traditional  iiosition. 


THE    FIRST    THREE    GOSPELS  265 

of  mere  hypotheses.  Upon  this  very  convincing  view,  the  basis  of  the 
synoptic  gospels  consists  of  two  documents  ^  in  the  main,  for  both  of  which 
we  have  witness  in  the  traditions  of  Papias.  One  (a)  is  a  narrative  of  the 
life  of  Jesus,  compiled  by  Mark  from  the  reminiscences  of  Peter.  The 
exact  relation  between  this  collection  of  anecdotes  and  sayings  (as  reported 
by  Papias)  ^  and  our  extant  gosjael  of  Mark  is  not  yet  clear.  The  two 
are  identified  by  some  critics.  Others  believe  themselves  able  to  discern 
in  Mark  the  outline  of  an  Ur-Marcus,  in  which  case  the  canonical  gospel  is 
a  later  expanded  edition  of  the  earlier  materials.  If  this  be  rejected,  it 
must  be  allowed  that  the  gospel  has  been  slightly  altered  since  its 
use  by  the  other  synojitists.  However,  the  main  point  is  that  for  our 
knowledge  of  the  events  in  the  life  of  Jesus  we  are  almost  absolutely 
dependent  upon  a  Petrine  tradition.  Along  with  this,  but  probably 
composed  before  it,  lay  (b)  a  collection  of  Xoyia^  (chiefly,  though  not 
entirely,  sayings  of  the  Lord),  originally  edited  in  Aramaic  by  Matthew 
(see  Appendix,  below).  This,  in  the  form  of  a  Greek  translation,  was 
known  to  Matthew  and  Luke,  but  there  seems  to  be  some  reason  for  con- 
jecturing that  these  evangelists  did  not  have  it  before  them  in  the  same 
shajje.  Probably  it  had  already  jjassed  through  several  recensions.  It 
does  not  seem  to  be  a  necessary  or  even  a  probable  conclusion — in  spite  of 
Jiilicher's  (Einl.  pp.  225-226)  and  Titius'  arguments  {ThSt,  pp.  284-331), 
following  in  the  wake  of  Weiss  and  Resch — that  Mark  made  any  exten- 
sive use  of  the  Logia,  although  he  may  possibly  have  known  them. 

The  genealogical  relations  between  the  various  sources  and  the  extant 
gospels,  upon  this  theory,  may  lie  exhilnted  thus  : 
O 
0.0318  of  MatthDK) 

Q3 


Amid  all  the  minor  diversities  and  niceties  of  opinion  in  regard  to  the 
number,  character,  and  use  of  the  various  sources, — questions  which  lie 
outside   our   present  purpose, — the  jjriority  of  Mark  to  the  other  two 

1  Compare  the  Jewish  distinction  between  the  Halacha  (tradition  of  law  and  cus- 
tom) and  the  Haggada  (tradition  of  history).  Also,  an  obvious  but  inadequate  parallel 
exists  in  the  case  of  Thucydides,  wlio  employed  two  sorts  of  material  for  his  history, 
facts  of  speech  (Ao'yoi),  aTid  facts  of  action  {'ipya.).  The  Double-Source  theory  is  sub- 
stantially based  on  the  ideas  of  Schleiermacher,  and  a  clear  account  of  the  criticism 
up  to  1886  is  given  by  xMaugold  (-Bleek,  pp.  2-36-259). 

2  It  has  been  seriously  questioned,  however,  whether  this  reference  of  Papias  is 
trustworthy,  whether  it  refers  merely  to  the  absence  of  a  historical  framework  such 
as  is  supplied  in  Luke  and  Jolm,  or  wl;ether  it  really  applies  to  the  present  gospel 
of  Mark.  The  latter  is  not  the  outcome  of  discourses,  although  its  general  tenor 
resembles  a  passage  like  Ac  10^'  (Peter's  description  of  Jesus) ;  nor  can  much  fault  be 
found  with  its  arrangement. 

3  Exhaustively  discussed  by  Wendt  (op.  cit.  pp.  44-191),  Weiss  (Das  Matthatis- 
Evglm.  187Q),  imdWeizsa,ckev  (Unfersuchungen,^'Erster  Theil ;  Zweiter  Abschnitt), 
more  briefly  by  Holtzniaun,  Hinl.  pp.  362-367..  and  Wernle  (op.  cit.  pp.  80-91,  178- 


266  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT 

synoptic  gospels  is  advocated  with  practical  unanimity.  It  is  still  hotly 
disputed,  however,  whether  Luke  knew  Matthew  or  made  independent 
use  of  the  narrative-source  (a)  =  Mark,  whether  Matthew  had  access  to  any 
sources  ^  besides  Q  and  Mark,  and  tinally,  whether  Mark  was  acquainted 
with  the  Logia.  These  controversies  hardly  affect  the  respective  dates  or 
order  of  the  gospels.  The  cardinal  jjoint  for  their  criticism  is  the  fact 
that  Matthew  and  Luke  go  back  to  the  two  written  (Gk.)  sources,  that 
both  have  used  for  their  own  purposes  the  order  and  content  of  Mark's 
narrative,  combining  with  it  selections  from  Q  and  additions  of  their 
own,  that  Matthew  especially  has  jjreserved  particularistic  sayings  of 
Jesus  from  the  Jewish-Christian  Logia  Q"''  (5^'''-"  lO^"*^  10-^  23-^),  though 
his  own  standpoint  is  universalistic  ("Son  ouvrage  est  un  de  form  et 
divers  de  fond  "  :  Reville),  that  LtUvB  has  exercised  greater  freedom  in 
dealing  with  the  narrative  than  with  the  sayings  of  his  sources,  and  tliat 
— especially  in  the  polemic  of  Jesus  against  the  Pharisees — there  are  traces 
that  Matthew  lies  closer  than  Luke  to  the  original  tradition. 

Upon  this  last  point,  however,  there  is  great  division  of  opinion.  While 
the  priority  of  Mark  to  the  other  gospels  is  put  beyond  dispute  by  the  Two- 
Sources  theory,  (ii.),  it  is  another  matter  when  the  relative  j^riority  of 
Matthew  and  Luke  is  in  debate.  Here  the  majority  of  the  above-named 
critics  are  in  favour  of  Matthew's  priority,  but  the  arguments  are  no 
longer  of  the  same  weight  and  decisiveness.  The  priority  of  Matthew  is 
defended  (a)  by  those  who  who  find  traces  of  its  use  in  Luke.  Tliis 
dejjendence  is  ably  maintained  by  E.  Simons  (Hat  der  dritte  Evangelist  den 
kanonischen  Matthdus  benutztf  1880),  whose  main  results  are  tabulated 
in  ZSchi  (1884),  144-145,  Scholten  (das  iMuliidsche  Evangelium,  1881), 
Jacobsen  (Untersuchungen  iiher  die  synoftischen  Evglien,  1883,  and — 
especially  against  Pfleiderer— ZiuTA,  1890,  pp.  180-185),  Mangold  (-Bleek), 
Holtzmann  (Einl.  pp.  356-357),  besides  Wendt  (L/,  i.  pp.  206  f.),  Weiz- 
siicker,  P.  Ewald,  and  Wittichen  {JpTh,  1881,  pp.  366  f.,  713  f.,  1891,  pp. 
481  f.).  Cp.,  however,  Schlager  (SK,  1896,  pp.  83-93)  and  von  Soden  (ThA, 
114-115).  The  divergences  of  Luke  fi'om  Matthew  are  on  this  hypothesis 
explained  b}'  the  sujaposition  that  his  use  of  Matthew  was  not  systematic 
or  extensive.  In  fact  the  latter  was  merely  a  subsidiary  source  :  Luke 
neglected  or  forgot  it  frequently.  The  strength  of  the  theory,  on  the  other 
hand,  lies  in  the  series  of  places  where  Matthew  and  Luke  at^ree  as  against 
Mark.  Unless  these  represent  the  use  of  an  Ur-Marcus — i.e.  unless  they 
preserve  fragments  of  a  primitive  source  which  is  not  altogether  preserved 
in  our  second  gospel — it  is  difficult  to  account  for  them  except  on  the 
hypothesis  of  a  literary  connection  between  Matthew  and  Luke. 

This  theory,  however,  is  not  without  its  difficulties  (cp.  W.  Briickner, 
PM,  1899,  pj).  109-110)  and  has  met  with  serious  opposition.  It  is  there- 
fore to  l)e  noted  that  the  priority  of  Matthew  to  Luke  is  not  absolutely 
dependent  iipon  the  hypothesis  that  the  latter  used  the  former.  Both  (b) 
may  be  held  to  be  independent  gospels  (e.g.  Roehricht,  op.  cit.  pp.  179- 

188,  224-233).  Wilkinson  (Four  Lecturi's  on  the  Early  History  of  the  Gospeh,  1898) 
defines  it  as  a  "naive,  simple  narrative  thrown  together  in  a  cnriously  unliterary 
way,  and  reoonntinR,  now  in  the  person  of  one  apostle,  now  in  that  of  niintlier,  the 
history  and,  more  ])articu]arly,  the  ins])ired  utterances  of  our  Lonl  .Trsus  ( 'In  ist.'' 

1  Whatever  historical  eleiijeut  may  lie  in  the  narratives  of  llic  inliin  v  ainl  resur- 
rection— to  say  nothing  of  Luke's  Peraean  section,  and  several  othrr  i)::ss;iges  in 
Matthew  and  Luke  of  a  divergent  or  isolated  nature — can  he  defemled  only  on  the 
hypothesis  of  separate  sources.  For  evidently  these  could  not  have  existed  in  Mark 
or  in  the  Logia,  wliich  these  later  gospels  used.  For  a  recent  English  application  of 
the  historical  method  to  these  narratives,  cj).  Dr.  G.  L.  Gary's  notes  in  ///,  i.  pp.  1-44. 


THE    FIRST    THREE    GOSPELS  267 

184),  resting  upon  Mark  and  the  Logia  as  their  common  sources,  and  yet 
using  these  in  different  ways.  In  this  case,  the  j^riority  of  Matthew  has 
to  be  proved  from  a  comparison  of  its  contents  with  those  of  Luke,  and  of 
the  relation  in  which  both  stand  to  the  Grundschrift.  Along  this  line  of 
reasoning  (cjj.  especially  Abbott,  loc.  cit.)  the  arguments  are  purely  internal, 
but — as  it  seems  to  the  present  editor — they  are  upon  the  whole  in  favour 
of  the  theory  that  Matthew's  temper  and  spirit  reflect  a  slightly  earlier 
stage  of  the  evangelic  tradition^  and  church-development  than  is  por- 
trayed in  the  ampler  pages  of  Luke.  In  favour  of  this  conclusion — 
though  upon  very  different  critical  bases — may  be  adduced  scholars  like 
Holsten,  Keim  (i.' pp.  67-115),  and  Hilgenfeld  [ZivTh,  1897,  pp.  411-432), 
who  date  Matthew  prior  not  merely  to  Luke  but  to  Mark. 

At  the  same  time  it  must  be  allowed  that  Matthew  contains  elements 
which  may  reasonably  be  held  to  imply  a  more  mature  stage  for  the  whole 
writing  than  that  indicated  in  Luke  ;  and  these  elements  are  regarded 
as  decisive  by  many  good  critics,  including  Westcott  (Introd.  Gospels,  pp. 
209-210),  Volkmar  {Jesus  Nazarenus,  1882),  Pfieiderer  {Urc.  p.  416  f.), 
Carpenter  {op.  cit.  pp.  332-335,  377-379),  J.  Weiss  (-Meyer's  Luke,  1892, 
pp.  275-277),  McGitfert  {AA,  p.  577),  Soltau  {op.  cit.),  von  Soden  and 
Wernle  (op.  cit.  p.  40  f.  and  passim).  This  tendency,  in  ancient  as  well 
as  in  modern  times,  has  been  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  scholars  wished 
to  save  the  one  gospel  from  the  derogatory  position  of  being  criticised  and 
superseded  by  the  other,  particularly  when  the  former  was  regarded  as 
the  composition  of  an  apostle.  But  Matthew  was  certainly  not  written 
by  the  disciple  of  that  name  ;  and  even  if  it  had  been,  no  special  sanctity 
was  attached  to  the  early  evangelic  narrative  at  first.  Nor  does  the  prior 
date  of  Matthew  necessarily  imply  even  Luke's  use  of  it.  Upon  the  whole, 
it  seems  truer  to  the  complete  impression  of  Matthew  to  regard  those 
elements  which  are  secondary  (as  compared  to  Luke)  pretty  much  as  we 
regard  the  secondary  features  in  Mark.  Instead  of  being  reckoned 
adverse  to  the  earlier  origin  of  the  gospel  in  question,  they  should  be 
taken  as  indications  that  the  problem  is  more  complex  and  combines 
more  numerous  and  delicate  threads  than  might  be  supposed  at  a  super- 
ficial glance.     At  most  they  leave  the  question  of  priority  open. 

As  for  the  divergences  and  distinctive  characteristics  of  the  gospels,  it 
may  be  i)ointed  out  that  estimates  of  a  character  vary  with  the  observer's 
power  and  opportunities  of  appreciation  ;  all  the  more  so,  as  nothing  in 
the  world  is  so  complex  and  many-sided  as  a  great  human  soul.  But 
this  is  not  the  main  reason  for  the  variations  of  the  synoptic  gospels. 
They  are  not  independent  or  direct  biographies  of  Jesus.  They  depend, 
if  not  on  one  another,  at  least  upon  a  common  basis  of  tradition,  and 
their  varieties  of  interpretation  are  chiefly  due  to  those  manifold  interests 
in  the  Christian  consciousness  which  had  to  be  justified  and  satisfied  in 
the  historical  Jesus.^     It  was  not  the  original  function  of  the  gospels  to 

1  Especially  in  escliatology.  "  The  precautious  are  miniistakaUe  winch  he  [Luke] 
takes  to  remove  the  Paroasia  of  Christ  further  thau  Matthew,  to  separate  it  from  tlie 
judicial  punishment  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  make  it  commence  only  a  considerable 
time  after  that  event,"  Zeller-Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  271-272. 

2  The  fact  that  all  three  presuppose  an  audience  and  a  certain  familiarity  with  the 
evangelic  tradition  is  incidentally  proved  by  passages,  e.r/.,  like  Mark  IS^i,  where 
Alexander  and  Rufus  (as  in  li«,  Simon)  are  evidently  mentioned  without  cominent 
as  well  known  to  the  circle  for  which  the  gospel  was  written.  Compare  the  first 
mention  also  of  Judas  (Mk  .319,  Mt  10')  and  Mary  (Ju  IV^),  who  are  referred  to  m 
connection  with  incidents  which  are  only  narrated  at  a  later  stage.  Such  anticipa- 
tions point  to  acquaintance  with  an  oral  or  written  tradition. 


268  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

tacitly  supersede  or  to  implicitly  supplement  one  another.  They  were 
written  each  to  portray  in  a  definite  and  self -consistent  fashion  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  as  a, religious  authority  and  a  devotional  source. 

The  tradition  preserved  by  Irenaeus  (Eus.  HE,  v.  8.  3),  and  entitled 
to  some  historical  credit,  places  the  composition  of  Mark's  gospel  after 
the  death  of  Peter,  from  whose  reminiscences  (ra  vvo  nerpov  Krjpvaaofifva) 
it  was  largely  composed.  This  gives  64-67  a.d.  as  a  terminus  a  quo.  At 
any  time  after  this  the  book  may  have  been  written.  The  references  in 
Mark's  form  and  setting  of  the  "  small  apocalypse"  do  not  absolutely  in- 
volve, although  they  strongly  point  to  (e.g.  13-"),  a  retrospect  of  the  horrors 
attending  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.'  Otherwise  there  is  no  distinct  clue, 
and  the  sole  terminus  ad  quern  is  to  be  found  in  the  dates  of  Matthew  and 
Luke.  Not  earlier  than  65,  and  not  much,  if  at  al],  later  than  75,  one 
may  conjecture  that  the  gospel  was  composed.-  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
very  feeling  which  had  in  earlier  days  rendered  Christian  literature 
superfluous — i.e.  the  expectation  of  Christ's  immediate  advent— should 
have  actually  come  to  be  a  chief  motive  in  the  comj)osition  of  the 
I^rimitive  gospels.  Yet  such  is  the  fact.  Mark  presupposes  doubts  in 
regard  to  Christ's  return,  which  were  to  he  implicitly  answered  by  a  proof 
that  death  formed  a  necessary  stage  in  the  process  of  his  living  Spirit. 
What  argument  (Hebrews)  and  vision  (Apocalypse)  afterwards  undertook, 
Mark  strove  to  accomplish  l)y  means  of  the  evangelic  history.  He 
laboured  to  quicken  the  hope  of  the  advent,  which  under  the  lapse  of 
time  and  through  the  seeming  contrariety  of  events  had  partially  wavered. 
"Enthusiastic  hope  was"  rekindled  rather  than  "replaced  by  historic 
reverence  "  (Martineau,  Essays  and  Addresses,  iii.  39).  At  least,  in  the 
synojjtic  tradition  from  the  first,  an  attempt  was  made  in  this  direction. 
For  it  was  an  ol)ject  of  these  early  historians  to  state  the  reasonableness 
of  the  anticipation  and  to  indicate  its  truth,  against  the  stubborn  facts  of 
Jesus'  death  and  the  increasing  lapse  of  time. 

In  other  circles  where  the  long  delay  of  the  farouda  had  been  felt 
with  equal  severity  (Mt  24''^  25^),  the  j^rophetic  mission  of  the  Messiah 
required  to  be  exhibited  as  culminating  in  the  relation  of  Jesus  to  the 
Christian  community  (cp.  Burton,  Biblical  World,  1898,  pp.  37-44, 
91-101).  Now  that  the  external  state  of  Judaism  had  gone  (Mt  22"),  its 
legitimate  successor  was  the  reign  of  heaven,  which  in  Matthew's  gospel 
is  heir  to  the  prerogatives  of  the  older  revelation  {e.g.  P-).  To  Matthew 
the  OT  is  the  anticipation,  not  of  contemporary  Judaism,  but  of  the 
Christianity  which  that  Judaism  banned  and  scorned.     The  author  of 

1  Note  the  omission  of  Mark's  characteristic  liBi^i  in  IS^-*  (retainol  in  :\ll  24-"). 

"  It  goes  witliout  saying  that  a  large  mass  of  Christ'^  teacliin-  Ims  Imch  ]in'served 
in  a  form  whoso  origin  is  evidently  earlier  than  that  of  the  synoptic -iispcls  them- 
selves, or  even  of  their  sources.  Certain  phrases  and  conceptions  of  Jesus  laid  too 
strong  a  hold  of  the  primitive  disciples  to  permit  of  their  being  afiected  (to  any 
serious  degree)  by  later  modes  of  thought  and  feeling;  and  all  literary  criticism  of 
the  gospels  as  jjroducts  of  the  apostolic  church  must  allow  for  the  creative  originality 
of  Jesus  as  a  teaclier,  and  his  dominating  jiersonality.  At  the  same  time  this  does 
not  exhaust  the  evidence  of  the  gospels.  For  if  these  ]ireserve  features  of  a  much 
earlier  age  which  either  lost  their  vogue  or  resislcd  altci'alion  lu'twci  n  •'iUaiid  70a.D., 
they  as  certainly  rej)roduce  some  feelings  aipl  idea-,  wlii.li  niaiiil\  >|iraiiL;  into  life 
during  the  course  of  that  interval.  A  distin''tl>'  l(■ll()^|H■l  ii\r  clrnn ni  cm-i  .,  even  in 
Mark.  The  picture  is  partly  a  review,  it  looks  liack  nut  nifrcly  tn  tlir  artiial  life 
of  Christ  within  the  limit  of  his  birth  and  death,  Vmt  also  to  the  elfect  and  r,,ur>c  of 
his  Spirit  in  subsequent  years  among  the  Christian  communities.  Tlir  imud  is 
now  and  then  jjermeated  by  interpretations,  modifications,  and  a])]ilicatiiiiis  wliich 
would  have  been  anachronistic  at  the  monuMit  when  tlie  words  were  originally  spoken. 


THE    FIRST   THREE    GOSPELS  269 

this  gospel  is  in  fact  the  theologian  ^  of  the  evangelists.  He  is  familiar 
with  OT  prophecies,  arranges  his  history  so  as  to  briug  out  with  great 
aptness  for  his  age  tlie  dogmatic  principle  of  Christ's  Messianic  state,  as 
that  was  foretold  by  the  Scriptures,  rejected  by  the  Jews,  and  accepted  by 
the  Christians.  Slight  but  significant  in  this  connection  are  the  frequent 
phrases  occurring  like  a  refrain,  'Iva  (ottcos)  rrXrjpcodji  tu  p-qdev  {vno  Kvpiov) 
8ia.  Tov  TvpocprjTov,  "  the  Son  of  David,"  tj  fSaaiXeia  twv  ovpavav,  and  the  like.^ 
Besides  this  interest,  there  lie  upon  the  surface  the  pressing  interests  of 
the  age  in  questions^  of  church-order  and  discipline  (Mt  18'^-^''*  16^'-  ^*) ; 
it  is  not  illegitimate  to  discover  some  significance  in  the  quotation  of 
parables  (13--'*-  ^^^■)  which  iniply  the  heterogenous  nature  of  the  visible 
church,  and  it  is  more  than  singular  that  eKKXr^a-ia  occurs  in  this  gospel 
alone.  The  so-called  "  sermon  on  the  mount "  is  plainly  intended  to  be 
the  Magna  Charta  of  the  new  reign  of  God,  visible  and  authoritative.  Its 
place  and  contents  point  to  its  function  as  a  statement  of  the  new  law 
for  the  new  communities.  Here  and  elsewhere  throughout  Matthew,  the 
idea  of  the  church,  as  Prof.  Carpenter  ol)serves,  "  is  in  some  sense  present 
in  the  background  much  oftener  than  the  term  itself  appears."  Traces  of 
it  probably  appear  in  the  regulations  for  discipline  (c.  18)  and  baptism 
(c.  28),  for  which  the  sanction  and  authority  of  Jesus  are  duly  claimed, 
and  in  which  he  is  represented  as  the  head  of  a  settled  organisation.  To 
suppose  that  Jesus  contemplated  a  visible  church  as  the  embodiment  of  his 
gospel  is  almost  to  be  guilty  of  a  historical  atrocity ;  but  both  Matthew  and 
Ac  1-5  concur  in  representing  the  early  Christians  as  rapidly  organising 
themselves  into  a  community.  This  is  a  most  significant  fact,  alike  in  its 
bearing  on  the  temper  and  attitude  of  the  people,  and  in  its  import  as  a 
presupposition  for  the  growth  of  subsequent  records  of  the  Master;  and 
the  evidence  of  Paul  corroborates  the  indirect  allusions  of  Matthew  to 
the  organised  body  or  Indies  of  primitive  Christianity,  as  well  as  to  the 
place  which  these  occupied  in  the  develoj^ment  of  the  evangelic  tradition 
(1  Co  15^"").  The  salient  features  of  this  life  are  finely  sketched  by 
Harnack  in  Das  JFesen  des  Christentums  (1900),  pp.  96-109. 

1  Not  iu  the  sense  that  he  is  dominated  by  pro-Jewish  tendencies.  As  Dr.  Cone 
correctly  points  out,  the  kind  of  record  preserved  in  Matthew  is  "a  natural  and 
necessary  result  of  the  historical  connection  of  Christianity  with  Judaism." 

2  Vide  the  use  oflouixi'm  (28'^)  in  the  antagonistic  sense  of  the  term  which  is  so 
frequent  in  the  fourth  gospel.  Otherwise,  the  aim  of  the  gospel  represents  simply  a 
more  developed  form  of  that  which  dominates  the  gospel  nxd'  'E^pa'iov;,  "to  exliibit 
Jesus  as  the  Messiah  sent  from  God,  not  as  the  Son  of  God  conceived  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  in  a  special  sense,  but  as  the  long-expected  Messiah  of  David's  race,  in  whom 
prophecy  finds  its  fulfilnient"  (Handmaun,  TU,  v.  3,  p.  125).  This  is  the  primitive 
stage  which  Matthew  and  Luke  transcend,  but  which  lingered  in  some  circles  of  belief. 

3  Compare  in  the  later  literature,  also,  the  "liturgical"  element  in  Lk  1,  2,  Apoc, 
Pastorals  (Eph.  ?  ),  and  the  basis  found  for  Christian  worship  (Jn  4-^),  institutions, 
and  ministry  (20'^'',  Ac  1,  2),  with  the  first  prayer  for  the  Roman  Emperor  (Clem. 
Rom.  61),  etc.  Wernle  {ZXW,  1900,  p.  63),  following  a  hint  of  Sohm's,  argues  that 
even  in  the  fourth  gospel  the  absence  of  the  word  \xxHirice.  is  purely  a  superficial 
feature.  "  The  Christocentric  apology  of  the  gospel  is  the  apology  of  the  church. 
Whenever  the  author  speaks  of  Christ,  faith,  Spirit,  truth,  the  word  is  spoken  by 
the  church.  More  churelily  passages  than  3^  or  14''  do  not  exist  in  any  NT  writing  ; 
Ac  41^  alone  has  similar  traits."  Upon  the  impulse  towards  organisation  afforded  by 
the  crisis  of  70  a.d.;  see  Wellhausen,  Prolegomena,  pp.  539  f.  As  morality  depends 
largely  on  institutions,  and  as  the  new  religion  found  these  lying  to  hand  in  Judaism 
and  Hellenism  alike,  the  question  really  is, — how  soon  did  Christianity  discover  its 
independent  need  of  such  aids,  and  how  far  did  it  transform  them  for  its  own 
ends  ?  For  Paul's  share  and  interest  in  this  matter,  see  a  fair  statement  in  Weiuel's 
Fauliis  als  Kirchliche  Organizatur,  1899. 


270  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

The  terminus  a  quo  for  dating  IMatthew  is  given  partly  by  tradition, 
partly  by  tlie  internal  evidence  of  its  dependence  upon  Mark.  The  notice 
of  Papias  (Euseb.  HE,  iii.  39.  16)  that  Matthew  composed  the  Logia  in 
Hebrew,  leaves  the  date  of  this  apostolic  collection  an  open  question  ;  but 
if  Irenaeus  (ibid.  v.  8.  2)  ^  is  to  be  trusted,  it  was  written  in  the  first  half  of 
the  seventh  decade.  Weiss,  incorrectly  interpreting  the  Eusebian  story 
that  an  oracle  was  granted  to  the  primitive  Jerusalem  church,  as  an 
allusion  to  this  Logia  collection,  instead  of  to  the  "  small  apocalyj^se," 
dates  it  67  a.d.  This  is  rather  late,  however ;  and  besides,  the  Logia 
were  probably  in  existence  some  time  before  Mark  wrote  his  gospel.  A 
general  terminus  a  quo  for  Matthew,  therefore,  is  the  seventh  decade, 
when  this  collection  which  formed  one  of  its  bases  was  composed  (c. 
62  A.D.  is  the  date  suggested  by  Dr.  G.  L.  Gary,  IH,  i.  p.  xxiii).  The 
internal  evidence  carries  us  past  tlie  year  70  ;  passages  like  27'***-  22'' 
16-*  are  decisive  upon  this,  besides  the  use  of  Mark's  gospel  as  one  of  its 
sources.^  The  terminus  ad  quern  is  not  to  be  fixed  more  definitely  than 
the  date  of  the  fourth  gospel,  which  rests  upon  the  three  synoptists. 
Unfortunately  it  is  uncertain  whether  Matthew  is  used  by  Luke,  but  in 
any  case  it  must  have  been  written  before  the  end  of  the  first  century. ^ 
Upon  the  whole,  it  may  be  regarded  as  nearer  than  Luke  to  Mark  and 
the  Logia,  although  occasionally  greater  exactness  in  reproducing  the 
early  tradition  does  not  absolutely  jH'ove  23riority  in  order  of  composition. 
A  fair  range  for  its  composition  would  be  the  period  75-90  a.d.  That 
the  gospel  has  come  down  to  us  with  the  traditional  name  of  Matthew  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  in  the  eai'ly  tradition  Matthew  appeared  as  the  author 
of  those  Logia  which  were  afterwards  incorporated  in  the  ^Jresent  gospel, 
gave  it  an  important  and  distinctive  feature,  and  were  finally  super- 
seded by  it.  When  the  two  came  to  be  confused,  the  gospel  being  taken 
as  a  translation  of  the  Logia,  it  was  natural  that  Matthew's  name  should 
be  retained  for  the  larger  work  by  an  age  which  had  already  lost  all 
direct  knowledge  of  the  gospel's  literary  history. 

The  indisputable  fact  that  Luke  presupposes  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
^1943.  44  2i2i-'4)  ig  confirmed  by  the  use  made  of  Mark  in  his  jjages. 
From  the  prologue  it  is  evident  that  the  book  followed  a  rich  growth  of 
evangelic  narratives,  which  apparently  did  not  satisfy  Luke's  standard  of 
research  and   investigation.      This   points   to   a  pretty  advanced   date, 

1  M(Krfl«7o;  .  .  .  •ypa.(pyiV  iliiviyxiv  iiiocyyiXiev,  rou  Xlirpov  xou  Toij  TlxvXou  h  '  Pu/^y,  iiayy£XtZtiiu,!Hiiv 

xxl  9i/j,'.xioCv-ruv  r>.v  ixxXntriav.  For  wholly  incouclusive  reasons  Resell  dates  the  com- 
position of  Matthew's  Logia  shortly  after  the  crucitixion  {Die.  Logia  Jesu,  Nach  dem 
griechischen  und  hebriiischen  Text  wiederhergestellt,  1898).  It  is  of  course  impossible 
to  attach  any  weight  to  the  statements  found  in  some  minuscule  manuscripts  that 
Mark  was  composed  10,  Luke  15,  and  John  30  or  32  years  after  the  ascension. 

-  Cp.  Wernle's  remarks  on  the  treatment  of  the  miracles  in  Matthew  and  Mark 
respectively  {op.  cit.  p.  158).  To  Matthew,  as  he  points  out,  they  are  materials  for 
proving  the  Messiahship  of  Jesus.  To  Mark  they  are  also  that,  but  very  much  more. 
He  sees  in  them  "  not  the  embodiment  of  a  principle,  but  a  personality  with  the 
warmth  of  life,  who  bends  to  men  as  one  of  themselves  in  mercy  and  love,  sorrow 
and  anger.  For  Matthew  the  miracles  are  mere  cyphers,  which  added  together  make 
up  a  great  number.  For  Mark  they  have  individual  worth."  The  conclusion  is, 
"Das  riiili\i'Iiiclli'  ist  stets  friiher  da,  als  die  Vei-allgenieinerung;  die  Freude  am 
Gescheliii-  1  I  ,\\\'-v  als  der  theologische  Beweis.  Gerade  die  zwei  \J'i'^-^'^  g----'']  von 
Mt  iiber,-':in:.;.iM  11  W under  siud  die  jenigeu,  mit  denen  theologische  Relie.\iou  am 
wenigsteii  uulaii.uen  kann." 

^  If  any  weight  could  be  attached  to  an  interesting  Syrian  tradition  quoted  by 
Nestle  {ZWTh,  1891,  pp.  43.5-1.38),  the  question  of  the  Star  in  the  Greek  text  of 
Matthew  (cli.  2)  was  being  discussed  widely  by  120  A.D,  Cp.,  however,  Hilgenfeld 
{ibid.  1895,  pp.  417  f.). 


THE    FIRST   THREE    GOSPELS  271 

whetlier  Mattliew  is  included  in  these  narratives  or  not.  Also  there  are 
the  use  of  6  KvpLos  for  Christ,  the  incipient  hymnology  and  legalism,  the 
development  of  the  resurrection-tradition,  etc.  Here,  too  (6--  12^^  21'-), 
as  in  Matthew,  traces  exist  of  civil  persecution,  which  would  be  quite  apt 
in  Domitian's  reign  (i.e.  any  time  after  90).  But  beyond  such  general 
limits,  it  is  impossible  to  fix  any  period  for  the  book's  composition.  The 
relations  between  it  and  Mark  (possiljly  Matthew  as  well),  apart  from  the 
advanced  character  of  its  theology  (cp.  the  characteristic  feeling  of  delay 
in  Christ's  advent,  18"-  ^  20^)  and  conceptions,  forbid  us  jslacing  it  before 
80.  On  the  other  side,  it  was  certainly  composed  before  Acts  and  the 
fourth  gospel,  some  time  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  first  century,' 
when  Gentile  Christianity  (icaipol  edvav,  SP*)  was  l)eing  steadily  diffused 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire.  Between  the  author  and  the  life  of 
Jesus  lie  not  only  the  first  witnesses  {avTo-n-rai  kqI  {nrrjpeTai),  but  also  a 
numerous  circle  of  writers  who  preceded  him  in  the  attempt  to  compose 
a  narrative  of  the  Christian  facts.  The  author  of  the  third  gospel,  then, 
belongs  to  the  e])igoni.  He  is  of  the  second  or  third  generation,  living  in 
an  age  when  the  chief  materials  for  a  life  of  Jesus  consisted  of  written 
sources. 2  Apart  from  these,  he  was  dependent  upon  oral  reminiscence 
and  hearsay  ;  it  scarcely  re(]^uired  second-century  tradition  to  point  out  his 
distance  from  the  historical  origin  of  the  faith  (Murat.  Can.  "  Dominum 
nee  ipse  vidit  in  carne  "). 

In  the  third  gospel  (as  in  the  book  of  Acts)  there  is  an  exceptional  care 
to  trace  the  development  ^  of  the  new  religion  in  its  disentanglement  from 
Judaism  (Lk  21-'*,  Kaipol  idvav)  ■*  and  expansion  into  the  Roman  Empire. 
This  gospel  is  even  more  distinctively  featured  than  the  others.     The 

1  The  literary  relationship  between  Luke',  Acts,  and  Josephus  (especially  in  the 
Antiquities,  composed  93-94  a.D.)  is  a  vexed  question  (see  below,  on  Acts).  If  the 
resemblances  involve  the  dependence  of  one  writer  on  the  other,  it  is  more  probable 
that  Luke  used  Josephus  than  vice  versd,  though  it  is  quite  reasonable  to  conjecture 
that  both  may  have  used  the  same  sources,  or  even  to  de  .y  that  the  resemblances 
are  anything  more  than  coincidences.  The  bearing  of  the  question  is  greater 
upon  Acts  than  upon  the  third  gospel  ;  while  the  dependence  of  the  latter  on 
Josephus'  Antiquities  cannot  be  securely  proved,  the  former  might  be  with  more 
reason  conjectured  to  have  a  fairly  direct  relationship  (Wendt  admits  it  especi- 
ally in  5»6')  with  the  Jewish  History.  Yet  the  discrepancy  e.g.,  between  their 
accounts  of  Herod  Agrippa's  death,  seems  an  insuperable  difficulty,  and  the  use  of 
common  ideas  and  idioms  goes  far  to  explain  most  of  the  coincidences  (see  particularly 
the  careful  proof  by  Belser,  TQ,  1895,  pp.  634-662,  1896,  pp.  1-78).  Apart  fiom 
the  older  criticism  of  Overbeck,  Hausrath,  Keini,  and  Eenan,  the  dependence  of 
Luke  on  Josephus  has  been  urged  especially  by  Holtzmann  [ZivTh  (1877),  p.  535  f., 
ibid.  (1880),  p.  121  f.,  and  Krenkel  (Jos.  u.  Lucas,  1894)  ;  cp.  also  an  article  in 
Fortnightly  Beview  (1877),  pp.  485-509  ;  Jiingst  (qvellen  d.  Apgeschichte,  p.  201  f.)) ; 
Schmiedel  {ZSchz,  1898,  p.  46,  EBi,  i.  49),  and  Clemen.  Against  the  theory,  Schiirer 
{ZwTh,  1876,  pp.  574 f.),  N6sgeu(67i,  1879,  p.  221),  Bousset  {ThLz,  1895,  p.  391), 
Headlam  {BB,  i.  art.  "Acts"),  Bchh  {DB,  iii.  168),  besides  Schanz  {Cdmm.  Luc. 
p.  16),  Gloel  (die  jiinqste  Kritik  d.  Gcdat.  p.  64  f.),  Adeney,  [BI,  pp.  343,  344), 
Zahn  [Einl.  ii.  394-418),  and  of  course— by  implication— writers  like  Harnack, 
McGifi'ert,  and  Ramsay  (cp.  Zeller,  Overbeck-Zeller,  ii.  310). 

2  For  a  note  on  th-se,  cp.  Appendix  :  on  Lk  1-2. 

3  Cp.  Weiss,  NTTh,  ii.  pp.  291-296.  The  development  is  somewhat  protracted. 
It  must  embrace  an  interval  during  which  the  erroneous  identification  of  Christ's 
coming  with  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  had  to  be  reluctantly  abandoned. 

■1  The  Luke  of  the  NT  (Col  4")  is  a  Gentile  Christian.  Tlie  genealogy  of  the 
third  gospel  reaching  back  to  Adam,  not  to  Abraham  (as  Matt.),  witnesses  to  the 
"  Catholic  "  tendency,  which  in  this  case  is  identified  with  the  aim  at  a  "  complete  " 
(12)  account  of  Jesus.  Adam  is  the  human,  as  opposed  to  Abraham  the  national, 
ancestor  ;  but  he  is  also  the  actual  root  of  the  subsequent  pedigree.  On  Luke  and 
the  Roman  world,  cp.  Ramsay,  Was  Christ  horn  at  Bethlehem  1  (1898)  pp.  49-72. 


272  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

characteristics,  e.g.  commonly  known  as  its  "  Paulinism  "  and  "  Ebionitism," 
represent  quite  definite  traits,  but  liow  far  these  rather  eclectic  elements 
are  to  be  referred  to  the  conscious  individuality  of  the  author,  and  how 
far  to  the  circle  of  feelings  and  ideas  in  which  he  moved  and  for  which  he 
wrote,  is  another  problem. i  One  motive,  however,  is  fairly  plain.  The 
work  of  his  contemporary,  Josephus,  was  devoted  to  removing  as  far  as 
possible  the  anti-Semite  prejudice  which  had  been  accentuated  in  many 
Koman  circles  by  the  outbreak  of  66-70  a.d.  The  two  volumes  from  a 
Christian  pen  which  we  now  know  as  the  third  gospel  and  Acts  had  a 
similar  object.  They  strove  to  allay  the  unfavourable  impression  pro- 
duced in  the  same  circles,  not  merely  by  the  unpopularity  and  trouble- 
someness  of  Christians  throughout  the  empire,  but  also  by  the  malice 
of  their  co-religionists,  the  Jews.  That  some  such  idea  was  in  the  mind 
of  the  author  cannot  reasonably  be  doubted. 

As  the  remarkable  coincidences  between  Lk  1^"*  and  the  medical 
writings  of  Dioskorides  (of  Anazarbus),  cp.  Lagarde  {Psalt.  juxta  Hehr. 
Hieronymi,  p.  IQ5  i.,  Alittheilungen,  3,  -p.  55  f.),  J.  Weiss  (-Meyer's  Luke, 
ad  he),  and  Zalin  {Einl.  ii.  p.  384),  of  whom  the  last  named  lays  greater 
stress  upon  Luke's  use  of  Hippokrates. 

(B)  Date  of  composition. — The  wide  differences  of  opinion  which  still 
exist  in  regard  to  this  point  of  the  synoptic  problem  can  be  most  easily 
exhibited  in  a  table.  The  terminus  a  quo  for  the  composition  of  the  three 
gospels  may  be  taken  as  c.  70  a.d.  The  opposite  limit  falls  c.  100  a.d.,  or 
even  later.  It  is  brave  rather  than  accurate  to  declare  that  the  prevalent 
view  upon  the  whole  is  that  "  our  gospels  as  we  have  them  were  written 
within  the  decade  71-80  a.d."  (Sanday,  Exp.'^  iii.  345,  following  Wright). 
For  Matthew,  e.g.,  Hausrath,  W.  Briickner,  and  Renan  will  not  come 
down  earlier  than  the  Flavian  regime ;  ^  Volkmar  and  Pfleiderer  ^  put  it 

1  Another  .slightly  different  aspect  of  the  question  is  offered  by  the  theory  which 
is  disposed  to  discover  these  variations  chiefly  in  the  Jewish-Christian  sources  which 
already  lay  before  Luke,  modelled  as  they  were  by  previous  tradition  (so  Feine, 
£■1716  ivrkanonische  Weberlieferiing  d.  Luka^,  1891 ;  and  similarly  J .  Weiss  in  Meyer 8). 
This  would  reduce  Luke's  initiative  and  make  his  variations  due  less  to  contemporary 
reflections  or  personal  bias  than  to  the  reproduction  of  primitive  tendencies.  Jiingst, 
again  {SK,  1896,  pp.  215-244),  is  quite  unable  to  find  distinctively  Pauline  or  theo- 
logical prepossessions  in  the  third  gospel.  Its  author  is  "ein  ziemlich  farbloser 
Bearbeiter  seiner  (wesentlich  judenchristlichen)  Quellen,"  and  Resch  is  even  more 
extravagant  [Aussi'/rcanonische  Paralleltexte,  TU,  x.  3,  p.  847) :  "  Lukas  ist  der  ten- 
denzlose,  lediglich  und  treulich  auf  seine  Quellen  sicli  stiitzende  Historiograph  der 
NT."  Ramsay's  parallel  estimate  [SPT,  pp.  14  f.)  does  not  seem  to  be  justified  even 
by  his  own  interpretation  of  those  portions  of  Acts  (and  they  are  the  strongest)  which 
he  selects  for  discussion ;  apart  altogether  from  the  fact  that  any  such  estimate  ought 
in  all  fairness  to  start  from  a  work  like  the  third  gospel,  where  we  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  comparing  Luke  with  other  writers  of  the  same  class  who  used  to  some 
extent  the  same  materials.  At  any  rate,  Luke's  historical  rank  is  nearer  tliat  of  Livy 
than  of  Thucydides,  and  nothing  operates  so  mischievously  in  literary  research  as  an 
exaggerated  estimate  of  some  individual  author.  It  simply  provokes  a  depreciation 
Avhich  falls  into  the  same  pit  of  injustice.  Norden,  Das  Antike  Kunstprosa,  pp. 
480-492,  rightly  jironounces  quite  an  encomium  upon  Luke's  style,  in  comparison 
with  that  of  the  other  synoptists.     Cp.  also  above,  p.  32. 

-  R^ville,  i.  pp.  282-360,  dates  the  gosj)els  between  98  and  117  A.D.,  the  editing  of 
the  Logia  before  70,  the  Proto-Mark  70-75,  and  the  fourth  gospel  130-140.  Simi- 
larly Paul  [die  Abfassunr/.srxit  d.  t<ijnopt.  Evglli'ii,  1887),  arguing  from  tlie  evidence  of 
Justin  Martyr,  dates  the  final  redaction  of  all  four  gospels  between  130  and  150  a.d. 

3  Pfleiderer's  latest  results  are :  Mark,  possibly  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem, 
and  at  any  rate  not  long  after  the  death  of  Paul  ( Urc.  414-416) ;  Luke,  written  in 
Trajan's  reign,  about  the  opening  of  the  second  century  {ibid.  542-543) ;  Matthew, 
about  the  second  or  third  decade  of  the  second  century. 


THE    FIRST    THREE    GOSPELS 


273 


raucli  later,  while  IJsener  {Religionsgeschichte  Ujitersuchungen,  i.  pp.  97, 
173)  dates  its  tinal  form  130  a.d.,  its  oldest,  69  a.d.^  Jlilicher's  period 
for  the  go-pel  is  81-96  a.d.,  with  which  Wernle  practically  agrees.  As 
for  Luke,  quite  a  weighty  league  of  scholars  cannot  find  evidence  for  it 
earlier  than  the  en;!  of  the  iirst  century  or  the  beginning  of  the  second  ; 
so  Hilgenfeld,  Holsten,  Holtzmann,  Krenkel,  Weizsiicker,  Jiilicher, 
Wernle,  etc.  Extravagant  as  some  of  the  arguments  for  these  positions 
may  be,  the  total  proof  is  suthcient  to  show  the  lack  of  any  dehnite 
agreement  upon  the  date  of  either  Matthew  or  Luke,  and  also  the 
generally  late  period  to  which  upon  any  fair  statement  of  the  case  they 
must  be  assigned.     Equally  extravagant  in  the  opposite  direction  are  the 


Keim. 

Holsten.  1 

Carpenter. 

A.  Wright. 

JULICHER. 

Harnack.3 

Zaun. 

Mark 

A.D. 

100  or  later. 
[S.     David- 
son, 120;  Us- 
ener,      120- 
130.] 

A.D. 

80  f. 
So   Hilgen- 
feld. 
[Renan,  76.] 

A.D. 

702 
[Before  the 
summer    of 

70 ;     Swete, 
Salmond.] 

A.D. 

70. 
[69,    Weiss, 
Schanz;  67- 
66,  Schiifer.] 

A.D. 

70  after. 

So  Beysch- 
lag,    McGif- 
fert,    and 
Wernle. 

[73,     Volk- 
mar.] 

A.D. 

65-70. 
Sow. 
Bruckner, 
Stanton, 
Abbott, 
Adeney, 
Wendt. 

A.D. 

(04)  67  c. 
So  Bartlet 

Matt 

68  ± 
[So  Abbott, 
Adeney,  and 
Bartlet.] 

70  f. 

So      Holtz- 
mann (-110) 
and  Hilgen- 
feld. 

[After     75, 
Reuss.] 

100  f. 
[S.     David- 
son, c.  105; 
(Volkmar 
and   Soltau, 
110);  Pfleid- 
erer,    b  e- 
fore  140.] 

70-80. 
So  Weiss. 

Sl-96. 
[End  of  cen- 
tury,   Wer- 
nle.] 
SoMcGiffert. 

70-75. 

[Except 
some     later 
additions.] 

So  Bruce. 

85  c. 
[In  Greek.] 

Luke 

98  c. 

[R  e  n  a  n, 

Soltau,   and 

Wernle,  90- 

100.] 

100  c. 
So      Schol- 
t  e  n     and 
Pfleiderer. 

S02  or  later. 
[So  Abbott.] 

80  before. 

[So    Weiss, 
Adeney,  and 
Bartlet.] 

80-120. 
[After   100, 
Holtzmann, 
Volkmar, 
Hilgenfeld, 
Zeller, 
S.  Davidson, 
Weizsacker.] 

78-93. 
McGiffert, 
[Bruce  ?] 
and  J.Weiss. 

75  c. 
So      Plum- 
mer. 

1  Rovers  {Niettw-test.  Letterkunde,  1888)  also  dates  Mk  ±  90,  Matt  ±  80,  and  Luke  at  the  beginning  ol 
the  second  century.  ^  ..^  „    -r    ,        ►.,-  ons 

2  "Both  very 'probable  dates"  (Sanday,  Exp*,  iii.  20,  vu.  412:  Bampton  Led.  p.  277 f.  Luke=(5-S0); 
so  V.  H.  Stanton  (Mt  SHi>m),  and  Bebb  (i55,  iii.  162-164).  ,,...  ,„..     -    ,^,    •,•      -,     iom 

3  Chron.  pp.  650-656.    So  substantially  Dr.  O.  Cone,  Gospel  Cntiasm  and  Historical  Cknstianiti/,  1891. 

reactionary  attempts  to  put  Luke  previous  to  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem :  so,"  after  Godet,  Prof.  Marshall  {Ex2J.*  ii.  72,  58-60  a.d.),  Schanz 
(between  65-70),  Schafer  (67-70),  Hahn,  and  most  recently  Blass  {PG, 
pp.  33-52,  Evglm.  secundum  Luc.  1897,  pp.  ix,  x),  who  dates  it  fifteen  years 
previous  to  that  event.     This  period  had  been  occasionally  assigned  to 

1  Zahn  {Sinl.  ii.  pp.  158-333),  like  Schafer  (Eml.  p.  195  f.),  dates  Matthew'.s 
Aramaic  work  (composed  iu  Palestine)  c.  62,  aud  its  final  Greek  form  more  than 
twenty  years  later  ;  just  as  Hilgenfeld  had  already  put  the  former  50-60,  and  the 
latter  70-80  a.d.  Holsten  put  the  Matthean  Logia  as  far  back  as  c.  55.  Stanton 
(DB  ii.  pp.  247,  248),  after  dismissing  Mt  24-9  as  an  argument  for  the  pre-70  date, 
remarks,  "Nor  do  there  seem  to  be  other  indications  in  the  gospel  which  enable  us  to 
assio-n  it  with  confidence  to  a  time  either  before  or  after  that  or  any  other  date." 
This  is  quite  a  wanton  pessimism :  it  is  caution  glorified  at  the  expense  of  intelligence. 

i8 


274  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

Mark  or  even  Matthew  (Abbott  places  both  before  70  a.d.),  but  Halcombe 
conjectures  that  the  whole  of  the  gospels  were  in  existence  and  circulation 
before  the  Acts  (Historic  Relation  of  the  Gospels,  1889,  pp.  234-250),  i.e. 
previous  to  63  + ,  and  even  twelve  years  earlier,  before  the  Epistles,  John 
being  the  earliest  of  the  four,  Luke  the  latest,  and  Mark  following  Matthew. 

The  following  synchronisms  help  to  orientate  these  dates  :— 

Juvenal!s  satires  on  Roman  politics,  manners,  and  religion  kept  appear- 
ing about  this  period,  the  earliest  of  them  perhaps  contemporaneous  with 
the  first  gospels,  the  latest  in  the  beginning  of  Trajan's  reign,  when  the 
fourth  gospel  was  composed  in  Asia  Minor.  Also,  just  as  Luke,  Acts, 
and  the  Apocalypse  were  coming  into  circulation  among  Christian 
readers,  the  Roman  public  were  being  delighted  with  Martial's  disre- 
putably piquant  etchings  of  Italian  society.  But  the  circumstances  of 
Epiktetus'  career  are  even  more  apposite.  His  dtarpi^al.  were  being 
delivered  in  Rome  and  afterwards  in  Nikopolis  during  the  last  quarter  of 
the  first  century  a.d.  They  were  reproduced  thirty  or  forty  years  later 
bv  one  of  his  hearers,  the  historian  Arrian,  who  had  taken  notes  of  them 
for  his  own  sake.  The  curious  thing  is  that  these  private  notes  came 
to  be  published  without  the  consent  or  knowledge  of  Arrian  himself, 
although  he  probably  gave  them  a  subsequent  revision.    Cp.  Tables  ii.-iii. 

The  inner  forces  of  the  environment  form  too  complex  a  subject  to  be 
outlined  here.  But  in  addition  to  what  has  been  already  said  upon  the 
jDractical  aim  which  dominated  the  evangelists,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  medium  through  which  they  and  their  readers  viewed  the  life 
of  Jesus  was  not  insulated  from  the  contemporary  spirit  which  pervaded 
the  East.  As  Dr.  Gardner  decides,  after  drawing  attention  to  the  limited 
extent  to  which  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  Roman  world  were  Hellenised 
in  the  first  century,  "the  mass  of  the  people  were  prepared  to  accept 
historical  accounts  not  by  the  strict  rules  of  evidence,  but  according  as 
they  satisfied  certain  inner  needs  or  agreed  with  existing  feelings." 
Some  principle  like  this  is  needed  as  a  canon  for  gospel-criticism. 
Otherwise  many  problems  will  remain  insoluble  to  those  who  forget  that 
to  be  realistic,  ethically  appropriate,  circumstantial,  edifying,  is  not 
equivalent  to  being  "  historical "  in  the  strict  and  modern  sense  of  the 
term.  Roughly  speaking,  the  priority  of  Mark,  and  approximately  its 
date  :  the  composition  of  Matthew  within  the  first  century,  and  its 
general  period  : — these  are  the  points  upon  which  most  lines  of  modern 
criticism  converge.  That  Luke  is  subsequent  to  Matthew,  and  that  it  \y^ 
was  composed  during  Domitian's  reign,  are  less  certain  positions  ;  but 
they  have  excellent  support,  and  may  be  adopted  with  a  good  conscience. 
On  these  ])oints  as  on  the  criticism  of  the  sources,  it  is  certainly  possible 
to  speak  with  less  dubiety  than  hitherto.  If  the  province  of  the  synoptic 
question  has  not  yet  been  fully  surveyed,  the  researches  of  the  past  half- 
century  1  have  at  least  opened  several  main  tracks  along  which  all  future 
workers  must  proceed,  and  from  which  it  is  reasonable  to  exjject  that,  unless 
fresh  documents  are  discovered, no  serious  deviation  will  he  found  necessary. 

1  The  hope  with  which  Ritschl  clo.sed  his  survey  of  the  synoptic  question  {Gesam- 
melts  Aussdtzr,  pp.  1--57)  in  1851,  has  been  hargely  justified  :  "  Wie  weit  uns  die 
innere  Kritik  der  Evangelien  in  der  Untersuchung  jhres  Ursprungs  fiihren  wird, 
wissen  wir  nicht,  bisher  hat  sie  uur  zu  Hader  und  Zank  gefiihrt,  darum  konnen  wir 
aber  die  Hoflhung  niclit  aufgeben,  dass  auf  diesem  Wege  das  Geheimniss  weuigsteus 
theilweise  euthiillt  werde,  welches  die  Urspriinge  des  evaugelischen  Schriftthums 
umgibt,  und  welches  durch  die  Traditiouen  der  Kirchenvliter  nur  vermehrt,  aber 
uicht  vermindert  wird." 


MAKK 


With  this  gospel  we  proceed  to  describe  the  historical  literature  of  early 
Christianity.  Undoubtedly  it  is  the  earliest  of  the  gospels,  and  became  the 
groundwork  for  all  that  followed.  The  arrangement  of  the  narratives,  which 
is  simple  and  thoroughly  clear,  represents  the  guiding  principle  followed  in  the 
main  by  Luke  and  Matthew.  .  .  .  The  stories  and  speeches  in  Mark  are  pre- 
sented throughout  in  a  manner  that  bears  the  stamp  of  originality,  with 
a  clearness  and  precision  that  are  self-evident,  as  well  as  with  a  completeness 
that  is  at  once  well  rounded,  coherent,  and  continuous.  It  is  the  first  extant 
attempt  to  exhibit  in  narrative  form,  as  a  history  of  Jesus'  life  and  sufferings, 
that  gospel  of  Jesus  as  the  Christ  which  Paul  had  preached  as  a  theological 
doctrine.  Materials  from  the  earliest  tradition  are  certainly  utilised  in  this 
narrative  ;  but  in  its  conception  of  details  it  betrays  as  plainly  the  determin- 
ing influence  of  that  great  teacher  Paul,  who  probably  had  as  one  of  his  scholars 
the  author  of  this  first  gospel.  —  Pfleiderer. 


1^"^^  The  Preparation  the  ministry  of  John  ; 
the  baptism  of  Jesus  ; 
the  temptation  of  Jesus. 

IU_Q50  T,,g  Galilean   ministry  : 


li4_723        'East  Galilee  :    early  success  :  contro- 
versy and  conflict  on 


'  forgiveness  of  sins, 
intercourse      with      tax- 
gatherers  and  sinners, 
fasting, 

Sabbath  (eating  and  heal- 
ing on). 

renewed  activity  and  opposition  : 
4''''^  a  cycle  of  parables  : 

435_5-i3  a,  cycle  of  miracles  : 

6  rejection  at  Nazareth  :  commission  of  apostles. 

6™-7-^  a  cycle  of  miracles  :  opposition  of  the  Pharisees. 

7-'*-9®"        North  Galilee  :  a  cycle  of  miracles  :  controversy  with  Pliarisees. 
8-^-9^^  at  Gaesarea  Philijipi — tlie  confession  of  Peter  :  the 

transfiguration. 
9^^'^"  sayings  on  humility — on  hindrances — on  obstacles 

to  faith. 

10-13  The  Judaean  ministry:  the  teaching  of  Jesus  on  marriage,  child- 
hood, wealth,  self-sacrifice. 
10^-"^'-  incidents  of  the  journey — the  miracle  at 

Jericho. 
111-27  the  triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem  :  the 

purging  of  the  temple,  etc. 
ll-^-l-Z^-*  controversy  in  temple  with  priests,  Phari- 

sees, Herodians,  Sadducees,  etc. 
13  the  apocalypse  of  Jesus — 

14-15  The  Passion  of  Jesus:  at  Bethany:  in  the  upper  room — the  last 
supper, 
in  the  garden — the  agony,  the  betrayal, 
in    the    house    of    Kaiaphas — the    trial, 

Peter's  denial, 
before  Pilate— 
the  crucifixion,  death,  and  burial. 

16''^  After  death:  appearance  of  an  angel  to  tlie  women. 


MAKK 

1   1  [The  beginning  of  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ.] 

2  Even  as  it  is  written  in  the  prophet  Isaiah, 
Lo,  I  send  my  messenger  before  thy  face, 

Who  shall  vrefare  thy  loay! 

3  TJte  voice  of  one  cryiny  in  the  wilderness : 

"Make  ready  the  way  of  the  Lord, 
Make  level  his  paths ! " 

4  John  the  baptizer  appeared  in  the  wilderness  ^  preaching  a  baptism  of 

5  repentance  for  the  remission  of   sins.     And  all  the  country  of  Judaea 
began  to  go  out  to  him,  with  all  the  people  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  they  were 

6  baptized  by  him  in  the  river  Jordan,  as  they  confessed  their  sins.     And 
John  was  clothed  with  camel's  hair,  and  with  a  leather  girdle  round  his 

7  loins,  and  he  ate  locusts  and  wild  honey.     And  he  preached  saying, 

"  After  me  comes  he  who  is  mightier  than  I, 

The  thong  of  whose  sandals  I  am  not  tit  to  stoop  down  and  untie. 

8  I  have  baptized  you  with  water. 

But  he  shall  baptize  you  with  the  holy  Spirit." 

9  And  it  came  to  pass  in  those  days  that  Jesus  came  from  Nazareth  of 

10  Galilee,  and  had  himself  baptized  in  the  Jordan  by  John.  And  im- 
mediately on  rising  uj)  from  the  water  he  saw  tlie  skies  part  asunder  and 

11  the  Spirit  like  a  dove  come  down  upon  him  :  and  a  voice  out  of  the  skies 
said, 

"Thou  art  my  Son,  the  beloved, 
In  thee  I  delight." 

12  Then   immediately   the   Spirit    thrusts   him   out   into   the   wilderness  ; 

13  and  he  was  in  the  wilderness  for  forty  days,  tempted  l)y  Satan. 
And  he  was  with  the  wild  beasts.     And  the  angels  ministered  to  him. 

14  Now  after  John  had   been  delivered    up,  Jesus   came   into   Galilee 

15  preaching  the  glad  tidings  of  God,  and  saying,  "  The  time  is  fulfilled,  and 
God's  reign  is  near.     Repent  and  believe  in  the  glad  tidings." 

16  And  in  passing  along  beside  the  sea  of  Galilee,  he  saw  Simon  and  Andrew 

1 7  the  brother  of  Simon  casting  a  net  into  the  sea  ;  for  they  were  fishers.  And 
Jesus  said  to  them,  "Come  after  me  and   I  will  make  you  fishers  of 

18,  19  men."     Then  immediately  they  left  the  nets  and  followed  him.     And 
going  a  little  further  on  he  saw  James   the  son  of   Zebedee  with  his 

20  brother  John,  who  were  also  in  their  boat  mending  nets.  And  immedi- 
ately he  called  them  ;  and  they  left  their  father  Zebedee  with  the  hired 
servants  in  the  boat,  and  went  away  after  him. 

21  And  they  go  into  Kapharnahum.     And  immediately  on  the  sablsath- 

22  day  he  went  into  the  synagogue  and  Ijegan  to  teach.  And  they  were 
astonished   at   his   teaching,  for   he   taught   them   as  one  who   exerted 

23  authority,  and  not  like  the  scribes.     And  immediately  there  was  in  their 

1  Omitting  [[»«']]. 
277 


278  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l-*-2^- 

24  synagogue  a  man  with  an  unclean  sjiirit ;  and  it  shrieked,  "  What  have  we 
to  do  with  tliee,  Jesus  of  Nazaret  ?     Hast  thou  come  to  destroy  us  1     I 

25  know  who   thou  art,  the   holy  One   of   God."     And  Jesus   rebuked   it, 

26  "  Silence  !    leave  him  ! "     So   after   convulsing  him   and   crying  with  a 

27  loud  voice,  the  unclean  sjiirit  left  him.  And  in  amazement  they  all 
discussed  it  one  with  another,  and  said,  "  What  is  this  1 "  "  New  teaching, 
with   authority!"     "He  commands  even   the  unclean  spirits!"     "Yes, 

28  and  they  obey  him  !  "     And  the  report  of  him  went  out  immediately  in 

29  all  directions  into  the  whole  of  the  surrounding  country  of  Galilee.  And 
immediately  on   leaving  the  synagogue,  they  went  into   the  house  of 

30  Simon  and  Andrew,  with  James  and  John.     ISTow  the  mother  of  Simon's 

31  wife  was  lying  in  a  fever,  and  immediately  they  tell  him  about  her.  And 
he  came  near,  and  taking  her  hand  raised  her  ;  and  the  fever  left  her,  and 

32  she  ministered  to  them.  Now  in  the  evening,  when  the  sun  had 
set,  they  brought  him  all  who  were  ill  and  those  who  were  possessed  by 

33,  34  daemons.     And  the  whole  city  was  gathered  at  the  door.     And  he  healed 

many  who  were  ill  with  manifold  diseases,  and  cast  out  many  daemons  ; 

35  nor  would  he  let  the  daemons  speak,  because  they  knew  him.  And 

very  early,  long  before  day,  he  rose,  went  away  out  to  a  desei't  place,  and 

36,  37  there  began  to  pray.     And  Simon  with  his  companions  pursued  him  and 

38  found  him  ;  and  they  say  to  him,  "  Everyone  is  seeking  thee  !  "  But  he 
says  to  them,  "  Let  us  go  elsewhere,  to  the  adjoining  country-towns,  that 

39  I  may  preach  there  also  ;  for  that  is  why  I  came  out."  Then  he  went  and 
preached  in  their  synagogues  through  the  whole  of  Galilee,  and  cast  out 
the  daemons. 

40  And  a  leper  comes  to  him,  beseeching  him  and  kneeling  down,  saying 

41  to  him,  "  If  thou  wilt,  thou  canst  make  me  clean."  And  in  compassion 
he  stretched  out  his  hand  and  touched  him  ;  and  he  says  to  him,  "  I  will : 

42  be  clean.     Then  immediately  the  leprosy  left  him,  and  he  became  clean. 
43,  44  And  he  sternly  charged  him  and  immediately  sent  him  off,  saying  to 

him,  "See  thou  tell  no  one  anything  ;  but  go,shoiv  thyself  <o  the  priest, 
and  offer  for  thy  cleansing  what  Moses  commanded — as  a  proof  to  men." 
45  But  he  went  away  and  began  to  proclaim  it  widely  and  to  spread  the 
affair  abroad.  The  result  was  that  Jesus  could  no  longer  enter  a  city 
openly.  He  stayed  outside  in  desert  places ;  and  people  came  to  him 
from  every  quarter. 
2  1        And  when  lie  entered  Kapharnahum  again  after  some  days,  it  was 

2  reported  that  he  was  at  home.  And  many  gathered  together,  so  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  room  for  them  even  at  the  door  ;  and  he  spoke 

3  the  word  to  them.     Then  people  came  bringing  to  him  a  paralytic  man, 

4  carried  by  four  men.  And  as  they  Avere  unable  to  bring  him  to  Jesus 
on  account  of  the  crowd,  they  uncovered  tlie  roof  where  he  was,  and  after 
tearing  it  up  they  lower  the  pallet   on  which   the   paralytic   man   lay. 

5  And  on  seeing  their  faith,  Jesus  says  to  the  jiaralytic  man,  "  My  son, 

6  thy    sins    are    forgiven."     Now    some    of    the    scribes    sat    there    and 

7  argued  in    their   hearts,  "  Why   does   this   fellow   speak   thus  ?     He  is 

8  blasiiheming.  Who  can  forgive  sins  except  God  alone?"  And  as  Jesus 
immediately  perceived  in  his  spirit  that  they  were  thus  arguing  to  them- 

9  selves,  he  says  to  them,  "  Why  argue  thus  in  your  hearts  ?  Which  is 
easier,  to  say  to  the  paralytic  man,  'Thy  sins  are  forgiven,'  or  to  say, 

10  '  Rise  and  take  up  thy  pallet  and  walk '  ?     But,  to  let  you  know  that  the 

Son  of   man  has   autliority  on   earth  to  forgive   sins" — lie  says   to  the 

n  paralytic  man — "I  say  to  thee,  'Rise,  take  up  thy  ])allet  and  go  home.'" 

12  Tlien  he  rose,  took  up  tlie  pallet  immediately,  and  went  out  in  presence 


2^^-3^]  MARK  279 

of  them  all.     So  all  were  arnazed,  and  magnified  God  saying,  "  We  have 
never  seen  anything  like  this  !  " 

13  And  he  went  out  again  by  the  seaside  ;  and  all  the  crowd  came  to 

14  him,  and  he  taught  them.  And  as  he  passed  along  he  saw  Levi  the  son 
of  Alphaeus  sitting  at  the  tax-office  ;  and  he  says  to  him,  "  Follow  me." 

15  And  he  rose  and  followed  him.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  he  was  reclin- 
ing at  meat  in  his  house,  and  many  tax-gatherers  and  sinners  were 
reclining  along  with  Jesus  and  his  disciples  (for  there  were  many  of  them, 

IG  and  they  followed  him).  And  on  seeing  that  he  ate  with  the  sinners  and 
tax-gatherers,  the  scribes  of  the  Pharisees  said  to  his  disciples,  "  Does  he 

17  eat  1  witli  the  tax-gatherers  and  sinners  ?"  And  when  Jesus  heard  it  he 
says  to  them, 

"  The  strong  need  not  a  physician,  but  those  who  are  ill  : 
I  came  not  to  call  upright  men  but  sinners." 

18  And  the  disciples  of  John  and  the  Pharisees  were  observing  a  fast. 
And  people  come  and  say  to  him,  "  Why  is  it  that  the  disciples  of  John 
and  the  disciples  of  the  Pharisees  fast,   while  thy  disciples  fast  not  ? " 

19  And  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  Can  the  sons  of  the  bride-chamber  fast  while  the  bridegroom  is 
with  them  ? 
So  long  as  they  have  the  bridegroom  with  them,  they  cannot  fast. 

20  But  days  will  come  when  the  bridegroom  shall   be  taken  away 

from  them  : 
And  then  will  they  fast  on  that  day. 

21  No  man  stitches  a  piece  of  undressed  cloth  on  an  old  cloak  : 

Otherwise,  the  patch  parts  from  it,  the  new  from  the  old, 
And  a  worse  tear  is  made. 

22  And  no  man  pours  fresh  wine  into  old  wine-skins  : 

Otherwise,  the  wine  will  burst  the  wine-skins. 

And  they  are  lost,  wine  and  wine-skins  together."  - 

23  And  it  came  to  pass  that  he  was  making  his  way  upon  the  sabbath- 
day  through  the  cornfields  ;  and  as  his  disciples  journeyed,  they  began  to 

24  pluck  the  ears  of  corn.     And  the  Pharisees  said  to  him,   "Look!  why 

25  are  they  doing  what  is  wrong  upon  the  sabljath-day  ? "  And  he  says  to 
them,  "  Have  you  never  read  what  David  did  when  he  was  in  need,  and 

26  he  and  his  companions  were  hungry  ?  How  he  went  into  the  house  of 
God,  when  Abiathar  was  high-priest,  and  ate  the  show-hread,  which  no  one 
except   the  priests  has  any  right  to  eat ;  and  gave  it  also  to  his  com- 

27  panions  ? "     And  he  said  to  them, 

"  The  sabbath  was  made  for  man,  and  not  man  for  the  sabbath  : 

28  So  the  Son  of  man  is  lord  even  of  the  sabbath." 

3  1         And  he  again  entered  a  synagogue  ;  and  a  man  was  there  with  his 

2  hand  withered.     And  they  were  watching  him  narrowly  to  see  if  he 

3  would  heal  him  on  the  sabbath-day,  in  order  to  accuse  him.     And  he  says 

4  to  the  man  who  had  the  withered  hand,  "  Rise  and  come  forward."  And 
he  says  to  them,    "  Is  it  right  to  help  or  to  harm  on  the  sabbath-day  ? 

5  to  save  life  or  to  kill  it"?"  But  they  kept  silence.  Then  after  looking 
round  on  them  with  anger,  grieved  at  the  hardening  of  their  heart,  he 
says  to  the  man,  "  Stretch  out  the  hand."     And  as  he  stretched  it  out,  his 

6  hand  was  restored.  And  the  Pharisees  went  out  and  immediately  proceeded 
to  consult  3  with  the  Herodians  against  him,  how  to  destroy  him. 

7  And  Jesus  retired  to  the  sea  with  his  disciples.     And  a  great  multi- 

1  Omittiug  [[««(  cT/»£i]].  "  Omitting  [[iAX»  »r»o»  not  us  i.irxou(  xxivcus]]. 

2  Reading  tS/'Sou*. 


280  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [.3^-4^ 

8  tude  followed  from  Galilee,  and  from  Judaea  and  from  Jerusalem  and 
and  from  Idumaea  and  from  across  the  Jordan  and  tlie  neighbourhood  of 
Tyre  and  Sidon — a  great  multitude,  on  hearing  all  that  he  was  doing, 

9  came  to  him.     And  owing  to  the  crowd  he  told  his  disciples  to  have  a 

10  small  boat  in  attendance  upon  him,  that  he  might  not  be  crushed  ;  for 
he  had  healed  many,  and  the  result  was  that  all  who  had  plagues  were 

1 1  pressing  on  him  to  touch  him.     And  whenever  the  unclean  spirits  saw 
him,  they  fell  down  before  him  and  shouted,  "  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God  !  " 

12  But   he  repeatedly  charged  them  not  to  make  him  known. 

13  Then  he  goes  up  the  mountain,  and  summons  those  whom  he  would  ; 

14  and  they  went  away  to  him.     And  he  ajjpointed  twelve,^  whom  he  also 
named  "apostles"  ;  that  they  might  be  with  him,  and  that  he  might  send 

15  them  out  to  preiich  and  to  possess  authority  for  casting  out  the  daemons. 

16  So  he  appointed  the  twelve  :  Simon  (he  surnamed  him  also  "  Peter  "), 

17  with  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  and  John  the  brother  of  James  (he  sur- 

18  named  them  also  "Boanerges,"  that  is,  "sons  of  thunder"),  and  Andrew 
and  Philip  and  Bartholomew  and  Matthew  and  Thomas,  and  James  the 

19  son  of  Alphaeus,  and  Thaddaeus  and  Simon  ("the  zealot"),  and  Judas  of 
Kerioth  (he  who  betrayed  him). 

20  Then  he  comes  home  ;  and  again  the  crowd  gathers,  so  that  they  could 

21  not  so  much  as  get  their  food.     And  when  his  relatives  heard  it,  they 
went  out  to  seize  him ;  for  they  said,  "  He  is  out  of  his  mind." 

22  And    the   scribes  who  had   come   down  from  Jerusalem  said,  "  He  has 
Beelzebub,"  and,  "  He  is  casting  out  the  daemons  with  the  help  of  the  ruler 

23  of  the  daemons."     So  summoning  them  he  said  to  them  in  parables, 

"  How  can  Satan  cast  out  Satan  ? 

24  And  if  a  realm  be  divided  against  itself, 

That  realm  cannot  stand  : 

25  And  if  a  household  be  divided  against  itself, 

That  house  will  not  be  able  to  stand  : 

26  And  if  Satan  has  risen  against  himself  and  is  divided, 

He  cannot  stand  ;  it  is  all  over  with  him. 

27  Nay  ;  no  one  can  enter  the  house  of  the  mighty  man  and  plunder  his 
goods  unless  first  of  all  he  binds  the  mighty  man ;  then  indeed  he  will 

28  plunder  his  house.     I  tell  you  truly, 

All  sins  shall  be  forgiven  the  sons  of  mt-n. 

And  all  the  blasphemies  wherewith  ever  they  blaspheme  : 

29  But  whoever  blasjahemes  against  the  holy  Spirit 
Never  has  forgiveness,  but  is  guilty  of  an  eternal  sin." 

30,  31  (This  was  l^ecause  they  said,  "  He  has  an  unclean  spirit.")  And 

his  mother  and  his  brothers  come,  and  standing  outside  they  sent  to  him 

32  and  called  him.     And  a  crowd  was  seated  round  him  ;  and  they  say  to  him, 
"  Here  are  thy  mother  and  thy  brothers  and  thy  sisters,  seeking  thee 

33  outside!"     And  he  says  to  them  in  reply,  "Who  are  my  mother  and  my 

34  brothers  ? "     Then  looking  round  on  them  who  sat  in  a  circle  about  hiui, 
he  says,  "  Plere  are  my  mother  and  my  brothers  ! 

35  Whoever  obeys  the  will  of  God, " 

That  is  my  brother  and  sister  and  mother." 

4  1        And  again  lie  started  to  teach  by  the  seaside.      Then  a  very  large 

crowd  gathers  to  him,  so  that  he  entered  a  boat  and  sat  there  on  the  sea, 

2  while  all  the  crowd  stayed  at  tlie  edge  of  the  sea  upon  the  land.     And  he 

taught  tliem  many  things  in  parables  ;  and  in  the  course  of  his  teaching 

he  said  to  tliem  : 

'  Adding  nii  y.oii  ocma-ToXiv;  uviaxrtv. 


4^-29]  MARK  281 

3  "  Listen  I  behold,  a  sower  went  out  to  sow. 

4  And  as  he  sowed  it  came  to  pass  that 

Some  seed  fell  along  the  path, 
And  the  birds  canje  and  ate  it  up. 

5  And  some  other  seed  fell  upon  the  rocky  ground,  where  it  had  not 

much  earth. 
And  shot  w])  immediately  because  it  had  no  depth  of  earth  ; 

6  But  when  the  sun  rose  it  was  scorched. 

And  because  it  had  no  root,  it  withered  awa}'. 

7  And  some  other  seed  fell  among  the  thorns. 

And  the  thorns  came  up  and  choked  it  ;  so  it  produced  no  crop. 

8  And  some  other  seeds  fell  into  the  good  soil. 

And  as  they  came  up  and  grew  they  produced  a  crop, 
Yea,  they  bore  thirty,  sixty,  and  a  hundred  fold." 
9,  10  And  he  said,  "  He  who  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear."  And 

when  he  was  alone,  his  associates  and  the  twelve  questioned  him  about  the 

1 1  parables.     Then  said  he  to  them, 

"  To  you  is  the  secret  of  God's  reign  given. 

But  to  those  outside  everything  is  imparted  by  way  of  parables  : 

12  That  they  may  see  and  see,  yet  not  perceive, 
And  hear  and  hear,  yet  not  understand, 

Lest  haply  they  should  turn  again  and  he  forgiven." 

13  And  lie  says  to  them,   "  Do  you  not  understand  this  parable  1    Then 

14  how  are  you  to  understand  all  the  parables '?     The  sower  is  sowing  the 

15  word.  The  following  are  the  people  who  are  'along  the  path,'  where 
the  word  is  sown— when  they  have  heard,  immediately  Satan  comes  and 

16  takes  away  the  word  sown  among  them.  And  in  the  same  way  the  follow- 
ing are  those  who  are  '  sown  upon  the  rocky  places ' — people  who,  when 

17  they  have  heard  the  word,  accept  it  immediately  with  joy  ;  yet  have  no 
root  in  themselves,  they  last  merely  for  a  time  ;  then,  at  the  rise  of  dis- 

18  tress  or  persecution  for  the  word,  they  are  immediately  repelled.  And 
others  are  those  who  are  '  sown  among  the  thorns ' :  they  are   people 

19  who  have  heard  the  word,  yet  the  anxieties  of  the  world  and  the  deceit 
of  riches  and  all  the  rest  of  the  desires  enter  in  to  choke  the  word  ;  and  it 

20  becomes  unfruitful.  And  these  are  those  who  were  '  sown  upon  the  good 
soil ' — people  Avho  hear  the  word  and  admit  it,  and  bear  fruit,  thirty,  sixty, 
and  a  hundred  fold." 

21  And  he  said  to  them, 

"  Is  the  lamp  brought  to  be  put  under  the  bushel  or  under  the  bed  ? 
Is  it  not  to  be  put  on  the  lampstand  ? 

22  For  nothing  is  hidden  except  to  be  disclosed, 

And  nothing  has  been  concealed  save  that  it  sliould  come  to  view. 
23,  24  If  anyone  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear."  And  he  said  to  them, 

"  Take  heed  what  you  hear. 

With  what  measure  you  measure, 

it  shall  be  measured  to  you,  and  added  to  you  besides. 

25  For  he  who  has, 

to  him  shall  be  given  : 
And  he  who  has  not, 

from  him  shall  be  taken  even  what  he  has." 

26  And  he  said,  "  So  is  the  reign  of  God  as  though  a  man  should  cast  his  seed 

27  upon  the  earth,  and  sleep  and  rise  by  night  and  by  day,  while  the  seed 

28  sprouts  and  springs  up— he  knows  not'how.     The  earth  produces  crops  by 

29  herself,  first  the  blade,  tlien  the  ear,  then  the  grain  full  in  the  ear.     But 


282  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4=^^-520 

wheu  the  crop  adiiiits  of  it,  lie  has  the  sickle  fid  in  immediately,  because  the 

30  harvest  has  arrived."  He  said  also, 

"  How  are  we  to  get  comparisons  for  the  reign  of  God  ? 
Or  in  what  i)arable  shall  w^e  set  it  ? 

31  It    is  like   a  grain   of  mustard-seed  :  when  sown  upon  the  earth  it  is 

32  smaller   than  any  seed  upon  the   earth,  and  yet  wlien   sown  it   comes 
up  to  be  greater  than  all  the  vegetables,  throwing  out  great  branches, 

33  so    that   the   birds   of  the    air    can   rest   under  its   shadoiv."    And    Avith 
many  parables  like  these  he  spoke  the  word  to  them,  as  they  were  able  to 

34  understand  it ;  excej^t  in  parable  he  did  not  speak  to  them.     In  private, 
however,  he  explained  everything  to  his  own  disciples. 

35  And  on  that  day  at  evening  he  says  to  them,  "  Let  us  cross  to  the 

36  opposite  side."     So  leaving  the  crowd  they  take  him  with  them  in  the 

37  boat,  just  as  he  was,  accompanied  by  other  boats.     And  a  great  squall  of 
wind  rises  ;  and  the  waves  began  to  beat  into  the  boat,  so  that  the  boat 

38  was  already  filling.     And  he  was  in  the  stern,  asleep  on  the  cushion.     So 
they  wake  him  and  say  to  him,  "  Teacher,  carest  thou  not  that  we  are 

39  perishing  ? "     Then  awakening  he  rebuked  the  wind  and  said  to  the  sea, 
"  Peace  !  silence  !  "     And  the  wind  dropped,  and  there  was  a  great  calm. 

40  Then  he  said  to  them,  "Why  are  you  timid  ?  have  you  no  faith  yet?" 

41  And  they  feared  greatly,  and  said  to  one  another,  "Who  then  is  this,  that 
even  the  wind  and  the  sea  obey  hitn  ? " 

5  1        And  they  reached  the  opposite  side  of  the  sea,  the  country  of  the 

2  Gerasenes.     And  when  he  stepped  out  of  the  boat  he  was  immediately 

3  met  by  a  man  from  the  tombs  with  an  unclean  spirit,  who  had  his  dwell- 
ing in  the  tombs.     And  no  man  could  bind  him  any  longer,  not  even 

4  with  a  chain,  for  he  had  often  been  bound  with  fetters  and  chains,  and 
the  chains  had  been  torn  asunder  by  him  and  the  fetters  broken  to  pieces  ; 

5  and  no  man  had  strength  to  tame  him.     And  all  the  time,  night  and 
day,  among  the  tombs  and  among  the  mountains  he  kept  shouting  and 

G  gashing  himself  with  stones.      And  on  seeing  Jesus  from  afar  he  ran 

7  and  did  him  reverence,  shouting  with  a  loud  voice,  "  What  have  I  to  do 
with  thee,  Jesus,  Son  of  the  most  High  God?     I  adjure  thee  by  God, 

8  torment  me  not ! "     (For  Jesus  was  saying  to  him,  "  Evil  spirit,  leave 

9  the   man.")      Then    he   questioned    him,  "What  is  thy  name?"     And 

10  he  says  to  him,  "'Legion'  is  my  name,  for  we  are  many."     And  they 

11  repeatedly  besought  him  not  to  send  them  away  from  the  country.     Now 

12  a  large  drove  of  swine  was  there,  grazing   on    the   mountain   side ;    so 
they  besought  him,  "Send  us  into  the  swine,  tliat  we  may  enter  them." 

13  And  he  gave  them  permission.     And  the  unclean  spirits  went  out  and 
entered  the  swine  ;  and  the  drove,  aljout  two  thousand  in  number,  rushed 

14  down  the  steep  slope  into  the  sea,  and  were  drowned  in  the  sea.    And 
the  herdsmen  lied  and  brought  word  of  it  to  the  city  and  the  hamlets. 

15  And  the  people  came  to  see  what  had  happened.     And  they  come  to 
Jesus  and  see  the  man  who  had  been  possessed  by  daemons  sitting,  clothed 

16  and  sane,  the  man  who  had  had  the  "  legion."     And  they  were  afraid.    And 
those  who  had  seen  it  descriljed  to  them  what  liad  hajipened  to  the  man  who 

17  had  been  possessed  by  daemons  and  all  about  the  swine.    And  they  started 

18  to  appeal  to  him  to  depart  from  their  territory.     And  as  he  was  entering 
the  boat,  the  man  who  had  been  possessed  by  daemons  l)esought  him  that  he 

19  might  accompany  him.     But  he  would  not  allow  him.     "  Go  home  to  thy 
people,"  says  he  to  him,  "  and  relate  to  them  all  that  the  Lord  has  done  for 

20  thee,  and  all  his  pity  for  thee."     So  he  departed  and  began  to  ])roclaim  in 
the  Dekapolis  region  all  that  Jesus  had  done  for  him.     And  all  marvelled. 


5-1-6S]  MARK  283 

21  And  when  Jesus  again  crossed  over  in  the  boat  to  the  opposite  side  a 
hirge  crowd  had  gathered  to  meet  him  ;  so  he  remained  beside  tlie  sea. 

22  Then  there  comes  one  of  the  presidents  of  the   synagogue,  Jaeiros  by 

23  name ;  and  on  seeing  him  he  falls  at  his  feet  repeatedly,  beseeching  him 
with  the  words,  "  My  little  daughter  is  at  the  point  of  death.     0  come 

24  and  lay  thy  hands  on  her,  that  she  may  be  restored  to  life  !  "  Then  he 
went  away  with  him.     And  a  large  crowd  followed  him,  and  people  were 

25  pressing  round  him.  And  there  was  a  woman  who  had  had  an  issue 

26  of  blood  for  twelve  years  ;  she  had  suffered  much  under  many  physicians, 
and  had  spent  all  her  means,  yet  was  none  the  better,  but  had  rather 

27  grown  worse.     She  had  heard  about  Jesus,  and  coming  behind  him  in  the 

28  crowd  she  touched  his  cloak  (for  she  kept  saying,  "  If  I  touch  but  his 

29  garments,  I  shall  be  restored  ").  Then  the  flow  of  her  blood  was  immedi- 
ately dried  up,  and  she  felt  in  her  body  that  she  was  cured  of  her  plague. 

30  And  Jesus,  conscious  immediately  that  power  had  gone  out  from  him, 
turned  round  in  the  crowd  and  said,   "  Who  touched  my  garments  ? " 

31  And  his  disciples  said  to  him,  "Thou  seest  the  crowd  is  pressing  round 

32  thee,  yet  thou  sayest,  '  Who  touched  me  ? ' !  "     But  he  kept  looking  round 

33  about  to  see  her  who  had  done  this.  So  the  woman,  aware  of  what  had 
happened  to  her,  came  in  fear  and  trembling,  fell  down  before  him,  and 

34  told  him  all  the  truth.     And  he  said  to  her,  "  Daughter,  thy  faith  has  re- 

35  stored  thee.  Go  in  peace  and  l^e  healed  from  thy  plague."  While 
he  was  still  speaking,  people  came  from  the  house  of  the  president  of  the 
synagogue  saying,  "  Thy  daughter  is  dead.     Why  trouble  the  teacher  any 

36  further  1 "     But  paying  no  heed  to  what  they  were  saying,  Jesus  says  to 

37  the  president  of  the  synagogue,  "  Fear  not,  only  believe."  And  he  would 
not  let  anyone  accompany  him,  except  Peter  and  James  and  John  the 

38  brother  of  James.  And  they  go  to  the  house  of  the  president  of  the 
synagogue.     And  observing  a  tumult  of  people  wailing  with  many  tears 

39  and  shrill  cries,  he  went  in  and  says  to  them,  "  Why  wail  and  weep  ?  the 

40  child  is  not  dead  but  asleep."  And  they  laughed  him  to  scorn.  But 
after  putting  them  all  out  he  takes  aside  the  father  of  the  child  and  her 

41  mother  and  his  companions,  and  goes  in  to  where  the  child  lay.  And 
taking  the  child's  hand  he  says  to  her,  "  Talitha  koum "  (which  when 

42  translated  means,  "  Little  girl,  I  say  to  thee,  rise  ").  And  immediately 
the  girl  rose  up  and  began  to  walk  (for  she  was  twelve  years  old).     Then 

43  they  were  immediately  thrown  into  great  amazement.  But  he  enjoined 
them  earnestly  that  no  one  was  to  know  of  this,  and  told  them  to  give  her 
something  to  eat. 

6  1        And  he  departed  thence,  and  enters  his  own  native  place,  followed  by 

2  his  disciples.  And  when  the  sabbath  came,  he  began  to  teach  in  the 
synagogue  ;  and  most  people,  as  they  heard  him,  were  astonished  and 
said,  "Where  has  he  got  this?"  and '"What  is  the  wisdom  he  has  had 
given  him  ? "  and  "  What  mean  such  miracles  as  these  worked  by  his 

3  hands?"  "Is  he  not  the  carpenter,  the  son  of  Mary  and  the  brother  of 
James  and  Joses  and  Judas  and  Simon  ?     And  are  not  his  sisters  here 

4  with  us  ?"  So  they  were  repelled  by  him.  And  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  A 
prophet  is  not  unhonoured  except  in  his  own  native  place  and  among  his 

5  own  kinsfolk  and  in  his  own  household."  And  he  could  not  work  any 
miracle  there,  beyond  laying  his  hands  upon  a  few  sick  people  and 
healing  them.     And  he  marvelled  at  their  unbelief. 

6,  7        And  he  made  a  tour  through  the  villages,  teaching.     Also,  calling  the 

twelve  to  him,  he  started  to  send  them  out  two  by  two,  giving  them 

8  authority  over  the  unclean  spirits  ;  and  he  charged  them  to  take  nothing 


284  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [6^~^^ 

for  their  journey  except  a  staff,  no  l)read,  no  wallet,  no  money  in  their 
9  girdles,  but  to  go  shod  with  sandals,  "  and  "  (he  said)  "  put  not  on  two 

10  tunics."     And   he   said  to  them,   "  Wherever  you  enter  a  house,  stay 

11  there  till  you  leave  the  place.  And  whatever  place  will  not  receive  you, 
and  the  people  refuse  to  listen  to  you,  when  you  are  leaving  there,  shake 

12  otf  the  dust  that  is  under  your  feet,  for  a  witness  to  them."     And  they 

13  went  out  and  preached  that  men  were  to  repent.  And  they  cast  out 
many  daemons,  and  anointed  many  sick  people  with  oil  and  healed  them. 

14  And  king  Herod  heard  of  it— for  his  name  had  become  known, 
and  people  said,i  "John  the  baptizer  is  risen  from  the  dead,  and  that  is 

15  why  miraculous  powers  are  active  in  him."     Others  said,  "  It  is  Elijah," 

16  others  again,  "  It  is  a  prophet,  like  one  of  the  prophets."  But  when 
Herod  heard  of  it,  he  said,  "John  whom  I  beheaded,  he  has  risen." 

17  For  he,  Herod,  had  sent  and  seized  John  and  bound  him  in  prison 
for  the  sake  of  Herodias  the  wife  of  his  brother  Philip  (because  he 

18  had  married  her).     For  John  had  repeated  to  Herod,  "  Thou  hast  no 

19  right  to  have  thy  brother's  wife."     Now  Herodias  cherished  a  grudge 

20  against  hiiu  and  wanted  to  kill  him  ;  but  she  could  not.  For 
Herod  stood  in  awe  of  John,  as  he  knew  him  to  be  an  upright  and 
holy  man  ;  so  he  kept  him  safe.     And  when  he  listened  to  him  he 

21  was  greatly  perturbed  ;  yet  he  was  glad  to  listen  to  him.  Then  a 
convenient  day  arrived.  Herod  on  his  birthday  made  a  feast  for 
his  magnates  and  for  the  generals  and  the  leading  men  of  Galilee, 

22  and  the  daughter  of  Herodias  went  in  and  danced,  to  the  delight  of 
Herod  and  the  other  guests.     And  the  king  said  to  the  girl,  "  Ask 

23  me  whatever  thou  wilt  and  I  will  give  it  thee."  And  he  swore  to 
her,  "Whatever  thou  shalt  ask  ^  I  will  give  thee — were  it  the  half 

24  of  my  realm  !"     So  she  went  out  and  said  to  her  mother,  "What 

25  am  I  to  ask  ? "  She  said,  "  The  head  of  John  the  baptizer."  Then 
immediately  she  went  in  with  haste  to  the  king  and  asked,  saying, 
"  I  want  thee  to  give  me  directly  on  a  dish  the  head  of  John  the 

26  baptizer."     And  the  king  was  very  sorry.     Still,  for  the  sake  of  his 

27  oaths  and  of  his  guests  he  was  unwilling  to  disappoint  her.  So  the 
king  immediately  sent  out  a  soldier  of  the  guard  with  orders  to 

28  bring  his  head  ;  and  he  went,  beheaded  him  in  the  prison,  brought 
his  head  on  a  dish,  and  gave  it  to  the  girl ;  and  the  girl  gave  it  to 

29  her  mother.  And  on  hearing  of  it,  his  disciples  came  and  carried 
away  his  corpse  and  laid  it  in  a  tomb. 

30  And  tlie  apostles  gather  to  Jesus,  and  they  reported  to  him  all  that 

31  they  had  done  and  all  that  they  had  taught.  And  he  says  to  them, 
"  Come  by  yourselves  into  a  desert  place  in  private,  and  rest  a  little." 
(For  there  were  many  people  coining  and  going,  and  they  had  no  time 

32  even  to  eat.)     And  they  went  off  in  the  boat  to  a  desert  place  in  private. 

33  Yet  many  peo])le  saw  and  recognised  them  as  they  went,  and  gathering 
3-1  hurriedly  on  foot  from  all  the  cities  they  got  there  before  them.     So  on 

disembarking  he  saw  a  large  crowd,  and  moved  with  compassion  for 
them,  because  they  were  like  sheep  loitlioiU  a  shepherd,  he  began  to  teach 

35  them  many  things.  And  as  the  day  was  now  far  advanced,  his  disciples 
came  to  hiin  and  said,  "  It  is  a  desert  place,  and  the  day  is  now  far 

36  advanced  ;  dismiss  them,  that  they  may  go  into  the  surrounding  hamlets 

37  and  villages  and  buy  themselves  something  to  eat."  He  answered  and 
said  to  them,  "  (Jive  them  something  to  eat,  yourselves."  And  they  say 
to  him,  "  Are  we  to  go  and  spend  two  hundred  shillings  upon  bread,  and 

1  Rea(Uiis<  Ikiyov.  -  Oiiiittiiig  |U.e. 


6-'*-7^-'J  MARK  285 

38  give  tliem  to  eat  ? "  And  he  says  to  them,  "  How  many  loaves  have  you  ? 
Go  and  see."     And  when  they  had  ascertained  it,  they  say,  "  Five  ;  and 

39  two  fish."     Then  he  ordered  them  all  to  recline  in  parties  on  the  green 
40,  41  grass.     So  they  lay  down  in  groups,  by  hundreds  and  by  fifties.     Then  he 

took  the  five  loaves  and  the  two  fisli,  looked  up  to  heaven,  and  after  the 

blessing  broke  the  loaves  in  pieces  ;  and  he  went  on  giving  them  to  the 

disciples  to  set  before  them,  and  divided  the  two  fish  among  them  all. 

42,  43  And  they  all  ate  and  were  satisfied.     Also,  they  took  up  twelve  baskets 

44  full  of  fragments  of  the  laread  and  also  of  the  iish.     (And  those  who  ate 

45  the  loaves  numbered  five  thousand  men.)  Then  he  immediatelv 
made    his    disciples    embark   in    the    boat   and   go   before   him  to    the 

46  opposite  side,  to   Bethsaida,  until  he  dismissed  the  crowd.     And  after 

47  taking  leave  of  them  he  went  away  up  the  mountain  to  pray.  And 
when   evening  came   the   boat  was   in   mid-sea,  while  he   was"^  on   the 

48  land  alone.  And  when  he  saw  them  harassed  as  they  rowed  (for  the 
wind  was  contrary  to  them),  he  comes  to  them  about  the  fourth  watch 
of   the  night  walking  on  the  sea.     And  he  would  have  passed  them, 

49  but  when  they  saw  him  walking  on  the  sea  they  imagined  it  was  an 

50  apparition  and  shrieked  ;  for  they  all  saw  him  and  were  troubled.  But  he 
immediatelv  talked  to  them  ;    "  Be  of  good  cheer,"  he   says   to   them, 

51  "  it  is  I,  be  not  afraid."  And  he  got  up  beside  them  in  the  boat,  and  the 
wind  droj^ped.      And  they  were   greatly  ^   amazed  within    themselves  ; 

52  for   they  did   not   understand   about   the   loaves,   but   their   heart  was 

53  hardened.  And   on   crossing  over   to   the   land  they  came  to 

54  Gennesaret  and   moored    to   the   shore.      And   when   they  had    disem- 

55  barked  from  the  boat,  the  people  immediately  recognised  him,  and 
went  hurrying  round  the  whole  of  that  district,  and  started  to  carry 
about   on  their  pallets   those   who   were   ill,    wherever   they   heard    he 

56  was.  And  wherever  he  entered  villages  or  cities  or  hamlets,  they 
would  lay  the  sick  in  the  market-places  beseeching  him  to  let  them 
touch  were  it  only  the  tassel  of  his  cloak  :  and  all  who  touched  it 
were  restored. 

7  1        And  there  gather  to  him  the  Pharisees  and  some  of  the  scribes,  who 

2  had  come  down  from  Jerusalem.     They  had  observed  that  some  of  his 

3  disciples  ate  their  food  with  unclean  (that  is,  unwashed)  hands. — For  the 
Pharisees  and  all  the  Jews  refuse  to  eat  without  vigorously  washing  their 

4  hands  ;  as  they  hold  to  the  tradition  of  the  elders.  Also,  they  refuse  to 
eat  after  coming  from  the  market-place,  until  they  sprinkle  themselves. - 
And  there  are  many  other  matters  which  they  have  received  and  hold  to, 

5  washings  of  cups  and  pots  and  brazen  vessels. — Then  the  Pharisees  and 
the  scribes  question  him,  "Why  do  not  thy  disciples  walk  after  the 
tradition   of   the   elders,    instead   of    eating   their   bread   with   unclean 

6  hands  ? "     And  he  said  to  them, 

"  Finely  did  Isaiah  jDrophesy  about  you  hypocrites,  as  it  is  written  : 
This  people  honours  vie  with  their  lips, 
While  tlieir  heart  is  far  aiuay  from  me ; 

7  Yet  in  vain  do  they  worship  me, 

Teaching  doctrines  which  are  mere  human  precepts. 

8  You  omit  God's  commandment 

And  hold  to  man's  tradition." 

9  And  he  said  to  them, 

"  A  fine  thing  it  is  for  you  to  set  aside  God's  commandment 
That  you  may  keep  your  own  tradition  ! 
1  Omitting  [[fy-  ^^pitrirov]].  -  Reading  p«»T<Va/»T«(. 


286  HISTOKICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [I'^^-S^ 

10  For  Moses  said  : 

Honour  thy  father  and  thy  mother,  and 

He  who  speaks  evil  of  father  or  mother,  let  him  surely  die. 

11  But  you  say  : 

If  a  man  says  to  liis  father  or  his  mother,  '  What  I  might  have 
used  to  aid  thee  is  Korban '  (that  is  to  say,  '  given  to  God '), 

12  You  allow  him  no  longer  to  do  anything  for  his  father  or  his 

mother. 

13  You  cancel  God's  word  by  your  tradition  wliicli  you  have  handed  on. 

14  And  you  do  many  a  thing  like  that."  Then  calling  the  crowd  to  him 
again  he  said  to  them,  "  Listen  to  me,  all  of  you,  and  understand. 

15  Nothing  can  make  a  man  unclean  by  entering  him  from  outside  ; 
Nay,  what  makes  a  man  unclean  is  that  which  issues  from  a  man." 

17  And  when  he  went  away  from  the  crowd  into  the  house,  his  disciples 

18  plied  him  with  (][uestions  about  the  paraVtle.  And  he  says  to  them,  "  So 
you  are  ignorant  also  1     Do  you  not  understand  that  whatever  is  on  the 

19  outside  and  enters  a  man  cannot  make  him  unclean  1  It  enters  his  belly, 
not  his  heart,  and  passes  out  into  the  drain  "(He  thus  pronounced  all 

20  foods  clean).     And  he  said,  "  What  issues  from  a  man  is  what  makes  a 

21  man  unclean.     For  out  of  the  heart  of  men  within,  issue  the  wicked 

22  designs,  fornications,  thefts,  murders,  adulteries,  coveting,  malice,  deceit, 

23  sensuality,  enviousness,  slander,  haughtiness,  recklessness :  all  these 
wicked  things  issue  from  within  and  make  a  man  unclean." 

24  Now  he  rose  and  went  away  from  there  into  the  territory  of  Tyre.^ 
And   going   into   a   house   he   Avished   no   one  to  know  of  it.     Yet  he 

25  could  not  escape  notice ;  immediately  a  woman,  whose  little  daughter 
had  an  unclean  spirit,  came  when  she  heard  of  him  and  fell  down  at  his 

26  feet.     (Tlie  woman  was  a  Gentile,  a  Syrophoenician  by  race.)    And  she 

27  begged  him  to  cast  the  daemon  out  of  her  daughter.  But  he  kept  say- 
ing to  her,  "  Let  the  children  be  satisfied  first.     It  is  not  fair  to  take  the 

28  children's  bread  and  throw  it  to  the  dogs."  And  she  answered  and  says  to 
him,  "True,  sir.    Yet  the  dogs  eat  the  children's  crumbs  below  the  table !" 

29  And  he  said  to  her,  "  For  this  saying  go  thy  way ;  the  daemon  has  left 

30  thy  daughter."     And  she  went  away  home  and  found  the  child  lying  on 

31  the  bed  with  the  daemon  gone  from  her.  Then  once  more  he  left  the 
territory  of  Tyre  and  went  through  Sidon  to  the  sea  of  Galilee  through  the 

32  middle  of  the  district  of  Dekapolis.     And  they  bring  him  a  man  who  was 

33  deaf  and  stammering,  beseeching  him  to  lay  his  hand  upon  him.  So  he 
took  him  aside  privately  from  the  crowd  and  jjut  his  fingers  into  his  ears  ; 

34  and  after  spitting  he  touched  his  tongue.  And  looking  up  to  heaven  he 
groaned;    then   he  says  to  him,   "Ephphatha"  (that  is,  "be  opened"). 

35  And  his  ears  were  opened,  and  the  bond  of  his  tongue  was  loosened  and 

36  he  began  to  speak  correctly.     And  he  enjoined  them  to  tell  no  one  ;  but 

37  the  more  he  charged  them,  the  more  widely  they  proclaimed  it.  And 
they  were  astonished  beyond  measure,  saying,  "  He  has  done  everything 
well  :  he  makes  even  the  deaf  hear  and  the  dumb  speak." 

8  1         In  those  days  again  there  was  a  great  crowd  and  they  had  nothing  to 

2  eat.     And  he  called  his   disciples  to   him  and  says  to  them,   "  I  have 
compassion  on  the  crowd,  because  for  three  days  now  they  have  stayed 

3  by  me,  and  they  have  nothing  to  eat.    Besides,  if  I  send  them  away  home 
fasting,  they  will  faint  on  the  road.     And  some  of  them  have  come  a  long 

4  distance."     And  his  disciples  answered  him,  "Where  can  one  get  bread 

5  to  satisfy  these  men,  here  in  a  desert?"     And  he  asked  them,  "How 

1  Omitting  [[*«)  ytlSvo;]]. 


8^-^^]  MARK  287 

6  many  loaves  have  you  1 "  And  they  said,  "  Seven."  Then  he  charges 
the  crowd  to  lie  down  on  the  ground.  And  he  took  the  seven  loaves, 
gave  thanks,  broke  them  and  went  on  giving  to  his  disciples  to  set  before 

7  the  crowd  ;  and  they  set  the  food  before  them.  And  they  had  a  few 
small  fish,  and  after  blessing  them  he  told  them  to  set  these  before  them 

8  as  well.     So  they  ate  and  were  satisfied.     And  they  took  up  seven  large 

9  baskets  of  fragments  that  were  left  over  (the  people  numbered  about  four 

10  thousand).     Then  he  dismissed  them,  and  immediately  entered  the  boat 

1 1  with  his  disciples  and  went  into  the  districts  of  Dalmanutha.  And 
the  Pharisees  came  out  and  started  to  dispute  with  him,  requiring  from 

12  him  a  sign  from  the  sky,  to  make  trial  of  him.  And  he  sighed  heavily 
in  his  sjjirit  and  says, 

"  Why  does  this  generation  require  a  sign  ? 

I  tell  you  truly,  no  sign  shall  be  given  this  generation." 

13  And  he  left  them,  entered  the  boat  again,  and  departed  to  the  opposite  side. 

14  And  they  had  forgotten  to  take  bread,  and  had  not  with  them 

15  in  the  boat  more  than  a  single  loaf.    And  he  enjoined  them,  saying,  "See 

16  and  beware  of  the  leaven  of  the  Pharisees  and  the  leaven  of  Herod  !  "   And 

17  they  argued  with  one  another,  "  It  is  because  we  have  no  bread."  But  on 
perceiving  it  he  says  to  them,  "Why  argue  because  you  have  no  bread? 
Do  you  not  yet  understand,  do  you  not  yet  make  it  out  ?     Is  your  heart 

18  hardened  ?     You  have  eyes,  do  you  not  see?  you  have  ears,  do  you  not  hear? 

19  and  do  you  not  remember  how  many  baskets  full  of  fragments  you  took 
up  when  I  broke  the  five  loaves  among  the  five  thousand  '.^ "     They  say  to 

20  him  "Twelve."  "And  how  many  large  baskets  of  fragments  did  you 
take  up  when  I  broke  the  seven  among  tlie  four  thousand  '( "    And  they  say 

21  to  him  "  Seven."     Then  he  said  to  them,  "  Do  you  not  yet  understand  ? " 

22  And  they  came  to  Bethsaida.     And  people  bring  him  a  blind  man 

23  and  beseech  him  to  touch  him.  And  he  took  hold  of  the  blind  man's 
hand  and  brought  him  outside  the  village.  And  after  spitting  upon  his 
eyes  and  laying  his  hands  on  him,  he  asked  him,  "  Beholdest  tliou  any- 

24  tiling?"     And  he  looked  up  and  said,  "I  behold  people:    I  see  them 

25  walking,  like  trees."  Then  he  laid  his  hands  once  more  upon  his  eyes  ; 
and  the  man  stared  straight  before  him,  and  was  quite  restored,  and 

26  began  to  distinguish  everything  clearly.  And  he  sent  him  away  home, 
saying,  "  Do  not  even  enter  the  village." 

27  "  And  Jesus  went  away  with  his  discijjles  to  the  village  of  Caesarea 
Philippi.     And  on  the  road  he  questioned  his  disciples,  saying  to  them, 

28  "Who  do  people  say  that  I  am?"  And  they  told  him,  "'John  the 
baptizer.'     Yet  others  say,  'Elijah' ;  and  others,  'One  of  the  proi^hets.'" 

29  And  he  questioned  them,  "  But  you — who  do  you  say  that  I  am  ? "    Peter 

30  answering  says  to  him,  "Thou  art  the  Christ."     And  he  charged  them 

31  to  tell  no  one  about  him.  And  he  began  to  teach  them  that  the 
Son  of  man  must  suffer  much,  and  be  rejected  by  the  elders  and  the  high 
priests  and  the  scribes,  and  be  killed,  and  after  three  days  rise  again. 

32,  33  Indeed  he  uttered  the  saying  openly.  Then  Peter  took  him  and  started 
to  rebuke  him  ;  but  he  turned,  and  on  seeing  his  disciples  he  rebuked 
Peter  saying,  "  Get  behind  me,  thou  Satan  !     Thy  mind  is  not  on  the 

34  affairs  of  God,  but  on  the  affairs  of  men."  And  he  called  the  crowd  to 
liim  with  his  disciples  and  said  to  them, 

"  If  any  man  would  come  after  me, 

Let  him  deny  himself,  take  up  his  cross,  and  follow  me. 

35  For  whoever  would  save  his  life 

Shall  lose  it  : 


288  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [S^^-g^^ 

And  whoever  sliall  lose  Ms  life  for  my  sake  and  the  gospel's, 
Shall  save  it. 

36  What  use  is  it  for  a  man  to  gain  the  whole  world  and  forfeit  his  life  ? 

37  What  could  a  man  give  in  exchange  for  his  life  ? 

38  For  wlioever  is  ashamed  of  me  and  of  my  words 

In  this  adulterous  and  sinful  generation, 
The  Son  of  man  shall  also  be  ashamed  of  him, 

When  he  comes  in  his  Father's  majesty  with  the  holy  angels." 
9  1  And  he  said  to  them,  "I  tell  you  truly,  there  are  some  of  those  stand- 
ing here  who  shall  not  taste  death,  until  they  see  the  coming  of  God's 

2  reign  with  power."  And  after  six  days  Jesus  takes  Peter  and 
James  and  John  aside,  and  brings  them  up  a  high  mountain  privately, 

3  alone.  And  he  was  transformed  before  them  ;  and  his  garments 
glistened  witli  a  vivid  whiteness  such  as  no  fuller  on  earth  can  produce. 

4  And  Elijah  together   with   Moses  appeared  to   them  ;   and   they   were 

5  talking  with  Jesus.  Then  Peter  breaking  in  says  to  Jesus,  "  Rabbi, 
it    is    tine   for    us    to    be    here.     Now,  let   us   make  three  booths,  one 

G  for  thee  and  one  for  Moses  and  one  for  Elijah."     (He  did  not  know 

7  what  to  sa}-,  for  they  were  frightened.)  And  a  cloud  came  overshadow- 
ing them,  and  a  voice  came  out  of  the  cloud,  "  This  is  my  Son,  the  be- 

8  loved  :  listen  to  him."     And  suddenly  on  looking  round  they  no  longer 

9  saw  anyone  except  Jesus  alone  with  themselves.  And  as  they  were 
descending  from  the  mountain  he  enjoined  them  not  to  describe  to  any- 
one what  they  had  seen,  until  after  the  Son  of  man  should  have  arisen 

10  from  the  dead.     And  they  kept  hold  of  the  saying,  discussing  among 

11  themselves  wliat  the  "arising  from  the  dead  meant."  And  they  plied 
him  with  tlie  question,  "  How  is  it  that  the  scribes  say,  Elijah  must 

12  come  first?"  And  he  said  to  them,  ^^ Elijah  comes  first  indeed,  and  he 
restores  all.     (And  yet,  how  is  it  written  regarding  the  Son  of  man  ?  that 

13  he  is  to  suffer  much  and  be  despised.)  But  I  tell  you  :  Elijah  has  actually 
come,  and  they  have  done  to  him  whatever  they  pleased,  even  as  it  is 
written  of  him." 

14  And  when  they  came  to  the  disciples  they  saw  a  large  crowd  round 

15  them,  and  the  scribes  in  a  discussion  with  them.  And  on  seeing  him  all 
the  crowd  were  immediately  astounded,  and  running  to  him  they  saluted 

16  him.     And  he  questioned  them,  "  What  are  you  discussing  with  them  ? " 

17  And  a  man  out  of  the  crowd  answered  him,  "Teacher,  1  brought  thee 

18  my  son.  He  has  a  dumb  spirit ;  and  whenever  it  seizes  him  it  hurls  him 
down  ;  and  lie  foams  and  grinds  liis  teeth.     And  he  is  2>ining  away.     So 

19  I  told  tliy  disciples  to  cast  it  out  ;  but  they  had  no  power."  He  says  to 
them  in  answer,  "  0  incredulous  generation,  how  long  am  I  to  be  with 

20  you  ■?  how  long  am  I  to  bear  with  you  ?  Bring  him  to  me."  And  they 
brought  him  to  him.  But  on  seeing  him  the  spirit  immediately  con- 
vulsed him  terribly,  and  falling  on  the  ground  he  rolled  about  foaming. 

21  And  he  asked  his  father,  "  How  long  is  it  since  this  befell  him  ? "     And 

22  he  said,  "  From  childhood.  And  many  a  time  it  has  thrown  him  now 
into  fire,  now  into  water,  to  destroy  him.     But  if  thou  canst  do  anything, 

23  have  compassion  upon  us  and  help  us."     Jesus  said  to  him,  "'If  thou 

24  canst' ! — Anything  can  be  done  for  the  man  who  believes."  Immediately 
the  father  of  the  child  shouted  and  said,  "  I  do  believe.     Help  my  un- 

25  belief  I "  Now  as  Jesus  saw  that  a  crowd  was  hurrying  together,  he  re- 
buked the  unclean  spirit,  saying  to  it,  "  Thou  dumb  and  deaf  spirit,  I 

26  command  thee,  leave  him  and  never  enter  him  again."  Then  after  crying 
and  wildly  convulsing  him  it  came  out,  and  the  child  turned  like  a 


9-^-1 02]  MARK  289 

27  coqjse  ;  so  that  most  of  the  people  said,  "  He  is  dead."     But  Jesus  took 

28  him  by  the  hand  and  raised  him,  and  he  arose.  And  when  he  went 
into   the   house   his  disciples   plied  him  in  private  with  the  question, 

29  "How  is  it  that  we  could  not  cast  it  out?"  And  he  said  to  them, 
"  Nothing  can  make  this  kind  come  out,  except  prayer." 

30  Then  they  departed  thence  upon  their  journey  through  Galilee.     Yet 

31  he  wished  no  one  to  know  it ;  for  he  was  teaching  his  disciples  and 
telling  them,  "  The  Son  of  man  will  be  delivered  up  into  the  hands  of 
men,  and  they  shall  kill  him  ;  and  when  he  is  killed,  he  shall  rise  again 

32  after  three  days."  But  they  did  not  understand  the  saying,  and  they 
were  afraid  to  question  him. 

33  And  they  came  to  Kapharnahum.     And  when  he  was  in  the  house  he 

34  questioned  them,  "  What  were  you  arguing  about  on  the  road  ? "  And 
they  kept  silence,  for  they  had  been  disputing  with  one  another  on  the 

35  road  about  who  was  the  greatest.  So  he  sat  down,  called  the  twelve,  and 
says  to  them,  "  If  any  one  would  be  first,  he  shall  be  last  of  all  and  servant 

36  of  all."  Then  he  took  and  set  a  little  child  in  their  midst,  and  putting  his 
arms  round  it  he  said  to  them, 

37  "  Whoever  shall  receive  a  little  child  like  this  in  my  name,  receives  me : 

And  whoever  receives  me,  receives  not  me  so  much  as  him  who 
sent  me." 

38  [John  said  to  him,  "  Teacher,  we  saw  a  man  casting  out  daemons  in  thy 

39  name;^  and  we  ti'ied  to  prevent  him,  because  he  did  not  follow  us."  But 
Jesus  said,  "  Prevent  him  not. 

No  one  shall  work  a  miracle  in  my  name  and  then   decry  me 
presently  : 

40  He  who  is  not  against  us  is  for  us.] 

41  For  whoever  shall  give  you  were  it  only  a  cup  of  water  to  drink, 

because  you  are  Christ's, 
I  tell  you  truly,  he  shall  not  lose  his  reward  : 

42  And  whoever  shall  be  a  hindrance  to  one  of  these  little  ones  who 

believe. 
Better  for  him  were  a  great  mill-stone  fastened  round  his  neck, 
and  were  he  thrown  into  the  sea  ! 

43  And  shoiild  thy  hand  hinder  thee,  cut  it  away  : 

Better  for  thee  to  enter  life  maimed, 

Than  with  thy  two  hands  to  depart  into  Gehenna,  into  the  fire 
unquenchable  ! 
45  And  should  thy  foot  hinder  thee,  cut  it  away  : 

Better  for  thee  to  enter  life  lame. 

Than  with  thy  two  feet  to  be  thrown  into  Gehenna  ! 

47  And  should  thine  eye  hinder  thee,  pull  it  out : 

Better  for  thee  to  enter  God's  reign  with  one  eye. 
Than  with  two  eyes  to  be  thrown  into  Gehenna, 

48  Where  their  worm  dies  not  and  the  fire  is  not  quenched  ! 

49  For  with  fire  shall  everyone  be  salted. 

50  Salt  is  a  capital  thing  : 

But  if  salt  has  become  saltless,  wherewith  will  you  season  it  ? 
Have  salt  among  yourselves  : 
Yea,  be  at  peace  with  one  another." 
10  1        And  rising  up  he  goes  from  there  into  the  territory  of  Judaea  and  across 
the  Jordan.     And  crowds  again  gather  to  him ;  and  again  he  taught  them  as 
2  was  his  custom.  And  Pharisees  approached  him  and — to  make 

1    Omitting  [[«  ouy.  axoXouSti  rifx.lv'W. 

19 


290  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [lO^"^^ 

trial  of  him — questioned  him,  "  Is  it  right  for  a  man  to  divorce  his  wife  V 

3  And  he  answered  and  said  to  them,  "\Vhat  did  Moses  command  j^oii?' 

4  "  Moses,"  they  said,  "  gave  permission  to  write  a  hill  of  reimdiation  and  so 

5  divorce  her."     But  Jesus  said  to  them,   "  It  was  out  of  regard  for  your 

6  stubborness  of  heart  that  he  wrote  you  this  commandment.    But  from  the 

7  beginning  of  the  creation  male  and  female  he  made  them.     For  this  cause  a 

8  man  shall  leave  his  father  and  mother  y  and  the  two  shall  become  one  flesh. 

10  What  God  has  joined,  then,  let  not  man  separate."    And  in  the  house  the 

11  disciples  questioned  him  again  upon  this  subject.     And  he  says  to  them, 

"  Whoever  shall   divorce   his  wife   and    marry   another,  commits 
adultery  against  her. 

12  And    if    she  shall  divorce   her  husband  and  marry  another,  she 

commits  adultery." 

13  And  people  were  bringing  him  little  children  that  he  might  touch 

14  them  ;  but  the  disciples  rebuked  them.  When  Jesus  saw  it,  however,  he 
was  indignant  and  said  to  them, 

"  Let  the  little  children  come  to  me,  forbid  them  not ; 

15  For  of  such  is  the  reign  of  God. 

I  tell  you  truly,  whoever  shall  not  receive  the  reign  of  God  like  a  little  child. 
Shall  not  enter  it." 

16  Then  he  put  his  arms  round  them,  and  invoked  blessings  upon  them 
as  he  laid  his  hands  on  them. 

17  And  as  he  came  out  upon  the  road,  a  man  ran  to  him,  knelt  before 
him  and  questioned  him,  "  Good  teacher,  what  am  I  to  do,  to  inherit 

18  life  eternal  ■?"     Jesus  said  to  him,  "Why  call  me  'good"?     No  one  is 

19  good,  except  God  alone.  Thou  knowest  the  commandments  :  do  not 
murder,  do  not  commit  adultery,  do  not  steal,  do  not  bear  false  witness,  do  not 

20  defraud, /io?ioi6?'  thy  father  and  mother."     He  said  to  him,  "Teacher,  all 

21  these  have  I  observed  from  my  youth."  Jesus  looked  at  him  and  loved 
him  ;  then  he  said  to  him,  "One  thing  thou  lackest.  Go,  sell  whatever 
thou  hast  and  give  it  to  the  poor  ;  so  shalt  thou  have  treasure  in  heaven. 

22  Then  come,  follow  me."     But  his  face  clouded  over  at  the  saying,  and 

23  he  went  away  sorrowful ;  for  he  was  one  who  had  great  possessions. 
Then  Jesus  looked  round  him  ands  ays  to  his  disciples,  "With  what 

24  difficulty  shall  the  wealthy  enter  God's  reign  !  "  And  the  disciples  were 
amazed  at  what  he  said.  But  once  more  Jesus  addresses  them,  saying, 
"  Children,  how  difficult  it  is  to  enter  God's  reign  ! 

25  It  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  pass  through  a  needle's  eye, 

Than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  God's  reign." 

26  And  they  were  exceedingly  astonished,  and  said  to  themselves,  "  Then 

27  who  can  be  saved  ? "     Jesus  looked  at  them  and  says, 

"  With  men  it  is  impossible,  Ijut  not  with  God : 
for  anything  is  yossihle  ivith  God." 

28  Peter  began  to  say  to  him,  "  Lo,  we  have  left  all  and  followed  thee." 

29  Jesus  said,  "  I  tell  you  truly  ;  there  is  no  man  who  leaves  house  or 
brothers  or  sisters  or  mother  or  father  or  children  or  lands  for  my  sake 

30  and  for  the  gospel's  sake,  without  receiving  a  hundredfold  now  in  this 
time,  houses  and  brothers  and  sisters  and  mothers  and  children  and  lands, 

31  with  persecutions  ;  and  in  the  age  to  come,  life  eternal.  But  many  who 
are  first  shall  be  last,  and  the  last  first." 

32  Now  they  were  on  the  road  going  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  Jesus  went  in 
front  of  them.  And  they  were  in  dismay,  while  some  who  followed  were 
in  fear.     And  he  took  the  twelve  once  more  aside  and  began  to  tell  them 

33  what  was  to  happen  to  him,  saying,  "  Lo,  we  are  going  up  to  Jerusalem  ; 


103*_ll9]  MARK  291 

and  the  Son  of  man  shall  be  delivered  to  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes. 
They  shall  sentence  him  to  death  and  deliver  him  to  the  Gentiles  ;  they 

34  shall  mock  him  and  spit  on  him  and  scourge  him  and  kill  him.  Yet  after 
three  days  he  shall  rise  again." 

35  And  James  and  John,  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  approach  him.  "  Teacher," 
they  say  to  him,  "  we  want  thee  to  do  for  us  whatever  we  shall  ask  thee." 

36  He  said  to  them,  "  What  do  you  want  me  to  do  for  you  ?  "     They  said  to 

37  him,  "  Grant  that  we  may  sit,  one  on  thy  right  hand  and  one  on  thy  left 

38  hand,  in  thy  majesty."  But  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  You  know  not  what  you 
are  asking.    Are  you  able  to  drink  the  cup  that  I  drink  ?  or  to  be  baptized 

39  with  the  baptism  that  I  am  baptized  with  ? "  And  they  said  to  him,  "  We 
are  able."     And  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  The  cup  that  I  drink,  you  shall  drink  : 

And  the  baptism  that  I  am  baptized  with,  shall  you  be  baptized  with. 

40  But  to  sit  on  my  right  hand  or  on  my  left  hand  is  not  mine  to  grant  ; 
It  is  for  those  for  whom  it  has  been  made  ready." 

41  And  on  hearing  of  it,  the  ten  began  to  be  indignant  at  James  and  John 

42  but  Jesus  called  them  to  him  and  says  to  them, 

"  You  know  that  those  who  are  looked  up  to  as  rulers  of  the  Gentiles 

lord  it  over  them. 
And  their  great  men  wield  authority  over  them  : 

43  Not  so  among  you. 

Nay,  whoever  would  become  great  among  you, 
Must  be  your  servant, 

44  And  whoever  would  be  first  among  you, 

Must  be  the  slave  of  all. 

45  For  even  the  Son  of  man  came  not  to  be  served  but  to  serve. 

And  to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for  many." 

46  Then  they  come  to  Jericho.  And  as  he  was  leaving  Jericho  with  his 
disciples  and  a  considerable  crowd,  a  blind  beggar  Bar-Timaeus  (the  son 

47  of  Timaeus)  sat  by  the  roadside.  And  on  hearing  it  was  Jesus  of  Nazaret, 
he  started  shouting  and  saying,  "  Son  of  David,  Jesus,  have  pity  on  me ! " 

48  And  many  people  admonished  him  to  keep  silence,  but  he  cried  out  all 

49  the  more,  "  Son  of  David,  have  pity  on  me  !  "  Then  Jesus  stood  still  and 
said,  "  Call  him."     So  they  call  the  blind  man,  saying  to  him,  "  Be  of 

50  good  cheer,  rise,  he  is  calling  thee."     Throwing  away  his  garment,  he 

51  started  up  and  came  to  Jesus.  And  Jesus  addressed  him,  saying,  "  What 
wilt    thou    have    me    do    to    thee  ? "      The    blind   man    said    to   him, 

52  "  Rabbuni,  let  me  regain  my  sight."  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  Go  thy  way,  thy 
faith  has  restored  thee."  And  immediately  he  regained  his  sight,  and 
began  to  follow  him  on  the  road. 

Ill        And  when  they  draw  nigh  to  Jerusalem,  to  Bethphage  and  Bethany 

2  at  the  hill  of  Olives,  he  despatches  two  of  his  disciples  and  says  to  them  : 
"  Go  into  the  village  opposite  you,  and  on  entering  it  you  shall  at  once 
find  a  colt  tied,  on  which  no  one  has  ever  yet  sat.     Untie  it  and  bring  it. 

3  And  if  anyone  says  to  you,  '  Why  are  you  doing  this  ? '  say,  '  The  Lord 

4  needs  it,  and  he  will  send  it  here  again,  at  once.'"  Then  off  they  went 
and  found  a  colt  tied  at  the  door  outside  in  the  open  street ;  and  they 

5  untie  it.     And  some  of  the  bystanders  said  to  them,  "  What  do  you  mean 

6  by  untying  the  colt  ? "     But  they  spoke  to  them  as  Jesus  had  told  them  ; 

7  and  they  allowed  them  to  go.    And  they  bring  the  colt  to  Jesus  and  throw 

8  their  garments  on  it.  Then  he  sat  ripon  it.  And  many  spread  their 
garments  on  the  road,  and  others  leafy  boughs  which  they  had  cut  from 

9  the  fields.    And  those  who  went  in  front  and  those  who  followed  shouted 


292  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [ll^0-12^ 

"  Hosanna ! 
Blessed  is  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  ! 

10  Blessed  is  the  Reign  to  come,  oiir  father  David's  reign ! 

Hosanna  in  the  highest !  " 

11  And  he  went  into  Jerusalem,  into  the  temple.  But  after  looking  round 
on  everything  he  went  out  with  the  twelve  to  Bethany,  as  it  was  now 
late  in  the  day. 

12,  13  And  on  the  morrow,  after  they  left  Bethany,  he  grew  hungry.  And 
noticing  far  off  a  fig-tree  in  leaf,  he  went  to  see  if  he  could  find  something 
on  it ;  but  when  he  came  to  it  he  found  nothing  but  leaves,  for  it  was 

14  not  the  season  for  figs.  Then  he  addressed  it,  saying,  "  Never  man  eat 
fruit  from  thee,  after  this  !  "    And  his  disciples  were  listening. 

15  And  they  come  to  Jerusalem.  Then  he  entered  the  temple  and  started  to 
drive  out  the  sellers  and  the  Imyers  in  the  temple  ;  and  he  threw  down  the 
tables  of  the  money-changers  and  the  seats  of  those  who  sold  the  doves, 

IG,  17  nor  would  he  let  any  one  carry  a  vessel  through  the  temple.  And  he 
taught  and  told  them, 

"  Is  it  not  written,  My  house  shall  he  called  a  house  of  lyrayer  for  all 

nations  ? 
But  yon  have  made  it  a  den  of  rollers!  " 

18  And  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes  heard  it,  and  tried  how  they 
could  destroy  him    (they   were  in  fear  of  him,  for  all  the  crowd    was 

19  astonished  at  his  teaching).  And  when  evening  came,  they 

20  went  outside  the  city.  And  as  they  passed  in  the  morning 

21  they  saw  the  fig-tree  withered  from  its  roots.  Then  Peter  recollected  ; 
"  Rabbi,    look  ! "    says  he  to  him,    "  the   fig-tree    thou    didst    curse    is 

22  withered  ! "     Then  in  answer  Jesus  says  to  them,  "  Have  faith  in  God. 

23  I  tell  you  truly  : 

"  Whoever  says  to  this  mountain, '  Be  lifted  and  thrown  into  the  sea,' 
And  hesitates  not  in  his  heart  but  believes  that  what  he  says  shall 
be  done, 
He  shall  have  it. 

24  Therefore  I  tell  you  : 

In  all  your  prayers  and  asking 
Believe  that  you  have  received. 
So  shall  you  have  it. 

25  Also,  whenever  you  stand  praying,  if  you  have  anything  against 

any  one,  forgive  it : 
That  your  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens  may  also  forgive  you  your 
trespasses." 

27  And  they  come  once  more  to  Jerusalem.  And  as  he  was  walking  in 
the  temple  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes  and  the  elders  came  to  him. 

28  "By  what  sort  of  authority,"  said  they  to  him,  "art  thou  acting  thus? 

29  or  who  gave  thee  this  authority  to  act  thus  ?  "  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  I 
will  put  a  single  question  to  you  ;  and  do  j^ou  answer  me.     Then  I  will 

30  tell  you  by  what  sort  of  authority  I  am  acting  thus.     "  Was  the  baptism 

31  of  John  from  heaven  o\  from  men  ?  Answer  me."  And  they  argued 
among  tliemselves,  "  If  we  say,  '  From  heaven,'  he  will  say,  '  Why  then 

32  did  you  not  believe  him  ? '  But  shall  we  say,  '  From  men '  ?" — they  were 
afraid  of  the  people,  for  all  held  that  John  liad  really  been  a  prophet. 

33  So  in  reply  to  Jesus  they  say,  "  We  do  not  know."  Then  says  Jesus  to 
them,  "  Neither  do  I  tell  you  by  what  sort  of  authority  I  am  acting  thus." 

12  1  And  he  started  to  speak  to  them  in  parables  :  A  man  planted  a  vine- 
yard  and  put  a  fence  round  it  and  dug  a  trough  for  the  wine-iwess   and 


122-31]  MARK  293 

built   a  tower;   then  after  leasing  it   to  vinedressers   he   went   abroad. 

2  And  at  the  season   he   desj)atched  a  slave  to  the  vinedressers,  that  he 

might  collect  from  the  vinedressers  part  of  the  fruits  of  the  vineyard. 

3,  4  But  they  took  and  flogged  him  and  sent  him  off  empty-handed.     Then 

once   more   he   despatched  another  slave  to  them,  and   this  one   they 

5  wounded  on    the    head    and    insulted.     Then    he    despatched    another, 
and  this  one  they  killed  ;  and  so  they  did  with  many  others,  flogging 

6  some   and   killing  some.     He   had   still   one   left,   a   beloved   son ;    he 
despatched  him  last  of  all  to  them,  saying,  "They  will  reverence  my 

7  son."   But  those  vinedressers  said  to  themselves,  "  This  is  the  heir  ;  come, 

8  let  us  kill  him,  and  the  inheritance  shall  be  ours."     So  they  took  him 

9  and  killed  him   and  threw  him  outside  the  vineyard.     What  will  the 
owner  of  the  vineyard  do?  he  will  come  and  destroy  the  vinedressers 

10  and  give  the  vineyard  to  others.    Have  you  not  even  read  this  scripture  ? 

Tlie  stone  which  the  builders  rejected, 
This  is  made  head  of  the  corner : 

11  This  is  the  doimj  of  the  Lord, 

And  in  our  eyes  it  is  marvellous." 

12  Then  they  tried  to  seize  him  (yet  feared  the  crowd),  for  they  knew 
it  was  against  them  that  he  had  told  the  parable  ;  but  leaving  him  they 
went  away. 

13  And  they  despatch  some  of  the  Pharisees  and  Herodians  to  him,  in 

14  order  to  snare  him  in  his  talk.  And  they  came  saying  to  him, 
"  Teacher,  we  know  thou  art  truthful,  caring  not  for  any  one  (for  thou 
regardest  not  the  jjerson  of  men),  but  teaching  the  way  of  God  with  truth. 

15  Is  it  right  to  pay  taxes  to  Caesar,  or  not  ?  Must  we  pay,  or  must  we  not 
pay  1 "     But  aware  of  their  pretence  he  said  to  them,  "  Why  make  trial 

16  of  me?  bring  me  a  denarius  that  I  may  see  it."  So  they  brought  one. 
And  he  says  to  them,  "  Whose  likeness  and  inscription  is  this  ? "     They 

17  said  to  him,  "Caesar's."  Jesus  said  to  them,  "Render  to  Caesar  the 
things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  to  God  the  things  that  are  God's."  And 
they  were  lost  in  wonder  at  him. 

18  And  Sadducees  come  to  him  (men  who  say  there  is  no  resurrection), 

19  and  they  questioned  him,  saying,  "  Teacher,  Moses  wrote  for  us  that.  If  a 
man's  brother  die  and  leave  a  wife  ctnd  leave  no  child,  his  brother  is  to  take 

20  his   ividow   and   raise   up   offspring  for  his   brother.     There   were   seven 

21  brothers.  So  the  first  took  a  wife  and  dying  left  no  offspring  ;  then  the 
second  took  her,  and  died  leaving  no  offspring  ;    and  the  tliird  likewise  ; 

22,  23  and  the  seven  left  no  offspring.     Last  of  all  the  woman  died  also.    At  the 
resurrection  whose  wife  will  she  be,  for  the  seven  had  her  as  wife  ? " 

24  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  Is  not  this  what  leads  you  astray,  that  you   are 

25  ignorant  of  the  scriptures  and  of  God's  power?  For  when  people  rise 
from  the  dead,  they  neither  marry  nor  are  given  in  marriage,  but  are 

26  like  angels  in  heaven.  And  as  regards  the  raising  of  the  dead,  have  you 
not  read  in  the  book  of  Moses,  at  the  place  of  '  the  Bush,'  that  God  spoke 
to  him,  saying,  /  am  the  God  of  Abraham,  and  the  God  of  Isaac,  and  the  God 

27  of  Jacob  ?   He  is  not  God  of  the  dead,  but  of  the  living.    You  are  far  astray." 

28  And  one  of  the  scribes  approached,  after  hearing  their  discussion. 
Knowing  that  he  had  given  them  an  able  answer,  he  put  a  question 

29  to  him,  "  What  commandment  is  chief  over  all  ? "  Jesus  answered, 
"The  chief  is.  Hear,  0  Israel!     The  Lord  is  our  God,  the  Lord  is  one; 

30  and   thou   shall   love  the   Lord   thy    God  with   thy   whole  heart,   with   thy 

31  ivhole  soul,  vnth  thy  whole  mind,  with  thy  ivhole  strength.  The  second 
is   this.    Thou   shalt   love   thy   neighbour   as   thyself.     There   is   no   other 


294  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [l2'''-13i2 

32  commandment  greater  than  these."  And  the  scribe  said  to  him,  "True, 
teacher  !    thou  hast  rightly  said  that  lie  is  one  and  besides  him  there  is  no 

33  other.  Also,  to  love  him  with  the  wliole  heart  and  tvith  the  whole  under- 
standing and  tvith  the  whole  strength.,  and  to  love  one's  neighbour  as  oneself — 

34  that  is  far  aV)ove  all  holocausts  and  sacrifices."  Then,  seeing  that  lie 
answered  intelligently,  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  Thou  art  not  far  from  the  reign 

35  of  God."  And  after  that  no  one  dared  question  him.  And  as 
Jesus  taught  in  the  temple  he  would  ask,  "  How  is  it  that  the  scribes 

36  say  the  Christ  is  David's  son  1     David  said  himself,  in  the  holy  Spirit, 

The  Lord  said  to  my  Lord,  'Sit  at  my  right  hand, 
Till  I  make  thine  enemies  a  footstool  for  thy  feet.' 

37  David  himself  calls  him  'Lord.'     Then  how  is  he  his  son  ? "  And 

38  the  common  folk  listened  to  him  gladly.  And  in  his  teaching  he  said, 
"  Beware  of  the  scribes,  who  are  fond  of  walking  in  long  robes,  and  of 

39  getting  salutations  in  the  market-places  and  chief  seats  in  the  synagogues 

40  and  chief  places  at  the  suppers — men  who  devour  widows'  properties,  and 
make  long  prayers  for  a  pretext.     These  men  shall  be  the  more  heavily 

41  sentenced."  Then  sitting  down  opposite  the  treasury  he  watched  how 
the  crowd  put  money  into  the  treasury.     Many  rich  people  put  in  large 

42  sums,  and  a  poor  widow  also  came  and  put  in  two  farthings  (which  make 

43  one  halfjDenny).  Then  calling  his  discijiles  to  him,  he  said  to  them, 
"  I  tell  you  truly,  this  poor  widow  has  put  in  more  than  all  those  who 

44  put  into  the  treasury.  For  they  have  all  put  in  a  contribution  out  of 
their  wealth  ;  but  out  of  her  want,  she  has  put  in  all  she  pos.'^essed,  the 
whole  of  her  livelihood." 

13  1        And  as  he  was  going  out  of  the  temple  one  of  his  disciples  says  to 

2  him,  "Teacher,  look  !  what  splendid  stones  and  buildings  !  "     And  Jesus 
said  to  him,  "  Seest  thou  these  great  Ijuildings  ?     Not  one  stone  shall  be 

3  left  1  upon  another,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  down."     And  as  he  was 
sitting  on  the  hill  of  Olives  opposite  the  temple,  Peter  and  James  and 

4  John  and  Andrew  plied  him  with  questions  privately.     "  Tell  us,  when 
shall  this  be  ?     Also,  what  is  the  sign  when  this  is  all  to  be  completed  ? " 

5  So  Jesus  began  to  say  to  them, 

"  Take  care  that  no  one  leads  you  astray  : 

6  Many  shall  come  relying  on  my  name,  saying,  'I  am  he,'  and  shall 

lead  many  astray. 

7  And  when  you  hear  of  wars  and  rumours  of  wars,  be  not  disquieted; 

Titesc  things  must  come  to  fass,  but  the  end  is  not  yet. 

8  For  nation  shall  rise  against  nation,  and  realm  against  realm, 

There  shall  be  earthquakes  in  place  after  place,  there  shall  be  famines : 
These  are  but  the  beginning  of  birth-pangs. 

9  Now  look  to  yourselves. 

They  shall  deliver  you  up  to  councils, 
And  in  synagogues  you  shall  be  flogged. 
And  before  governors  and  kings  you  shall  stand  for  my  sake, 
For  a  witness  to  them  : 

10  Yea  tlie  glad  tidings  must  first  be  preached  to  all  the  nations. 

11  And  when  they  bring  you  to  trial  and  deliver  you  up, 

Devise  not  beforehand  what  to  say  : 
But  whatever  is  given  you  in  that  hour,  say  that, 

For  it  is  not  so  much  you  who  speak  as  the  holy  Sjjirit. 

12  Brother  shall  deliver  \i]>  ludtlier  to  death,  and  the  father  his  child  : 
Children  shall  rise  tip  against  pun  nis  and  have  them  put  to  death. 

1  Omitting  [[iJe]]. 


131^-34-]  j^^j^j^  295 

13  And  you  shall  be  hated  by  all  men  for  my  name's  sake, 
But  he  who  endures  to  the  end,  he  shall  be  saved. 

14  Now  when  yon  see  tlie  desolating  abomination  standing  where  he  ought 

not  (let  the  reader  ponder), 
Then  let  those  who  are  in  Judaea  flee  to  the  hills. 

15  Let  not  him  who  is  on  the  housetop 

Go  down  or  enter  in  to  get  anything  out  of  his  house, 

16  Nor  let  him  who  is  in  the  field 

Turn  back  to  get  his  cloak. 

17  But  woe  to  women  with  child  and  to  women  who  give  suck  in  those 

days! 

18  And  pray  that  it  happen  not  in  winter. 

19  For  those  days  shall  be  a  distress, 

The  like  of  which  has  not  been,  from  the  beginning  of  the  creation 

which  God  created,  until  now, 
And  never  shall  be. 

20  Yea,  unless  the  Lord  had  curtailed  the  days,  no  flesh  would  have  been 


But  for  the  sake  of  the  chosen  whom  he  chose,  he  did  curtail  the  days. 

21  And  should  anyone  say  to  you  then, 

'  Look,  here  is  the  Christ ! '  '  Look,  there ! ' 
Believe  it  not. 

22  For  many  false  Christs  and  false  frofhets  shall  arise, 
And  they  shall  exhibit  signs  and  wonders 

To  lead  astray,  if  jiossible,  the  chosen. 

23  Now  do  you  beware  : 

Lo.  I  have  told  you  everything  beforehand  ! 

24  In  those  days  after  that  distress 

The  sun  shall  be  darkened,  and  the  moon  shall  not  give  her  light, 

25  And  the  stars  shall  be  falling  fnnn  the  sky. 
And.  the  i)owers  in  the  heavens  shcdl  be  shaken: 

26  Then  shall  they  see  the  Son  of  mem  coming  m  clouds  with  great 

power  and  majesty  ; 

27  And  then  shall  he  send  forth  the  angels  and  gather  the  ^  chosen 

together  from  the  four  luinds,  from  the  bounds  of  the  earth  to 
the  bounds  of  the  sky. 

28  Now  from  the  fig-tree  learn  her  parable. 

When  her  branch  is  already  tender  and  is  putting  out  its  leaves, 
You  know  that  summer  is  near  : 

29  So  also  when  you  see  this  come  to  pass, 

You  know  that  He  is  near,  at  the  doors. 

30  I  tell  you  truly. 

This  generation  shall  not  pass  away 
Until  these  all  come  to  pass  ; 

31  Sky  and  earth  shall  pass  away, 

But  never  shall  ray  words  pass  away. 

32  Yet  of  that  day  or  hour  none  knows, 

Not  even  the  angels  in  heaven,  not  even  the  Son,  only  the  Father. 
33,  34  Beware,  be  wakeful  :    for  you   know  not  when   the   time   is.      It  is  as 
when  a  man  going  abroad  has  left  his  house,  after  giving  authority  to 
his  slaves,  to  each  his  work,  and  has  commanded  the  doorkeeper  to  Avatch. 
1  Omitting  [[ccvroi]]. 


296  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [l3^^~U"^ 

35  Watcli  then — for  you  know  not  when  the  owner  of  the  house  is  coming, 

36  at   evening  or  at    midnight    or  at   cock-crow  or  in   the  morning— lest 

37  he  come  suddenly  and  find  you  sleeping.  And  v.diat  I  say  to  you  I  say 
to  all,  watch." 

14  1        Now  after  two  days  it  was  the  passover  and  the  festival  of  unleavened 
bread.     And  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes  were  trying  how  they  could 

2  seize  him  by  craft  and  kill  him  ;  for  they  said,  "  Not  during  the  festival, 
in  case  of  a  possible  tumult  among  the  people." 

3  And  when  he  was  in  Bethany,  in  the  house  of  Simon  the  leper,  as  he 
reclined  at  meat,  a  woman  came  with  an  alabaster  flask  of  juire  nard 
perfume,  most  precious  ;  and  breaking  the  flask  she  proceeded  to  pour 

4  it  over  his  head.     Now  some  people  were  inwardly  indignant :  "  Why," 

5  said  they,  "  has  the  perfume  been  wasted  thus  ?  This  perfume  might 
have  been  sold  for  more  than  three  hundred  shillings  and  given  to  the 

6  poor."     And  they  went  on  scolding  her.     But  Jesus  said,  "  Let  her  alone. 

7  Why  molest  her  ?  She  has  done  a  noble  deed  for  me.  For  you  have  the 
poor    always    beside    you,   and   whenever   you   like   you  can   do   them 

8  good  :  but  you  have  not  always  me.     She  has  done  what  she  could  :  she 

9  has  anointed  my  body  in  anticipation  of  the  burial.  And  I  tell  you 
truly,  wherever  the  glad  tidings  shall  be   preached  through  the  whole 

10  world,  this  woman's  deed  shall  be  also  told,  in  memory  of  her." 

Then  Judas  of  Kerioth,  who  was  one  of  the  twelve,  Avent  oft'  to  the  high 

11  priests  to  betray  him  to  them.  Delighted  to  hear  it,  they  jjromised  to 
pay  him  money.  And  he  kept  trying  how  he  could  betray  him  at  an 
opjjortune  moment. 

12  And  on  the  first  day  of  unleavened  bread  (when  people  sacrificed  the 
paschal  lamb)  his  disciples  say  to  him,  "  Where  wilt  thou  have  us  go  and 

13  make  ready  for  thee  to  eat  the  paschal  lamb  ? "  Then  he  despatches  two  of 
his  disciples,  saying  to  them,  "Go  your  way  into  the  city  ;  and  a  man  shall 

14  meet  you  carrying  a  pitcher  of  water.  Follow  him  ;  and  wherever  he 
shall  enter,  say  to  the  master  of  the  house,  '  The  teacher  says,  "  Where  is 
my  guest  chamber,  where  I  may  eat  the  paschal  lamb  with  my  disciples?' 

15  And  he  will  himself  show  you  a  large  upper  room  all  ready,  spread  with 

16  couclies.  Make  ready  there  for  us."  So  the  disciples  left  and  went 
into  the  city,  and  found  it  was  exactly  as  he  had  said  to  them  ;  and  they 

17  made  ready  the  passover.  And  when  it  was  evening  he  comes  with 

18  the  twelve.     And  as  they  reclined  at  table  and  ate,  Jesus  said,  "  I  tell  you 

19  truly,  one  of  you — one  ivJio  is  eating  with  me — .shall  betray  me."  They 
began  to  be  sorrowful  and  to  say  to  him  one  by  one,  "  Can  it  be  I  ? " 

20  And  he  said  to  them,  "  It  is  one  of  the  twelve,  one  who  is  dipping  in  the 
dish  with  me. 

21  For  the  Son  of  man  goes  on  his  way,  even  as  it  is  written  of  him  ; 

But  woe  to  that  man  through  whom  the  Son  of  man  is  betrayed  ! 

22  Better  for  tliat  man  had  he  never  been  born  ! " 

And  as   they    were  eating  he  took  bread,   and   after  the  blessing  broke 

23  and  gave  it  to  them,  saying,  "Take  it,  this  is  my  body."  Also  lie  took 
a  cup,  gave  thanks  and  gave  it  to  them,  and  they  all  drank  of  it ;  and 

24  he  said  to  them,  "  Tliis  is  my   covenant-hlood  wl'iich  is  poured  out    for 

25  many.  I  tell  you  truly,  never  again  shall  I  drink  of  the  produce  of  the 
vine,  till  that  day  when  in  God's  reign  I  drink  it  new." 

26,  27        Then  after  a  song  of  praise  they  went  out  to  the  hill  of  Olives.     And 

Jesus  says  to  them,  "All  of  you  shall  Ije  repelled  :  since  it  is  written, 

28  /  v:ill  smite  the  shepherd,  and  the  sheep  shall  be  scattered  abroad.    But  after  I 


[i4-o-<^2  j^^^j^  297 

29  rise,  I  will  go  before  you  into  Galilee."     Peter  said  to  liini,  "  Though  all 

30  shall  be  repelled,  yet  I  will  not."  Then  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  I  tell  thee 
truly  :  to-day,  this  very  night,  ere  ever  the  cock  crows  twice,  three  times 

31  thou  shalt  deny  me."  But  he  repeated  the  more  vehemently,  "  Though  I 
have  to  die  with  thee,  I  will  not  deny  thee."     And  so  said  all  of  them  as 

32  well.  And  they  come  to  a  piece  of  ground  named  Gethsemane. 

33  And  he  says  to  his  disciples,  "  Sit  here  until  I  pray."  And  with  him  he 
takes  Peter  and  James  and  John.    And  he  began  to  feel  appalled  and  sorely 

34  troubled.     And  he  says  to  them,   "  My  soul  is  very  sorroiuful,  even  to 

35  death  :  stay  here  and  watch."  Then  he  went  forward  a  little,  falling  on 
the  ground  and  praying  that  if  it  were  possible,  the  hour  might  pass 

36  away  from  him.  His  words  were,  "  Abba  !  Father  !  anything  is  possible 
to  thee  ;   remove   this   cup   from  me.     Yet  not  what  1  will,  but  what 

37  thou  wilt."  Then  he  comes  and  finds  them  sleeping  ;  and  he  says  to  Peter, 
"  Sleeping,    Simon  ?     Hadst  thou  not  strength  to  watch  a  single  hour  ? 

38  Watch  and  pray,  lest  you  enter  into  temptation  :  the  spirit  is  eager,  but 

39  the  flesh  is  weak."     Then  once  more  he  went  away  and  prayed,  uttering 

40  the  same  words.  And  once  more  he  came  and  found  them  sleeping,  for 
their  eyes  were  very  heavy  ;  and  they  did  not    know   how   to   answer 

41  him.  Then  coming  for  the  third  time,  he  says  to  them,  "  So  you  sleep  and 
rest  1     It  is  enough.     The   hour   has  come  ;  behold,  the  Son  of  man  is 

42  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  sinners  !     Kise,  let  us  be  going.     Behold,  my 

43  betrayer  is  near  !  "  And  immediately,  when  he  was  still  speaking, 
Judas  ^  (one  of  the  twelve)  comes  wp  accompanied  by  a  horde  with  swords 

44  and  clubs,  from  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes  and  tlie  elders.  Now  his 
betrayer  had  given  them  a  signal,  sajdng,  "  Whomsoever  I  kiss,  that  is  the 

45  man  :  seize  him  and  get  him  safely  away."     So  on  arriving  he  immedi- 

46  ately  approached  him,  saying  "  Rabbi,"  and    kissed  him  fondly.     And 

47  they  laid  hands  on  him  and  seized  him.  But  one  of  the  bystanders  drew 
his  sword  and  struck  the  slave  of  the  high  priest,  cutting  ofl:'  his  ear. 

48  And  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  Did  you  come  out  as  against  a 

49  robber,  with  swords  and  clubs  to  arrest  me  ?  Day  by  day  I  was  with 
you  in  the  temple  teaching,  and  you  did  not  seize  me. — However,  it  is 

50  in  fulfilment  of  the  scriptures."     Then  they  all  left  him  alone  and  fled. 

51  Yet  one  young  man  accompanied  him,  with  a  linen  cloth  thrown  round 

52  him  over  his  naked  body.  They  seize  him  also,  but  he  left  the  linen  cloth 
behind  him  and  fled  naked. 

53  And    they   led    Jesus   away   to    the  high   priest,  and    all   the    high 

54  i^riests  and  the  elders  and  the  scribes  accomi)any  him.  And  Peter 
followed  him  from  afar  till  he  was  inside  the  palace  of  the  high 
priest ;  then   he  sat  along  with  the  officers  and  warmed  himself  at  the 

55  lighted  fire.  Now  the  high  priests  and  in  fact  the  whole  Sanhedrin 
sought  for  witness  against  Jesus  to  get  him  put  to  death,  but  they  found 

56  none.     For  while  juany  bore  false  witness  against  him,  their  evidence 

57  did  not  agree.     And  some  persons  stood  up  and  bore  false  witness  against 

58  him  ;  they  said,  "  We  heard  him  say,  '  I  will  break  down  this  sanctuary 
made  by  hands,  and  after  three  days  I  will  build  another  made  by  no 

59,  60  hands.' "     Yet  not  even  thus  did  their  evidence  agree.     And  the  high 
priest  stood  up  in  the  midst  and  questioned  Jesus,  saying,  "  Hast  thou  no 

61  answer  ?  Of  what  do  these  men  bear  evidence  against  thee  ?"  He  kept 
silence  and  made  no  answer.    Again  the  high  priest  questioned  him,  say- 

62  ing  to  him,  "  Art  thou  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  Blessed  ? "  And  Jesus 
saidj  "  I  am  :  and  yoti  shall  see  the  Son  of  man  sitting  at  the  right  hand  of 

1  Omitting  [o]   .    .    .   [[i'irxxpiarri;]]. 


298  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [U^^-IS^* 

63  the  Power  and  coming  vith  the  domh  of  the  sky."     So  the  high  priest  rent 

64  his  vestments,  saying,  "  Wliat  further  witnesses  do  we  need  ?  You  lieard 
the  blasphemy  ;  what  is  your  opinion?"     And  they  all  condemned  him  to 

65  the  doom  of  death.  And  some  started  to  spit  on  him,  also  to  blindfold 
him  and  buffet  him,  and  then  say  to  him,  "  Prophesy ! "     Even  the  officers 

66  received  him  with  blows.  And  while  Peter  was  down  below  in 

67  the  courtyard,  one  of  the  maidservants  of  the  high  priest  comes  ;  and  on 
seeing  Peter  warming  himself,  she  looked  at  him  and  says,  "  Thou  also 

68  wast  with  the  man  of  Nazaret,  Jesus."  But  he  denied  it,  saying,  "  I 
know  not — I  do  not  understand  what  thou  meanest."     Then  he  went  out 

69  into  the  fore-court.^    And  seeing  him  the  maidservant  began  once  more  to 

70  say  to  the  bystanders,  "  This  man  is  one  of  them."  But  he  again  per- 
sisted in  denying  it.  Then  after  a  little  while  the  bystanders  again  said 
to  Peter,  "  To  be  sure,  thou  art  one  of  them.     Why,  thou  art  a  Galilaean  I  " 

71  But  he  began  to  curse  and  swear,  "  I  know   not  this   man   whom  you 

72  mean."  And  immediately  the  cock  crowed  for  the  second  time.  Then 
Peter  recollected  the  Avord  that  Jesus  had  spoken  to  him,  "  Before  the  cock 
crows  twice,  three  times  thou  shalt  deny  me."  And  as  he  thought  of  it 
he  wept. 

15  1        And  in  the  morning  the  high  priests  along  with  the  elders  and  scribes 
and  the  whole  Sanhedrin  immediately  held  a  consultation,  bound  Jesus, 

2  carried  him  away,  and  delivered  him  wp  to  Pilate.     And  Pilate  ques- 
tioned him,  "  Art  thou  the  king  of  tlie  Jews  ? "     And  in  reply  to  him  he 

3  says,    "  Certainly."     Then  the  high  jariests   brought   many   accusations 

4  against  him.     And  again  Pilate  questioned  him,-  ''  Hast  thou  no  reply  ? 

5  Look  at  what  grave  accusations  they  bring  against  thee  !  "    But  to  Pilate's 

6  wonder,  Jesus  made  no  further  reply.    Now  at  festival  time  he  used  to 

7  release  for  them  one  prisoner,  whom  they  begged  from  him.     And  there 
was  a  man  called  Bar-Abbas  imprisoned  along  with  the  rioters,  men  who 

8  had  committed  murder  in  the  riot.    Bo  the  multitude  went  up  and  began 

9  to  ask  him  for  his  customary  boon.     Pilate  answered  them,  "  Do   you 

10  wish  me  to  release  for  you  the  king  of  the  Jews  ?"  (for  he  saw  it  was 

11  for  envy  that  the  high  priests  had  delivered  him  up).  But  the  high 
priests  stirred  iip  the  crowd  to  make  him  release  Bar-Abbas  for  them 

12  instead.     And  in  reply  Pilate  again  said  to  them,  "  Then^  what  am  I  to 

13  do  with  him  whom  you  call  'the  king  of  the  Jews'  1"     And  again  they 

14  shouted,  "Crucify  him."     Said  Pilate  to  them,  "Why,  what  evil  has  he 

15  done?"  But  they  shouted  vehemently,  "Crucify  him."  So,  as  Pilate 
wanterl  to  satisfy  the  crowd,  he  released  for  them  Bar-Al)bas;  and  after 
scourging  Jesus  he  delivered  him  up  to  be  crucified. 

16  Now   the   soldiers  led   him   away   inside   the    palace   (that   is,    the 

17  praetorium).     Then  calling  the  whole  cohort  together,  they  clothe  him  in 

18  purple,  and  after  plaiting  a  wreath  of  thorns  they  put  it  on  him  ;  and 

19  they  began  to  salute  him,  "Hail,  king  of  the  Jews  !"  And  they  smote 
his   head  with  a  reed,  and   they  spat   on  him,  and   they    did    homage 

20  to  him  on  bended  knee.  Then  after  their  mockery  of  him,  they 
stripjiefl  off  the  purjile  and  put  his  own  garments  upon  him.  And 

21  they  lead  him  out  to  crucify  him,  and  force  a  passer-by  to  carry  his  cross, 
namely  Simon  a  Cyrenian  who  was  on  his  way  from  the  country  (the 

22  father   of   Alexander   and   Rufus).      So   they   bring  him   to   the  jilace 

23  Golgotha  (which  when  translated  means,  "The  place  of  a  skull").    Then 

24  they  offered  him  wine  flavoured  with  myrrh,  but  he  would  not  take  it. 
And  they  crucify  him,  and  distrihute  his  garinents  amony  them  by  casting 

1  Omitting  xa.1  k>(xtup  l(futxtriv.         -  Omitting  [[XeVHI-         "  Omitting  [[fltAsTi]]. 


1525-16^]  MARK  299 

25  lots  over  them  for  each  iimn's  share.     (It  was  the  third  hour,  when  they 

26  crucified  him.)     And  the  title  of  his  crime  was  inscribed,  THE  KING 

27  OF  THE  JEWS.    Also  they  crucify  along  with  him  two  robbers,  one  on 

29  his  right  hand  and  one  on  his  left.  And  the  passers-by  heaped  abuse 
on  him,  wagging  their  heads  and  saying,  "  Ha  !  thou  who  wouldst  bi-eak 

30  down  the  sanctuary  and  build  it  in  three  days,  save  thyself  and  come 

31  down  from  tlie  cross  !  "  Similarly,  the  high  priests  also  mocked  him 
among  themselves  with  the  scribes,  saying,  "  Others  he  saved,  himself 

32  he  cannot  save  !  Let  '  the  Christ,'  '  the  king  of  Israel,'  come  down  now 
from  the  cross,  that  we  may  see  and  believe  !  "  Those  also  who  were 
crucified  with  him  kept  denouncing  him. 

33  And  when  the  sixth  hour  came,  a  darkness  covered  the  whole  land  till 

34  the  nintli  hour.  And  at  the  ninth  hour  Jesus  cried  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  Eloi,  el6i,  lama  sabachthanei  '/  '  (which  when  translated  means,  "  My  God, 

35  my  God,  ivhy  hast  thou  forsaken  me  ?  ")     And  on  hearing  it  some  of  the 

36  bystanders  said,  "Look,  he  is  calling  Elijah!"  Then  one  man  ran, 
filled  a  sponge  full  of  vinegar,  put  it  on  a  reed,  and  offered  him  it 
to  drink,  saying,  "  Hold  !   let  us  see  if   Elijah  does   come  to  take  him 

37,  38  down."     But  Jesus  uttered  a  loud  cry  and  expired.     And  the  veil  of  the 

39  sanctuary  was  torn  in  two,  from  top  to  bottom.  Now  when  the  centurion, 
who  had  been  standing  Ijy  opposite  him,  saw  that  he  thus  expired,  he  said, 

40  "  This  man  was  certainly  a  son  of  God."  Now  there  were  also  women 
looking  on  from  a  distance.     Among  them  were  Mary  of  Magdala,  Mary 

41  the  mother  of  James  the  younger  and  of  Joses,  and  also  Salome  (women 
who  used  to  follow  him  when  he  was  in  Galilee  and  minister  to  him), 
as  well  as  many  other  women  who  had  come  up  with  him  to  Jerusalem. 

42  And  now  that  it  was  evening,  since  it  was  the  Preparation  (that  is, 

43  the  day  before  the  sabbath),  Joseph  of  Arimathaea— a  councillor  of  good 
position,  who  was  also  waiting  himself  for  the  reign  of  God — took  courage 

44  and  went  in  to  Pilate  and  asked  for  the  body  of  Jesus.  Pilate  was 
astonished   that  he  was  dead   already,   and   summoning  the  centurion 

45  he   inquired  of  him  if  he  had  lieen  dead  for  any  time.     And  on  ascer- 

46  taining  it  from  the  centurion,  he  granted  the  corpse  to  Josej^h.  And  he 
brought  a  linen  cloth,  took  him  down,  wrapt  him  in  the  linen  cloth, 
and  laid  him  in  a  tomb  which  had  been  hewn  out  of  a  rock.     Then  he 

47  rolled  a  stone  against  the  entrance  to  the  tomb.  (Now  Mary  of  Magdala 
and  Mary  the  mother  of  Joses  were  looking  to  see  where  he  was  laid.) 

16  1        And  when  the  sabbath  had  elapsed,  Mary  of  Magdala  and  Mary  the 

2  mother  of  James  and  Salome  bought  spices,  to  go  and  anoint  him. 
And  very  early  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  they  go  to  the  tomb  when 

3  the  sun  was  up.     And  they  were  saying  to  themselves,  "  Who  will  roll 

4  away  the  stone  for  us  from  the  entrance  to  the  tomb?"  But  on  looking 
up  they  observe  that  the  stone  had  been  rolled  back  (rolled,  for  it  Avas 

5  very  large).     And  when  they  entered  the  tomb  they  saw  a  young  man 

6  sitting  on  the  right,  clothed  in  a  white  robe  ;  and  they  were  appalled. 
But  he  says  to  them,  "  Be  not  appalled  !  you  are  seeking  Jesus  the  man 
of  Nazaret,  the  crucified  ;  he  has  i-isen,  he  is  not  here.     Look  !  here  is  the 

7  place  where  they  laid  him.  But  go  your  way,  tell  his  disciples  and 
Peter,  'He  goes  before  you  into  Galilee  ;  you  shall  see  him  there,  as  he 

8  told  you.' "  Then  they  went  out  and  fled  from  the  tomb,  for  trembling 
and  amazement  possessed  them.  And  they  said  nothing  to  anyone, 
for  they  were  afraid.  .  .  . 


MATTHEW 


The  author  is  no  Pliarisaic  Jewish  Christian.  His  desire  is  to  represent  the 
advanced  and  universal  form  of  Jewish  Cliristianity,  to  guard  it,  to  give  it  a 
firmer  consciousness  of  its  rights,  and  at  the  same  time  to  oppose  Judaism. 
With  this  point  of  view,  his  work  maintains  throughout  a  character  that  lies 
above  all  party-extremes.  "Catholic":  that  is  the  final  impression  which 
this  writing  over  and  again  presents  most  unmistakably,  whether  we  look  at 
its  teaching  on  the  church,  its  idea  of  Peter's  primacy,  its  Christology  and 
Trinity  (pointing  already  in  the  direction  of  later  dogma),  or  lastly  its  ethics. 

Many  features  that  at  first  strike  one  as  due  to  Jewish  and  OT  thought, 
may  quite  well  be  explained  by  the  requirements  of  the  church,  which 
was  accustomed  from  the  outset  to  seek  its  own  early  history  in  the  OT. 
Our  first  gospel  is  properly  a  book  upon  the  OT  possessions  and  inheritance 
of  the  new  religion.  In  fact,  not  merely  does  the  whole  life  of  Jesus  appear  to  be 
determined  by  the  pro[)hecies  of  the  OT — that  is  the  general  rule,  more  or  less, 
throughout  the  synoptic  representation — but,  in  addition  to  this,  the  materials 
common  to  the  synoptists  liave  been  expanded  in  a  variety  of  ways,  after  the 
style  of  the  OT  historical  writings  ;  candidly,  they  have  undergone  alterations 
for  the  purpose  of  stirring  OT  reminiscences  in  still  larger  numbers.  What- 
ever stands  debited  to  the  Messiah  in  the  OT,  must  be  discovered  to  his  credit 
in  the  evangelic  history,  and  OT  vouchers  must  be  adduced  for  all  the  deeds 
and  fortunes  of  the  Messiah  that  are  fixed  in  the  church's  faith. — Holtatmann. 


1-4^'  The  preparation  of  Jesus: 


his  birth — homage  and  persecution, 
baptism  by  John, 
temptation. 


4i2_934  The  Galilean  ministry  : 

412-25  introductory,  call  of  first  disciples, 

5-7  a  cycle  of  sayings— the  "sermon  on  the  mount." 

Kal  iyevero  ore  ireXecrev  kt\  (7"^). 
8-9^-*  a   cycle   of    incidents— chiefly   (ten)   miracles  :    in 

Kapharnahum  and  neighbourhood. 
935-38  introductory, 

10-1 3'"^^  commission    to   the   twelve   apostles.      Kal   eyevero 

KT\  (111). 

11  Jesus  and  John — unbelief  of  age. 

( Sabbath  : 

12  conflict  with  Pharisees  onK  expulsion  of  devils  : 

ulemand  for  signs. 

13  a  cycle  of  seven  parables.     Kal  iyevero  kt\  {IZ^^). 
141-1835                                  murder  of  John— miracles  of  Jesus  :  visit  and  con- 
troversy of  scribes  and  Pharisees. 

at  Caesarea  Philippi— the  transfiguration— miracles, 
a  cycle  of  sayings.       /cat  iyivero  kt\  (19^^). 

ig'-SD'*^  The  Judaean  ministry  :    a   cycle   of    sayings  —  at    Jericho  :    the 

triumphal  entry  into  Jerusalem. 
2ii2_22'*'^  purging  of  temple — controversy  with  priests,  with 

Herodians,  Sadducees,  Pharisees. 
23-24  a  cycle  of  seven  Woes  against  scribes  and  Pharisees, 

the  apocalypse  of  Jesus. 
25  the  parables  of  the  virgins  and  the  talents— the  last 

judgment,      /cat  iyevero  kt\  (26^*), 

^at  Bethany  :  in  the  upper  room — the  last 

supper, 
in  the  garden — the  agony  and    the  be- 
trayal. 
26-27  The  passion  of  Jesus :  <*  in    the   house   of  Kaiaphas — the    trial, 

Peter's  denial, 
before    Pilate — the   suicide   of   Judas — 
Jesus  and  Bar- Abbas. 
I  the  crucifixion,  death  and  burial. 


28  After  death  :  appearance  of  angel,  of  Jesus,  to  women  : 
,,         ,,       Jesus  to  the  eleven  apostle 
charge. 


his    final 


MATTHEW 

1  1  The  birtli-roll  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  son  of  David,  the  son  of  Abraham  : 

2  Abraham  begat  Isaac,  and  Isaac  begat  Jacob,  and  Jacob  begat  Judah 

3  and  his  brothers,  and  Juclah  begat  Perez  and  Zerah  by  Tamar,  and  Perez 

4  begat  Hezron,  and  Hezron  begat  Ram,  and  Ram  begat  Aminadab,  and 

5  Aminadab  begat  Nahshon,  and  Nahshon  begat  Salmon,  and  Sahnon  begat 

6  Boaz  by  Rahab,  and  Boaz  begat  Obed  by  Ruth,  and  Obed  begat  Jesse,  and 
^  Jesse  begat  David  the   king.  And  David  begat  Solomon  by 

7  Uriah's  wife,  and  Solomon  begat  Rehoboam,  and  Rehol)oani  begat  Abijali, 

8  and  Abijah  begat  Asa,  and  Asa  begat  Jehoshajihat,  and  Jehoshapliat  begat 

9  Joram,  and  Joram  begat  Uzziah,  and  Uzziah  begat  Jotham,  and  Jotham 

10  begat  Ahaz,  and  Ahaz  begat  Hezekiah,  and  Hezekiah  begat  Manasseh, 

11  and  Manasseh  begat  Anion,  and  Anion  begat  Josiah,  and  Josiah  begat 
Jechoniah  and  his  brothers  at  the  time  of  the  transportation  to  Babylon. 

12  And  after   the   transportation   to  Babylon,    Jechoniah  begat 

13  Shealtiel,  and  Shealtiel  begat  Zerubbabel,  and  Zerubbabel  begat  Abiud, 

14  and  Abiud  begat  Eliakim,  and  Eliakim  begat  Azor,  and  Azor  begat 
l-'j  Zadok,  and  Zadok  begat  Achini,  and  Achiin  begat  Eliud,  and  Eliud 
IG  begat  Eleazar,  and  Eleazar  begat  Matthan,  and  Matthan  begat  Jacob,  and 

Jacob  begat  Joseph  the  husband  of  Mary  of  whom  Jesus,  who  is  called 
"  Christ,"  was  born. 

17  So  all  the  generations  from  Abraham  to  David  are  fourteen  genera- 
tions, and  from  David  to  the  transportation  to  Babylon  fourteen  genera- 
tions, and  from  the  transportation  to  Babylon  to  the  Christ  fourteen 
generations. 

18  Now  the  birth  of  Jesus  Christ  was  in  this  way.  When  Mary  his 
mother  had  been  betrotlied  to  Joseph,  she  was  found'  to  be  with  child  by 

19  the  lioly  Spirit  before  they  came  together.  As  Joseph  her  husband  was 
an  upright  man  and  yet  unwilling  to  expose  lier  publicly,  he  meant  to 

20  divorce  iier  secretly.  But  after  he  had  jilanned  this,  lo,  an  angel  of  tlie 
Lord  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  saying, 

"  Josepli,  son  of  David,  fear  not  to  take  Mary  thy  wife, 

21  For  what  is  begotten  in  her  is  by  the  holy  Sf)irit : 

And  she  shall  bear  a  son,  and  thou  slialt  call  his  name  Jesus, 
For  he  shall  save  his  people  from  their  sins." 

22  The  whole  of  this  came  to  pass  in  order  that  what  was  sjioken  by  the 
Lord  through  tlie  propliet  might  be  fulfilled  ;  when  he  said, 

23  Lo  !  the  maiden  shall  he  with  child  and  hear  a  son, 

And  they  shall  call  his  name  Immanuel 

24  (which  when   translated   means,  "  God   loith  us  ").     And   on  awakening 
_  from  sleep  Joseph  did  as   the  angel  of  the  Lord  commanded  him  ;  he 

25  took  his  wife,  and  did  not  know  her  until  she  had  borne  a  son,  and  he 
called  his  name  Jesus. 


2^-3^]  MATTHEW  303 

2  1         Now  after  the  birth  of  Jesus  in  Bethlehem  of  Judaea  during  the  days 

of  Herod    the  king,  lo,  magicians  from  the  East  arrived  at  Jerusalem, 

2  saying,  "  Where  is  the  newly-born  king  of  the  Jews  ?  for  we  saw  his  star 

3  in  the  East  and  we  have  come  to  do  him  reverence."     And  on  hearing  it 

4  Herod  the  king  was  troubled,  and  all  Jerusalem  with  him.  And  he 
gathered  all  the  high  priests  and  scribes  of  the  people  together,  and 
began  to  make  inquiries  of  them  as  to  where  the  Christ  was  to  be  born. 

5  And  they  said  to  him,  "  In  Bethlehem  of  Judaea  ;  for  thus  it  is  written 
through  the  projjhet, 

6  Aiid  thoit  Bethlehem,  land  of  Judah, 

Art  by  no  means  least  among  the  rulers  of  Judah ; 
For  out  of  thee  shall  come  a  ruler, 

One  ivho  shall  shefherd  my  people  Israel." 

7  Then  Herod  secretly  called  the   magicians  and  ascertained  from   them 

8  the  time  of  the  star's  appearing.  And  he  sent  them  to  Bethlehem  and 
said,  "  Go  and  make  accurate  inquiries  about  the  child  ;  and  after  you 
have   found   him,  bring   me   word,   that    I    also   may   go   and   do  him 

9  reverence."  Now  when  they  heard  the  king  they  went  on  their  way.  And 
lo,  the  star  which  they  had  seen  in  the  East  went  before  them,  until  it 

10  came  and  stood  still  over  the  place  where  the  child  was.     And  on  seeing 

1 1  the  star,  they  rejoiced  with  very  great  joy.  And  on  entering  the  house  they 
saw  the  child  with  Mary  his  mother,  and  they  fell  down  and  did  him 
reverence,  and  opened  their  caskets  and  offered  him  gifts  of  gold  and 

12  frankincense  and  myrrh.  And  on  being  divinely  instructed  in  a  dream 
not  to  return  to  Herod,  they  retired  to  their  own  country  by  another  road. 

13  Now  after  they  had  retired,  lo,  an  angel  of  the  Lord  appears  in  a 
dream  to  Joseph,  saying,  "  Else  up,  take  the  child  and  his  mother  and 
flee  to  Egypt ;  and  stay  there  till  I  tell  thee.     For  Herod  is  about  to 

14  seek  the  child,  to  destroy  him."     And  he  rose  up,  took  the  child  and  his 

15  mother  by  night  and  retired  to  Egypt,  where  he  stayed  until  the  death 
of  Herod  ;  that  what  was  spoken  by  the  Lord  through  the  prophet  might  be 

16  fulfilled,  when  he  said.  Out  of  Egypt  I  called  my  son.  Then  Herod 
saw  that  the  magicians  had  trifled  with  him  ;  and  he  was  mightily  enraged, 
and  sent  out  and  slew  all  the  male  children  in  Bethlehem  and  all  its 
neighbourhood,  from  two  years  of  age  and  under,  according  to  the  time 

17  which  he  had  ascertained  from  the  magicians.  Then  what  was  spoken 
through  the  prophet  Jeremiah  was  fulfilled,  when  he  said, 

18  A  voice  loas  heard  in  Ramah, 

Weeding  and  great  mourning — 
Rachel  weeping  for  her  children; 

And  she  refused  to  he  consoled,  for  they  live  no  more. 

19  But  when  Herod  died,  lo,  an  angel  of  the  Lord  appears  in  a  dream  to 

20  Joseph  in  Egypt,  saying,  "  Else  up,  take  the  child  and  his  mother  and  go 
into  the  land  of  Israel,  for  those  who  sought  the  child's  life  are  dead." 

21  And  he  rose  up,  took  the  child  and  his  mother  and  entered  the  land  of 

22  Israel.  But  when  he  heard  that  Archelaus  was  reigning  over  Judaea  in 
succession  to  his  father  Herod,  he  was  afraid  to  go  there  ;  and  on  being 
divinely  instructed  in  a  dream,  he  retired  into  the  districts  of  Galilee. 

23  So  he  came  and  dwelt  in  a  city  called  Nazaret ;  that  what  was  spoken 
through  the  prophets  might  be  fulfilled,  "  He  shall  be  called  a  Nazarene." 

3  1        Now  in  those  days  John  the  baptizer  arrives,  preaching  in  the  wilder- 
2,  3  ness   of  Judaea,  "  Eepent,  for  the  reign  of  heaven  is  near."     (For  this 

is  he  who  was  spoken  of  through  the  prophet  Isaiah  in  the  words  : 


304  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [3'^-4^ 

Tlie  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness  : 
"  Make  ready  the  toay  of  the  Lord, 
Make  level  his  'paths ! " 

4  Now  he,  John,  had  his  clothing  made  of  camel's  hair,  with  a  leather 
girdle  round  his  loins,  and  his  food  consisted  of  locusts  and  wild  honey. 

5  Then  Jerusalem  and  all  Judaea  and  all  the  country  surrounding  the 

6  Jordan  began  to  go  out  to  him  ;   and   they  were   baptized   by  him  in 

7  the  river  Jordan,  as  they  confessed  their  sins.  But  when  he  saw 
many  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  coming  for  baptism,  he  said  to 
them, 

"  You  offspring  of  vipers,  who  has  directed  you  to  flee  from  the  wrath 
to  come  ? 

8  Bear  fruit,  then,  befitting  your  repentance  : 

9  And  presume  not  to  say  to  yourselves,  '  We  have  Abraham  as  our 

father,' 
For  I  tell  you,  God  can  raise  up  children  for  Abraham  from  these 
stones ! 

10  Even  already  is  the  axe  laid  at  the  root  of  the  trees  : 

So  shall  each  tree  be  hewn  and  thrown  into  the  fire,  unless  it  bear 
sound  fruit. 

11  With  water  I  baptize  you  for  repentance  ; 

But  he  who  comes  after  me  is  mightier  than  I, 
Whose  sandals  I  am  not  fit  to  carry  : 
He  shall  baptize  you  with  the  holy  Spirit  and  fire— 

12  Whose  winnowing  fan  is  in  his  hand,  and  he  will  cleanse  out  his 

threshing-floor. 
He  will  gather  his  corn  into  the  granary. 

But  the  straw  he  will  burn  up  with  fire  unquenchable." 

13  Then  Jesus  arrives  from  Galilee  to  John  at  the  Jordan,  to  get  baptized 

14  by  him.     But  John  tried  to  prevent  him,  saying,  "  I  need  to  get  baptized 

15  by  thee,  yet  thou  comest  to  me  ! "  But  Jesus  answered  and  said,  "  Let  it 
be  so,  for  the  present ;  thus  it  behoves  us  to  do   whatsoever  is  right." 

IG  Then  he  gave  in  to  liiin.     And  when  Jesus  had  been  baptized,  he  imme- 
diately rose  up  from  the  water ;  and  lo,  the  skies  opened,  and  he  saw 
17  God's  Spirit  descend  as  it  were  a  dove  and  come  upon  him;  and  lo,  a 
voice  spoke  out  of  the  skies, 

"  This  is  my  Son,  the  beloved. 
In  whom  I  delight." 
4  1        Then   Jesus   was  led   up   by  the  Spirit  into  the  wilderness  to  be 

2  tempted  by  the  devil.     And  after  fasting  for  forty  days  and  forty  nights 

3  he  at  last  hungered.     And  the  tempter  came  and  said  to  him,  "  If  thou 

4  art  God's  Son,  give  orders  that  these   stones  become  bread."     But   in 
answer  he  said,  "  It  is  written  : 

Not  on  bread  alone  is  man  to  live, 

But  on  every  word  that  issues  from  the  mouth  of  God." 

5  Then  the  devil  takes  him  to  the  holy  city  ;  and  setting  him  on  the 
G  pinnacle  of  the  temple,  he  says  to  him,  "  If  thou  art  God's  Son,  throw 

thyself  down  ;  for  it  is  written, 

He  shall  chcirge  his  angels  concerning  thee  : 
Yea  on  their  hands  they  shall  bear  thee, 
Lest  ever  thou  strike  thy  foot  against  a  stone." 

7  Jesus  said  to  him,  "Again  "it  is  written  :  Thou  shalt  not  make  trial  of  the 

8  Lord  thy  God."     Once  more,  the  devil  takes  him  to  a  very  high  mountain, 

9  and  shows  him  all  the  realms  of  the  world  and  their  grandeur  ;  and  he 


4^*^-5^]  MATTHEW  305 

said  to  him,  "  All  these  I  will  give  thee,  if  thou  wilt  fall  down  and  do 

10  me  reverence."  Then  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Satan,  begone  !  for  it  is 
written  :  Thou  shalt  do  reverence  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  him  only  shalt 

11  thou  ivorshii)."  Then  the  devil  leaves  him  ;  and  lo,  angels  came  and 
ministered  to  him. 

12  Now  when  he  heard  that  John  had  been  delivered  up,  he  retired  to 

13  Galilee.  And  on  leaving  Nazaret  he  came  and  dwelt  in  Kapharnahum 
which  lies  beside  the  sea  in  the  territory  of   Zelmlun   and    Naphtali  ; 

14  that  what  was  spoken  through  Isaiah  the  prophet  might  be  fulfilled, 
when  he  said, 

15  The  land  of  Zebulun  and  the  land  of  Naphtali, 
Towards  the  sea,  across  the  Jordan, 

Galilee  of  the  Gentiles  : 

1 6  The  people  who  sat  in  darkness 

Saiv  a  great  light ; 
And  to  those  ivho  sat  in  the  region  and  the  shadoiv  of  death, 
To  them  light  rose. 

17  From  that  time  Jesus  began  to  preach  and  say,  "  Repent,  for  the  reign 
of  heaven  is  near." 

18  Now  as  he  walked  beside  the  sea  of  Galilee,  he  saw  two  brothers, 
Simon  (who  is  called  Peter)  and  Andrew  his  brother,  casting  a  fishing- 

19  net  into  the  sea  ;  for  they  were  fishers.     And  he  says  to  them,  "Come 

20  after  me  and  I  will  make  you  fishers  of  men."     So  they  immediately  left 

21  the  nets  and  followed  him.  And  going  on  from  there  he  saw  two  other 
brothers,  James  the  son  of  Zebedee,  with  his  brother  John,  in  the  boat 

22  with  Zebedee  their  father,  mending  their  nets  ;  and  he  called  them.  So 
they  immediately  left  the  boat  and  their  father,  and  followed  him. 

23  Then  he  made  a  tour  through  the  whole  of  Galilee,  teaching  in  their 
synagogues,  preaching  the  glad  tidings  of   the   Reign,  and   healing   all 

24  manner  of  disease  and  all  manner  of  infirmity  among  the  peojile.  And 
the  rejjort  of  him  went  out  into  the  whole  of  Syria.  And  they  brought 
him  all  Avho  were  ill,  jjossessed  with  various  diseases  and  tormenting  pains, 
or  possessed  by  daemons,  or  epileptic  and  paralytic  ;  and  he  healed  them. 

25  And  great  crowds  followed  him  from  Galilee  and  Dekapolis  and  Jeru- 
5  1  salem  and  Judaea  and  from  across  the  Jordan.  Now  on  seeing 

the  crowds  he  went   i:p    the  mountain ;    and  when   he   sat   down,  his 

2  disciples   approached  him.     Then  opening  his  mouth  he  taught  them, 
saying  : 

3  "  Happy  the  poor  in  spirit ! 

For  theirs  is  the  reign  of  heaven. 

4  Happy  the  mourners ! 

For  they  shall  he  comforted. 

5  Happy  the  gentle ! 

For  they  shall  inherit  the  earth. 

6  Happy  they  who  hunger  and  thirst  for  uprightness  ! 

For  they  shall  be  satisfied. 

7  Happy  the  merciful ! 

For  they  shall  obtain  mercy. 

8  Happy  the  pure  in  heart ! 

For  they  shall  see  God. 

9  Happy  the  peacemakers  ! 

For  they  shall  be  called  sons  of  God. 

20 


306  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [s^^-^^ 

10  Happy  they  who  have  been  persecuted  on  account  of  uprightness  ! 

For  theirs  is  the  reign  of  heaven. 

11  Happy  are  you  when  men  shall  denounce  you  and  persecute  you 

and  say  all  manner  of  mischief  against  you  for  my  sake  : 

12  Joy  and  rejoice  !  for  great  is  your  reward  in  the  heavens. 

For  thus  did  they  persecute  the  prophets  who  were  before  you. 

13  You  are  the  salt  of  the  earth. 

But  if  salt  has  lost  its  savour, 

Wherewith  shall  it  he  salted  'i 
It  is  no  longer  fit  for  anything, 

Save  to  be  thrown  out  and  trampled  under  men's  feet. 

14  You  are  the  light  of  the  world  (a  city  built  on  a  mountain  cannot  be 

hidden). 

15  And  men  do  not  light  a  lamp  to  ]iut  it  under  the  bushel,  but  on 

the  lamps  tand, 
And  it  shines  for  all  who  are  in  the  house  : 

16  So  let  your  light  shine  before  men, 

That  they  may  see  your  good  deeds,  and  magnify  your  Father 
who  is  in  the  heavens. 

17  Think  not  that  I  came  to  breakdown  the  law  and  the  prophets  : 

I  came  not  to  l)reak  down  but  to  fulhl. 

18  [For  I  tell  you  truly,  till  sky  and  earth  pass  away. 

Not  an  iota,  not  one  upstroke  of  a  letter  shall  pass  away  from  the 
law,  till  all  come  to  pass. 

19  Whoever  then  shall  break  one  of  these  least  commandments  and  teach 

men  so, 
In  the  reign  of  heaven  he  shall  be  reckoned  least : 
But  whoever  shall  ol)ey  and  teach  them. 

In  the  reign  of  heaven  he  shall  be  reckoned  greatest.] 

20  For  I  tell  you,  unless  your  uprightness  shall  excel  that  of  the  scribes 

and  Pharisees, 
You  shall  not  enter  the  reign  of  heaven. 

21  You  have  heard  that  it  was  said  to  the  men  of  old, 

^  Thou  shall   not  murder:  and  whoever  murders  shall  be  liable  to 
the  judges.' 

22  But  I  tell  you. 

Everyone  who   is  angry   with  his  br(jther   shall  be  lialjle  to   the 

judges, 
And  whoever  says  to  his  brother,  'Empty  fellow!'  shall  be  liable 

to  the  Sanhedrin, 
And  whoever  says  to  his  brother,  '  Idiot ! '  shall  be  liable  to  the 

Gehenna  of  fire. 

23  So  if  thou  art  offering  thy  gift  at  the  altar. 

And  rememberest  there  that  thy  brother  has  anything  against  thee, 

24  Leave  thy  gift  there  before  the  altar, 

And  go,  be  reconciled  to  thy  brother  lirst. 
Then  come  and  offer  thy  gift. 

25  (Come  quickly  to  terms  with  thine  opponent,  so  long  as  thou  art  with 

him  on  the  road  • 
Lest  the  opponent  deliver  thee  up  to  the  judge,  and  the  judge  to  the 
officer,  and  thou  be  thrown  into  prison  : 

26  I  tell  thee  truly,  thou  shalt  not  leave  that  place,  till  thou  hast  paid  the 

last  hali'ponny.) 


5-'-*''J  MATTHEW  307  I 

27  You  have  lieard  that  it  was  said, 

'  Thou  shall  not  commit  adultery.'' 

28  But  I  tell  you, 

Everyone  who  looks  at  a  woman  for  lust  ^  has  committed  adultery 
with  her  already  in  his  heart. 

29  If  thy  right  eye  hinder  thee. 

Pluck  it  out  and  throw  it  from  thee  : 
For  it  is  good  for  thee  that  one  of  thy  memliers  perish, 
Instead  of  thy  whole  body  being  thrown  into  Gehenna. 

30  And  if  thy  right  hand  hinder  thee, 

Cut  it  off  and  throw  it  from  thee  : 
For  it  is  good  for  thee  that  one  of  thy  members  perish, 
Instead  of  thy  whole  body  going  into  Gehenna. 

31  It  was  said  also, 

'  Whoever  shall   divorce  his  ivife,    let   him  give  her  a  writing  of 
repudiation.' 

32  But  I  tell  you,  - 

Everyone  who  divorces  his  wife,  except  on  account  of  fornication, 

makes  her  an  adulteress  : 
And  whoever  marries  her  after  she  is  divorced,  commits  adultery. 

33  Once  more,  you  have  heard  that  it  was  said  to  the  men  of  old, 

'  Thou  shall  not  forswear  thyself,  but  shalt  discharge  thy  vows  to  the  Lord.' 
3-1  But  I  tell  you. 

Swear  not  at  all :  ; 

Neither  by  heaven,  because  it  is  God's  throne,  \ 

35  Nor  by  earth,  because  it  is  the  footstool  of  his  feet,  1 
Nor  by  Jerusalem,  because  it  is  the  city  of  the  great  King,  i 

36  Nor  shalt  thou   swear  by  thy  head,  because  thou  canst   not 

make  one  hair  white  or  black. 

37  Let  what  you  say  be  simjily  '  yes '  or  '  no ' : 

Whatever  exceeds  that  is  from  the  evil  one. 

38  You  have  heard  that  it  was  said, 

^  An  eye  for  an  eye,  and  a  tooth  for  a  tootlt.' 

39  But  I  tell  you. 

Resist  not  the  evil  man ; 

Nay,  whoever  smites  thee  on  the  -  right  cheek, 
Turn  the  other  to  him  also. 

40  And  if  anyone  wishes  to  sue  thee  for  possession  of  thy  tunic. 

Let  him  have  thy  cloak  also. 

41  And  whoever  shall  force  thee  to  go  one  mile. 

Go  two  with  him. 

42  Give  to  him  who  asks  thee. 

And  turn  not  away  from  him  who  would  l:)orrow  from  thee. 

43  You  have  heard  that  it  was  said, 

'  Thou  shalt  love  thij  neighbour  and  hate  thine  enemy.' 

44  But  I  tell  you,  j 

Love  your  enemies,  and  pray  for  those  who  persecute  you, 

45  That  you  may  become  sons  of  your  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens  : 
For  he  makes  his  sun  rise  upon  niggardly  and  generous, 

And  sends  rain  upon  just  and  unjust. 

1  Omitting  [[*i-r;,.]].  -  Omitting  [["ov]]. 


308  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [s^^-G^^ 

46  For  if  you  love  tliose  who  love  you,  what  reward  have  you  ? 

Do  not  even  the  tax-gatherers  do  that  ? 

47  And  if  you  salute  naerely  your  brothers,  what  are  you  doing  beyond 

others  1 
Do  not  even  the  heathen  do  that  ? 

48  You  are  to  be  jjerfect  then, 

As  your  heavenly  Father  is  perfect. 

6  1  Take  care  not  to  practise  your  charity  before  men,  to  be  seen  by 

them  : 
Otherwise  you  have  no  reward  with  your  Father  who  is  in  the 
heavens. 

2  So  when  thou  givest  alms. 

Make  no  flourish  of  trumpets,  as  do  the  h^-pocrites 
In  the   synagogues  and   in   the  thoroughfares,  that  they  may  be 
magnified  by  men  : 
I  tell  you  truly,  they  get  their  reward. 

3  But  when  thou  givest  alms, 

Let  not  thy  left  hand  know  what  thy  right  hand  is  doing, 

4  That  thine  alms  may  be  in  secret ; 

And  thy  Father  who  sees  in  secret  shall  recompense  thee. 

5  And  when  you  pray. 

You  shall  not  be  like  the  hypocrites  ; 

For  they  like  to  pray  standing  in  the  synagogues  and  at  the  street 
corners,  to  appear  before  men  : 
I  tell  you  truly,  they  get  their  reward. 

6  But  thou,  when  thou  prayest, 

Go  into  thine  inner  chamber,  shut  thy  door, 
And  pray  to  thy  Father  who  is  in  secret ; 

And  thy  Father  who  sees  in  secret  shall  recompense  thee. 

7  In  praying  do  not  babble  by  rote  as  the  heathen  do, 

For  they  imagine  they  shall  be  heard  for  their  store  of  words  : 

8  Now  l)e  not  like  them  ; 

For  your  Father  knows  what  you  need,  before  you  ask  him. 

9  Pra}'  you  in  this  way,  then  : 

'  Our  Father  who  art  in  the  heavens, 
Thy  name  be  hallowed, 

10  Thy  reign  come. 
Thy  will  be  done. 

As  in  heaven  so  upon  earth  ! 

11  Our  bread  for  the  morrow  give  us  to-day. 

12  And  forgive  us  our  debts 

As  we  also  have  forgiven  our  debtors  ; 

13  And  lead  us  not  into  temptation. 

But  rescue  us  from  the  evil  one.' 

14  For  if  you  forgive  men  their  trespasses. 

Your  heavenly  Father  will  forgive  you  also  : 

15  But  if  you  forgive  not  men,i 

Neither  will  your  heavenly  Father  forgive  your  tre 

16  Now  when  you  fast, 
Put  on  no  dejected  looks,  like  the  hypocrites, 

1  Omittiug  [[t*  TcipxirTU/XXTa.  eti,-uf]]. 


6^^-^*]  MATTHEW  309 

For  they  disfigure  their  faces  to  appear  fasting  before  men  : 
I  tell  you  truly,  they  get  their  reward. 

17  But  thou,  when  thou  fastest, 
Anoint  thy  head  and  wash  thy  face, 

18  That  thou  mayest  not  appear  to  men  as  one  fasting,  but  to  thy  Father 

who  is  in  secret ; 
And  thy  Father  who  sees  in  secret  shall  recompense  thee. 

19  Store  up  no  treasure  for  yourselves  on  earth, 

Where  moth  and  rust  consume. 

And  where  thieves  break  in  and  steal : 

20  But  store  up  treasure  for  yourselves  in  heaven. 

Where  neither  moth  nor  rust  consumes. 

And  where  thieves  do  not  break  in  or  steal. 

21  For  where  thy  treasure  is. 

There  shall  thine  heart  be  also. 

22  The  lamp  of  the  body  is  the  eye  : 
If  thine  eye  then  be  liberal, 

Thy  whole  body  shall  be  lit  up  ; 

23  But  if  thine  eye  be  niggardly, 

Thy  whole  body  shall  be  darkened. 
If  the  light  in  thee  is  darkness. 

Then— what  a  darkness  I  ! 

24  No  one  can  serve  two  masters :  < 

For  either  he  will  hate  the  one  and  love  the  other,  i 

Or  else  he  will  hold  to  one  and  despise  the  other. 
You  cannot  serve  God  and  Mammon. 

25  Therefore  I  tell  you,  ' 

Be  not  anxious  for  your  life,  about  what  you  are  to  eat,i  i 

Nor  yet  for  your  body,  about  what  you  are  to  wear  : 
Is  not  life  more  than  food. 

And  the  body  than  raiment  ? 

26  Look  at  the  birds  of  the  air  : 

They  sow  not,  reap  not,  gather  into  no  granaries. 
Yet  your  heavenly  Father  feeds  them. 
Are  vou  not  worth  more  than  they  ? 

27  Which  of  you  can  add  one  ell  to  his  stature  by  anxiety  ? 

28  Why  then  be  anxious  about  raiment  1  ; 
Mark  well  how  the  field-lilies  grow  !  they  toil  not,  neither  do  they  | 

spin  : 

29  Yet  I  tell  you,  even  Solomon  in  all  his  grandeur   was  not  rolied 

like  one  of  these. 

30  Now  if  God  thus  arrays  the  grass  of  the  field,  which  lives  to-day  and 

is  thrown  to-morrow  into  the  oven,  1 

0  men  of  little  faith,  shall  he  not  much  more  array  you  ?  1 

31  Be  not  anxious  then  and  say, 

'  What  are  we  to  eat  V  or  '  What  are  we  to  drink  1 '  or  '  How  are 
we  to  be  clothed  ? ' 

32  (For  all  these  things  the  Gentiles  crave) 

For  your  heavenly  Father  knows  that  you  require  all  these.  : 

33  But  seek  his  reign  and  his  uprightness  first. 

And  you  shall  have  all  these  added  besides.  ' 

34  Be  not  anxious  for  the  morrow,  then  ;  ! 

1  Omitting  [[v  W  -r.'vn]].  i 


310  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [7^"^^ 

The  morrow  will  lie  anxious  for  itself. 
Sufficient  for  the  day  is  the  da3''s  own  trouble. 

7  1  Judge  not, 

That  you  may  not  be  judged  ; 

2  For  with  what  judgment  you  judge, 

You  shall  be  judged, 
And  with  what  measure  you  measiTre, 
It  shall  be  measured  to  you. 

3  Why  look  at  the  splinter  in  thy  brother's  eye, 

And  mark  not  the  beam  in  thine  own  eye  1 

4  What !    how  art  thou  to  say  to  thy  brother,  '  Come,  let  me   pull    the 

splinter  out  of  thine  eye,' 
When  lo,  the  beam  is  in  thine  own  eye  ? 

5  Hypocrite  !  pull  the  beam  out  of  thine  own  eye  first. 

Then   indeed   shalt   thou   see   clearly  to  pull   the   splinter   out   of   thy 
brother's  eye. 

6  Give  not  what  is  holy  to  the  dogs. 

And  throw  not  your  pearls  before  swine  ; 
Lest  they  trample  them  under  their  feet, 
And  turn  to  tear  you  in  jjieces. 

7  Ask  and  it  sliall  be  given  you. 

Seek  and  you  shall  find. 

Knock  and  it  shall  be  opened  to  you  : 

8  For  every  one  who  asks  receives. 

And  he  who  seeks  finds. 

And  to  him  who  knocks  it  shall  lie  opened. 

9  Why,  what  man  of  you  will  hand  his  son  a  stone,  if  he  asks  him  for  a 

loaf? 
10  Or  will  hand  him  a  serpent,  if  he  asks  him  for  a  fish  ? 

If  3^ou  then,  niggardly  as  you  are,  know  how  to  give  good  gifts  to 

your  children. 
How  much  more  shall  your  Father  who  is  in  the  la'avens  give  good 

things  to  those  who  ask  him  ? 

12  All  then  that  you  would  have  men  do  to  you. 

Do  also  to  them,  yourselves  : 

For  this  is  the  law  and  the  prophets. 

13  Enter  by  the  narrow  gate  : 

For  wide  ^  and  spacious  is  the  way  that  leads  to  destructicm, 
And  those  who  are  entering  by  it  are  many  ; 

14  For  narrow  is  the  gate  and  strait  the  way  that  leads  to  life, 

And  those  who  are  finding  it  are  few. 

15  Beware  of  false  ]no|,liil>,  men  who  come  to  you  in  sheep's  clothing, 

But  arr  iii\v;ii-illy  r.tvciious  wolves. 
IG  From  their  fruits  you  sliall  recognise  them  : 

Do  men  gather  grapes  from  thorns,  or  figs  from  ihistles? 

17  So  every  good  tree  brings  forth  sound  fruits. 

But  the  rotten  tree  brings  forth  bad  fruits. 

1 8  A  good  tree  cannot  bring  forth  bad  fruits, 

Nor  can  a  rotten  tree  bring  forth  sound  fruits. 

1  Oniittillg  [[r.  Ti/.r]]. 


7^^-8^^]  MATTHEW  311 

19  (Eacli  tree  sliall  be  hewn  and  thrown  into  the  tire, 

Unless  it  bear  sound  fruit) 

20  So  from  their  fruits  then  you  shall  recognise  them. 

21  Not  everyone  who  says  to  me,    'Lord,  Lord!'  shall  enter   the  reign   of 

heaven  ; 
But  he  who  obeys  the  will  of  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens. 

22  Many  will  say  to  me  on  that  day,  '  Lord,  Lord  ! 

Did  we  not  prophesy  by  thy  name? 
And  cast  out  daemons  by  thy  name  ? 
And  work  many  miracles  by  thy  name  ? ' 

23  And  then  will  I  declare  to  them,  '  I  never  knew  you  : 

Depart  from  me,  ye  v:orkers  of  evil.' 

24  Everyone  then  who  hears  these  words  of  mine, 

and  obeys  them, 
Shall  be  compared  to  a  shrewd  man, 

who  built  his  house  upon  the  rock  : 

25  And  the  rain  fell, 
The  streams  rose. 

The  winds  blew  and  beat  upon  that  house  ; 
Yet  it  fell  not. 
For  it  was  founded  upon  the  rock. 

26  And  everyone  who  hears  these  words  of  mine, 

And  obeys  them  not. 
Shall  be  compared  to  a  thoughtless  man, 
Who  built  his  house  upon  the  sand  ; 

27  And  the  rain  fell, 
The  streams  rose. 

The  winds  blew  and  struck  upon  that  house, 
And  it  fell ; 
And  great  was  its  downfall." 

28  And  it  came  to  pass  when  Jesus  finished  these  words,  the  crowds  were 

29  astonished  at  his  teaching  ;  for  he  taught  them  as  one  who  exerted 
authority,  and  not  like  their  own  scribes. 

8  1         Now  when  he  came  down  from  the  mountain,  great  crowds  followed 

2  him.  And  there  was  a  leper  who  approached  and  began  to  do  him 
reverence,    saying,    "  Sir,    if    thou    wilt,    thou   canst   make   me   clean." 

3  And    stretching    out    his    hand    he    touched    him,    saying,    "  I    will  : 

4  be  clean."  And  immediately  his  leprosy  was  made  clean.  And 
Jesus  says  to  him,  "  See  thou  tell  no  one  ;  but  go,  show  thyself  to  the 
priest  and  offer  the  gift  that  Moses  commanded — as  a   proof  to   men." 

5  Now  when  he  entered  Kapharnahum,  a  centurion  came  to  him 

6  and  besought  him  saying,  "  Sir,  my  servant  is  lying  ill  at  home  with 

7  paralysis,  in  dreadful  torture."     He  says  to  him,  "  I  will  come  and  heal 

8  him."  But  the  centurion  answered  and  said,  "Sir,  I  am  not  fit  to  have 
thee  come  under  my  roof.     Only  say  the  word,  and  my   servant  shall 

9  be  cured.  For  indeed  I  am  myself  a  man  under  authority,  with  soldiers 
under    me  :    I    say    to    this    man,    '  Go,'    and    he    goes  ;    to    another, 

10  'Come,'  and  he  conies;  to  my  slave,  'Do  this,'  and  he  does  it."  Now 
when  Jesus  heard  it,  he  marvelled  ;  and  he  said  to  his  followers,  "  I 
tell  you  truly,  I  have  not  found  such  faith  as  this  with  anyone  in  Israel. 

Ill  tell  you, 


312  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [8^2_9S 

Many  sliall  coiiie/j-o»i  east  and  -west 

And  recline  with  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob  in  the  heavenly 
reahn  : 

12  But  the  sons  of  the  realm  shall  be  thrown  out  into  the  outer  darkness  ; 

There  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth." 

13  And  Jesus  said  to  the  centurion,  "Go  ;  be  it  done  for  thee,  as  thou  hast 

14  l)elieved."  And  in  that  hour  the  servant  was  cured.  And  on 
entering  the  house  of  Peter,  Jesus  saw  his  wife's  mother  lying  in  bed  with 

15  fever.    And  he  touched  her  hand,  and  the  fever  left  her  ;  and  she  rose  and 

16  ministered  to  him.  Now  in  the  evening  they  brought  him  many  who 
were  possessed  by  daemons,  and  he  cast  out  the  spirits  with  a  word,  and 

17  healed  all  who  were  ill— that  what  was  spoken  through  the  prophet 
Isaiah  might  be  fulfilled,  He  took  our  illnesses  himself,  and  our  diseases 
bore. 

18  Now   when  Jesus  saw  great  crowds  around  him,  he  gave  orders  to 

19  depart  to  the  opposite  side.     And  one  man,  a  scribe,  came  up  and  said  to 

20  him,  "  Teacher,  I  will  follow  thee  wherever  thou  goest."  Then  Jesus  says 
to  him, 

"  The  foxes  have  holes  and  the  birds  of  the  air  have  shelters. 
But  the  Son  of  man  has  no  place  to  lay  his  head." 

21  Another  of  the  disciples  said  to  him,   "Lord,  let  me  go  and  l)ury  my 

22  father  first."     But  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Follow  me,  and  let  the  dead"  bury 

23  their  own  dead."  And  he  embarked  in  a  boat,  followed  by  his 

24  disciples.     And  lo,  a  great  storm  rose  on  the  sea,  so  that  the  boat  was 

25  being  covered  with  the  waves.    But  he  was  asleep.    And  they  went  to  him 

26  and  woke  him,  saying,  "  Save,  Lord  !  we  are  perishing  !  "  '  And  he  says 
^  to  them,  "  Why  are  you  timid,  0  men  of  little  faith  ? "    Then  he  rose  and 

27  rebuked  the  winds  and  the  sea,  and  there  was  a  great  calm.  And  the 
men  marvelled  and  said,  "What  a  man  this  is  !  even  the  winds  and  the  sea 

28  obey  him  !  "  And  when  he  reached  the  opjwsite  side,  the 
country  of  the  Gadarenes,  two  men  possessed  by  daemons  met  him,  who  came 
from  the  tomlxs,  men  of  such  violence  that  no  one  could  jjass  along  that 

29  road.     And  behold,  they  shouted,  "  What  have  we  to  do  with  thee.  Son 

30  of  God  ?     Hast  tliou  come  here  to  torment  us  liefore  the  time  1 "     Now 

31  far  away  from  them  a  drove  of  many  swine  was  grazing.  And  the 
daemons  besought   him,  "  If  thou  cast  us  out,  send    us  away  into  the 

32  drove  of  swine."  And  he  said  to  them,  "  Begone."  So  they  came  out 
and  went   oft'  into  the  swine,  and  lo  !   all  the   drove   rushed  down  the 

33  steep  slope  into  the  sea  and  perished  in  the  waters.  Then  the  herds- 
men tied  and  went  away  into  the    city  bringing  word  of  everything, 

34  and  of  those  who  had  been  possessed  by  daemons.  And  beliold,  all  the 
city  came  out  to  meet  Jesus  ;  and  when  they  saw  him,  they  besought 

)  1  him  to  remove  from  their  neighbourhood.  And  lie  embarked 

2  in  a  boat  and  crossed  over,  and  came  to  his  own  city.  And  behold,  they 
brought  him  a  paralytic  man  lying  on  a  bed.  And  when  Jesus  saw 
their  faith,  he  said  to"  tlu'  ]iaralylic  man,  "Be  of  good  cheer,  my  son  : 

3  thy  sins  are  forgiven."     Ami  lulml.l,  some  of  the  scril)es  said  to  them- 

4  selves,  "This  fellow  is  blaspliciinug.''     And  when  Jesus  saw  what  they 

5  were  thinking  he  said,  "  Why  think  evil  in  your  hearts  ?  For  which 
is  easier,  to  say,  '  Thy  sins  are  forgiven,'  or  to  say,  '  Rise  and  walk  '  ? 

6  But,  to  let  you  know  that  the  Son  of  man  has  authority  on  earth  to 
forgive  sins  "—then  he  says  to  the  paralytic  man—"  Rise,  take  up  thy  bed, 

7,  8  and  go  home."  And  he  rose  and  went  away  home.  Now  when  the  crowd 
saw  it  they  were  awed,  and  they  magnified  C!od  who   had   given  such 


9^-=^*]  MATTHEW  313 

9  authority  to  men.  And  as  Jesus  passed  along  from  there,  he  saw 

a  man  sitting  at  the  tax-office,  called   Matthew  ;  and  he  says  to  him, 

10  "Follow  me."  And  he  rose  and  followed  him.  And  it  came  to  pass  as 
he  reclined  at   table  in   the  house,  there  were  many  tax-gatherers  and 

1 1  sinners  who  came  and  reclined  along  with  Jesus  and  his  disciples.  And 
when  the  Pharisees  saw  it,  they  said  to  his  disciples,  "  Why  does  your 

12  teacher  eat  with  the  tax-gatherers  and  sinners?"  But  when  he  heard 
it  he  said, 

"  The  strong  need  not  a  physician,  hut  those  who  are  ill. 

13  Go  and  learn  what  this  means  :  It  is  mercy  I  care  for,  not  sacrifice. 
For  I  came  not  to  call  upright  men  but  sinners." 

14  Then  the  disciples  of   John  approach  him,  saying,  "  Why  is  it  that  we 

15  and  the  Pharisees  fast,  while  thy  disciples  fast  not  'i "  And  Jesus  said  to 
them", 

"  Can  the  sons  of  the  bride-chamber  mourn 

As  long  as  the  bridegroom  is  with  them  ? 

But  days  will  come  when  the  bridegroom  shall  l^e  taken  away 
from  them  : 
And  then  will  they  fast. 

16  No  man  sews  a  piece  of  undressed  cloth  on  an  old  cloak  ; 

For  the  patch  parts  from  it, 
And  a  worse  tear  is  made. 

17  Nor  do  men  pour  fresh  wine  into  old  wine-skins  : 

Otherwise  the  wine-skins  burst. 

The  wine  is  spilt,  and  the  wine-skins  are  lost. 
No,  they  pour  fresh  wine  into  new  wine-skins. 
And  both  are  preserved." 

18  As  he  was  speaking  thus  to  them,  behold,  a  president  came  and  began  to 
do  him  reverence,  saying,  "  My  daughter  has  this  moment  died.     But 

19  come  and  lay  thy  hand  on  her,  and  she  shall  live."     Then  Jesus  rose  and 

20  followed  him,  along  with  his  disciples.  And  behold,  a  woman  who  had 
had  a  hemorrhage  for  twelve  years,  came  behind  him  and  touched  the  tassel 

21  of  his  cloak  ;  for  she  kept  saying  to  herself,  "  If  only  I  touch  his  cloak, 

22  I  shall  be  restored."  When  Jesus  turned  and  saw  her,  he  said,  "  Be  of 
good  cheer,  daughter  ;  thy  faith  has  restored  thee."     And  the  woman  was 

23  restored   from  that  hour.     And  when  Jesus  came  to  the  house  of   the 

24  president,  and  saw  the  flute -jjlayers  and  the  crowd  making  a  noise,  he 
said,  "  Eetire  ;  the  girl  is  not  dead,  but  asleep."     And  they  laughed  him 

25  to  scorn.      But  when  the  crowd  had  been  put  out,  he  went  in  and  took 

26  her  hand,  and  the  girl  rose.     And  the  report  of  this  went  out  into  the 

27  whole  of  that  land.  And  as  Jesus  passed  along  from  there,  two 
blind  men  followed  him,  shouting  and  saying,  "  Have  pity  on  us.  Son  of 

28  David  !  "  But  when  he  had  gone  into  the  house,  the  blind  men  came  up 
to  him  ;  and  Jesus  says   to  them,    "  Do  you  believe  I  am  able  to  do 

29  tins'?"     They  say  to  him,  "Yes,  Lord."   '^Then  he  touched  their  eyes, 

30  saying,  "  According  to  your  faith  be  it  done  for  you."  And  their  eyes 
were  opened.       And  Jesus  sternly  charged  them,  saying,  "  See  that  no 

31  one  knows  of  it."     They  went  out,'  however,  and  spread  his  fame  through 

32  the  whole  of  that  land.  Now  as  they  were  going  out,  there  were 

33  people  who  brought  him  a  dumb  man  possessed  by  a  daemon.  And  when 
the  daemon  had  been  cast  out,  the  dumb  man  spoke.     And  the  crowd 

34  marvelled,  saying,  "Never  was  such  a  sight  seen  in  Israel  !"  But  the 
Pharisees  said,  "He  is  casting  out  the  daemons  with  the  help  of  the  ruler 
of  the  daemons." 


314  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [9^^-10^^ 

35  And  Jesus  made  a  tour  througli  all  tlie  cities  and  the  villages, 
teaching  in  their  synagogues,  preaching  the  glad  tidings  of  the  Reign, 

3G  and  healing  all  manner  of  disease  and  all  manner  of  infirmity.  And 
when  he  saw  the  crowds  he  was  moved  with  compassion  for  them, 
because  they  were  harassed  and  prostrate,  like  sheep  without  a  shepherd. 

37  Then  lie  says  to  his  disciples, 

"  The  harvest  is  ample,  but  the  labourers  are  few  : 

38  Entreat  then  the  owner  of  the  harvest  to  thrust  out  labourers  into 

his  harvest." 
10  1  And  calling  his  twelve  disciples  to  him,  he  gave  them  authority  over 
unclean  spirits  to  cast  them  out,  and  to  heal  all  manner  of  disease  and 

2  all    manner   of    infirmity.     Now    these  are   the  names   of   the   twelve 
apostles.     First  Simon  (who  is  called  Peter),  with  Andrew  his  brother, 

3  and   James   the   son  of   Zeliedee   and    John    his    brother,    Philip  '  and 
Bartholomew,  Thomas  and  Matthew  the  tax-gatherer,  James  (the  son  of 

4  Alphaeus)and  Thaddaeus,  Simon  ("the  zealot")  and  Judas  Iskariot(who 

5  also  betrayed  him).     These  twelve  men  Jesus  sent  out,  after  charging 
them  in  these  words  : 

"  Take  no  road  to  the  Gentiles, 
And  enter  no  city  of  the  Samaritans  ; 
G  Rather  go  to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel. 

7  And  as  you  go,  preach,  saying,  '  The  reign  of  heaven  is  near.' 

8  Heal  the  sick,  raise  the  dead. 

Make  lepers  clean,  cast  out  daemons  : 
You  received  without  fee, 
Give  without  fee. 
9,  10  Provide  yourselves  with  no  gold  or  silver  or  brass  in  your  girdles,  with 
no  wallet  for  your  journey,  nor  with  two  tunics,  nor  with  sandals,  nor 

1 1  with  staff  ;  for  the  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  food.  And  whatever  city  or 
village  you  enter,  ascertain  who  is  worthy  in  it,  and  stay  there  till  you 

12  leave.     As  you  enter  the  household,  salute  it. 

13  Then  if  the  household  be  worthy. 

Let  your  peace  come  upon  it : 
But  if  it  be  not  worthy. 

Let  your  peace  return  to  you. 

14  And  whoever  shall  not  receive  you  or  listen  to  your  words. 

As  you  go  outside  that  house  or  that  citv,  shake  off  the  dust  of  vour 
feet ; 

15  I  tell  you  truly,  the  land  of  Sodom  and  Gomorra  shall  iiiul  it  more 

bearable  on  the  day  of  judgment  than  that  city. 

16  Lo,  I  despatch  you  like  sheep  amid  wolves  ; 

Be  shrewd  then  like  serpents,  and  guileless  like  doves, 

17  Beware  of  men  : 

For  they  will  deliver  you  up  to  councils, 
And  scourge  you  in  their  synagogues. 

18  Moreover  before  governors  and  kings  shall  you  be  brought  for  my  sake, 

For  a  witness  to  them  and  to  the  Gentiles. 

19  Now  when  they  deliver  you  up, 

Be  not  anxious  how  to  speak  or  what  to  say  ; 

What  you  are  to  say  shall  be  given  you  in  that  hour. 

20  For  it  is  not  so  much  you  who  speak. 

As  the  Spirit  of  your  Father  which  speaks  in  you. 

21  Brother  shall  deliver  up  brother  to  death,  and  the  father  his  child  : 
Children  sltall  rise  nj)  (ujdinst  parents  and  have  them  put  to  death. 


1022_iii]  MATTHEW  315 

22  And  you  sliall  be  hated  by  all  men  for  my  name's  sake  ; 

But  he  who  endures  to  the  end,  he  shall  be  saved. 

23  When  they  persecute  you  in  this  city,  flee  to  the  next  : 

For  I  tell  you  truly,  you  shall  not  have  got  to  the  end  of  the  cities  of 
Israel,  before  the  Son  of  man  comes. 

24  A  pupil  is  not  above  his  teacher, 

Nor  a  slave  above  his  owner  : 

25  It  is  enough  for  the  pupil  to  be  like  his  teacher, 

And  the  slave  like  his  owner. 
If  they  surnamed  the  master  of  the  house  '  Beel-zebub,' 
How  much  more  those  of  his  household  ? 

26  So  fear  them  not  :  for  nothing  is  veiled  that  shall  not  be  disclosed. 

Or  hidden  that  shall  not  be  known. 

27  What  I  tell  you  in  the  darkness,  speak  in  the  light  : 

And  what  is  taught  you  in  a  whisper,  proclaim  on  the 
housetops. 

28  And  fear  not  those  who  kill  the  body  but  are  not  able  to  kill  the  soul  : 

Eather   fear  him  who   is   able   to   destroy  both   soul    and    body  in 
Gehenna. 

29  Are  not  two  sparrows  sold  for  a  penny  ?  I 

Yet  not  one  of  them  shall  fall  to  the  ground  without  your  Father.  I 

30  Yes,  and  as  for  you,  the  hairs  of  your  head  have  been  all  numbered. 

31  Fear  not,  then  :  you  are  worth  more  than  many  sparrows. 

32  Everyone  therefore  who  shall  confess  me  before  men, 

I  also  will  confess  him  before  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens  : 

33  But  whoe-\^er  shall  disown  me  before  men, 

I  also  will  disown  him  before  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens. 

34  Think  not  that  I  came  to  bring  peace  on  the  earth, 

I  came  not  to  bring  peace  but  a  sword. 

35  For  I  came  to  set  a  man  at  variance  against  his  father,  I 

And  the  daughter  against  her  mother, 
And  the  daughter-in-laiv  against  her  mother-in-law ;  | 

36  Yea  a  ■)iian''s  enemies  shall  be  the  feajple  of  his  own  household.  \ 

37  He  who  loves  father  or  mother  more  than  me, 

Is  not  worthy  of  me  :  \ 

And  he  who  loves  son  or  daughter  more  than  me,  ! 

Is  not  worthy  of  me  : 

38  And  he  who  does  not  take  his  cross  and  follow  after  me, 

Is  not  worthy  of  me.  I 

39  He  who  has  found  his  life,  ] 

Shall  lose  it  :  i 
And  he  who  for  my  sake  has  lost  his  life, 

Shall  find  it.  ! 

40  He  who  receives  you  receives  me,  i 

And  he  who  receives  me  receives  him  who  sent  me. 

41  He  who  receives  a  prophet  because  he  is  a  prophet,  , 

Shall  receive  a  prophet's  reward  :  | 

And  he  who  receives  an  upright  man  because  he  is  an  upright  man, 
Shall  receive  an  upright  man's  reward  : 

42  And  whosoever  shall  give  one  of  these  little  ones,  were  it  only  a  cup  of 

cold  water,  because  he  is  a  disciple, 
I  tell  you  truly,  he  shall  not  lose  his  reward." 
Ill  And  it  came  to  pass  when  Jesus  finished  giving  instructions  to  his  twelve 
disciples,  he  removed  from  there  to  teach  and  preach  in  their  cities. 


316  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [ll-  -^ 

2  Now  when  John  in  the  jirison-house  heard  of  the  deeds  of  the  Christ, 

3  he  sent  a  message  to  him  by  his  disciples,  "  Art  tliou  he  '  who  is  to  come '  1 

4  or  are  we  to  expect  someone  else  ? "     And  in  answer  Jesus  said  to  them, 
"  Go  and  report  to  John  what  you  hear  and  see  : 

5  The  blind  regain  their  sight,  and  the  lame  walk, 
The  lepers  are  cleansed,  and  the  deaf  hear, 

The  dead  also  are  raised,  and  the  2}oor  have  glad  tidings  preached 
to  them. 

6  And  happy  is  he  who  is  rejaelled  by  nothing  in  me." 

7  Now  as  these  men  went  on  their  way,  Jesus  began  to  sjjeak  about  Jolm 
to  the  crowds  : 

"  What  did  you  go  out  into  the  wilderness  to  view  ?     A  reed  being 
shaken  by  the  wind  ? 

8  Nay,  what  did  you  go  out  to  see  ?     A  man  clothed  in  soft  robes  ? 

Lo,  those  who  wear  soft  robes  are  in  kings'  houses  ! 

9  Nay,  why  did  you  go  out  ?  to  see  a  prophet  ? 

Yes,  I  tell  you,  and  far  more  than  a  prophet. 
10  This  is  he  of  whom  it  is  written, 

Lo,  I  send  my  messenger  before  thy  face, 
TFlio  shall  'prefare  thy  way  before  thee. 
Ill  tell  you  truly,  no  one  has  arisen  among  those  born  of  women,  greater 
than  John  the  baptizer : 

Yet  he  who  is  least  in  the  heavenly  realm  is  greater  than  he. 

12  (And  from  the  days  of  John  the  baptizer  until  now,  the  heavenly  realm 
is  carried  by  storm,  and  the  violent  seize  on  it.) 

13  For  all  the  prophets  and  the  law  prophesied  till  John : 

14  Yea,  if  you  would  receive  it,  this  is  Elijah  who  is  to  come, 

15  He  who  has  ears,  let  him  hear. 

16  To  what  shall  I  compare  this  generation? 

It  is  like  children  sitting  in  the  market-places,  wlio  address  their  play- 

17  mates  and  say, 

'  We  piped  to  you,  and  you  did  not  dance  : 

We  lamented,  and  you  beat  not  your  breasts.' 

18  For  John  came  neither  eating  nor  drinking, 

And  men  say,  '  He  has  a  daemon ' : 

19  The  >Son  of  man  came  eating  and  drinking, 

And  men  say,  '  Here  is  a  man  of  gluttony  and  wine,  a  friend  of 
tax-gatherers  and  sinners.' 

(Yet  wisdom  is  vindicated  by  her  deeds.)" 

20  Then  he  began  to  reproach  the  cities  in  which  most  of  his  miracles 
had  been  wrought,  because  they  did  not  repent. 

21  "  Woe  to  thee,  Khorazin  !     Woe  to  thee,  Bethsaida  ! 

For  had  the  miracles  wrought  in  you  been  wrought  in  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
They  had  repented  long  ago  in  sackcloth  and  in  ashes. 

22  Yet  I  tell  you.  Tyre  and  Sidon  shall  find  it  more  bearable  on  the  day 
of  judgment  than  you. 

23  And  thou,  Kapharnahum,  slialt  thou  be  raised  to  thcskij?  thou  shall  go 

do  Km  to  Hades! 
For  had  the  miracles  wrought  in  thee  been  wrouglit  in  Sodom, 
It  would  have  lasted  until  this  day. 

24  Yet  I  tell  you,  the  land  of  Sodom  shall  find  it  more  bearable  on  the 
day  of  judgment  tlian  thou." 

25  At  that  season  Jesus  sj)oke  and  said, 

"I  prai.se  tliee.  Father,  Lord  of  heaven  and  eartli. 


Il26_i224]  MATTHEW  317 

That  thou  didst  hide  tliese  things  from  wise  and  clever  men,  reveal- 
ing them  to  babes. 

26  Even  so,  Father  !— 

That  thus  it  pleased  thee. 

27  All  things  have  been  delivered  to  me  by  my  Father, 

And  no  one  understands  the  Son  but  the  Father. 
Nor  does  anyone  understand  the  Father  but  the  Son,  and   he  to 
whom  the  Son  may  choose  to  reveal  him. 

28  Come  to  me,  all  ye  who  are  weary  and  burdened. 

And  I  will  give  you  rest. 

29  Take  my  yoke  on  you  and  learn  from  me. 
For  I  am  gentle  and  humble  in  heart. 

And  you  shall  find  rest  for  your  souls: 

30  For  my  yoke  is  easy  and  my  burden  light." 

12  1        At  that  season  Jesus  went  on  the  sabbath-day  through  the  cornfields  ; 
and  as  his  disciples  hungered,  they  began  to  pluck  ears  of  corn  and  eat. 

2  Now  the  Pharisees  saw   it   and   said  to   him,  "  Lo  !    thy   disciples   are 

3  doing  what  it  is  wrong  to  do  upon  a  sabbath."     But  he  said  to  them, 
"  Have  you  not  read  what  David  did,  when  he  and   his  companions 

4  were  hungry  ?     How  he  went  into  the  house  of  God,  and  they  ate   the 
shoio-hread,  which  neither  he  nor  his  companions  had  any  right  to  eat, 

5  but  only  the  priests  1     Or  have  you  not  read  in  the  law  that  on  the 
sabbath-day  the  priests  in  the  temple  desecrate  the  sabbath  and  are  guilt- 

6,  7  less  ?     And  I  tell  you,  a  greater  than  the  temple  is  here.     But  had  you 

known  what  this  means.  It  is  mercy  I  care  for,  not  sacrifice,  you  would 

8  not  have  condemned  the  guiltless.     For  the  Son  of  man  is  lord  of  the 

9,  10  sabbath."  And  removing  thence  he  entered  their  synagogue.    And 

there  was  a  man  with  a  withered  hand  ;  and  they  asked  him,  "  Is  it  right 

11  to  heal  on  thfe  sabbath-day?" — in  order  to  accuse  him.     He  said  to  them, 
"  What  man  of  you  shall  there  be  who  has  one  sheep,  and,  if  this  falls  into 

12  a  ditch  on  the  sabbath-day,  will  not  lay  hold  of  it  and  lift  it  out  ?     How 
much  more  then  is  a  man  worth  than  a  sheep  'i     So  that  it  is  right  to 

13  do   good   on   the    sabbath-day."     Then  he  says   to  the   man,    "Stretch 
out   thy    hand."      And    as   he   stretched    out,    it    was    restored    sound 

14  like  the  other  one.     Now  the    Pharisees  went   out  and    took   counsel 

15  against  him,  how  to  destroy  him.     But  Jesus  perceived  it  and  retired 

16  thence  ;   and   many  folloAved  him,  and  he  healed   them    all,    charging 

17  them  not  to  make  him   known — that   what   was   spoken   through   tlie 
prophet  Isaiah  might  l)e  fulfilled,  when  he  said, 

18  Behold,  my  servant  whom  I  have  chosen, 

My  beloved,  in  whom  my  soul  delights  ! 
I  iviil  put  my  spirit  upo7i  him. 

And  he  shall  proclaim  justice  to  the  Gentiles. 

19  He  shall  not  wrangle  nor  clamour, 

Nor  shall  his  voice  be  heard  in  the  streets. 

20  A  bruised  reed  he  shall  not  break, 

And  smouldering  flax  he  shall  not  quench. 
Till  he  bring  out  justice  triumphant  : 

21  And  in  his  name  shall  the  Gentiles  hope. 

22  Then  one  possessed  by  a  daemon,  blind  and  dumb,  was  brought  him  ; 

23  and  he  healed  him,  so  that  the  dumb  man  spoke  and  saw.     And  all  the 
crowds    were    amazed   and    said,    "  Can    this   be   the   son  of    David  ? " 

24  But  when  the  Pharisees  heard  it,  they  said,  "  This  fellow  is  casting  out 


318  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [12^^^^^ 

25  the  daemons  with  the  lielp  of  Beelzebub  the  ruler  of  the  daemons."  And 
aware  of  their  thoughts,  he  said  to  them, 

"  Any  realm  divided  against  itself  comes  to  ruin, 

And  any   city   or  household    divided  against   itself   shall    not 
stand  ; 

26  And  if  Satan  casts  out  Satan,  he  is  divided  against  himself  : 

How  then  shall  his  realm  stand  ? 

27  And  if  I  am  casting  out  the  daemons  with  the  help  of  Beelzebub, 

with  whose  help  do  your  sons  cast  them  out  ? 
Tlieretbre  shall  they  be  your  judges. 

28  But  if  I  am  casting  out  the  daemons  with  the  help  of  God's  Spirit, 

Then  God's  reign  has  already  reached  you. 

29  Why,  how  can  one  enter  the  house  of  the  mighty  man  and  spoil  his 
goods,  unless  one  lirst  of  all  binds  the  mightv  man  1  Then  indeed  he 
will  plunder  his  house. 

30  Whoever  is  not  with  me  is  against  me  ; 

And  whoever  gathers  not  with  me,  is  scatterin'^. 

31  Therefore  I  tell  you. 

Every  sin  and  blasphemy  shall  be  forgiven  men. 

But  the  blasphemy  against  the  Spirit  shall  not  be  forgiven. 

32  And   whoever  speaks   a  word   against  the  Son  of  man,  shall  be 

forgiven : 
But  whoever  speaks  against  the  holy   Spirit,  shall  not  l)e  for- 
given, neither  in  this  age  nor  in  that  which  is  to  come. 

33  Either  make  the  tree  sound  and  its  fruit  sound, 
Or  make  the  tree  rotten  and  its  fruit  rotten  : 

For  by  the  fruit  the  tree  is  known. 

34  Olfspring  of  vipers !  how  can  you  speak  what  is  good,  when  vou 

are  bad  ? 
^  For  from  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the  mouth  speaks. 

35  The  good  man  from  his  good  storehouse  produces  good. 

And  the  bad  man  from  his  bad  storehouse  produces  bad. 

36  I  tell  you,  for  every  useless  word  that  men  shall  speak, 

They  shall  render  account  on  the  day  of  judgment : 

37  For  by  thy  words  shaft  thou  be  justified, 

And  by  thy  words  shalt  thou  be  condemned." 

38  Then  some  of   the  scribes  and    Pharisees  answered    liim,    "Teacher, 

39  we  would  see  a  sign  from  thee  ? "     But  he  answered  and  said, 

"  It  is  an  evil  and  adulterous  generation  that  craves  a  sign : 
^  Yet  no  sign  shall  be  given  it,  save  the  sign  of  Jonali  the  pr()])het : 

40  For  as  Jonah  teas  in  the  sea-monstcr'ti  belly  for  three  (laifs  and  three 

nights, 
So  shall  the  Son  of  man  be  in  the  heart  of  the  earth  fur  tliree 
days  and  three  nights. 

41  The  men  of  Nineveh  shall  stand   up  at  the  judgment  along  with  this 

generation  and  condemn  it  ; 
For  they  repented  at  the  preaching  of  Jonah— 
And  lo,  a  greater  than  Jonah  is  here  ! 

42  The  queen  of  the  South  shall  rise  up  at  the  judgment  along  with  this 

generation  and  condemn  it  ; 
For  slie  came  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  hear  the  wisdom  of 
Solomon — 
And  lo,  a  greater  than  Solomon  is  hero  ! 

43  When  the  unclean  s])iril  leaves  a  man, 


12^-'-13^''^]  MATTHEW  319 

It   passes   tlirougli   waterless   })laces   in   search   of   rest,   yet   finds 
not  any. 

44  Then  it  says,  'I  will  return  to  my  house,  that  I  left'  ; 

And  on  coining  finds  it  vacant, ^  swept  clean  and  in  order : 

45  Then  it  goes  and  fetches  along  with  it  seven  other  spirits  more  hurt- 

ful than  itself, 
And  entering  there  they  dwell — and  that  man's  last  state  becomes 
worse  than  his  first. 
So  shall  it  he  also  with  this  evil  generation." 

46  While  he  was  still  speaking  to  the  crowds,  behold,  his  mother  and  his 

48  brothers  stood  outside,  trying  to  speak  to  him.^     But  in  reply  he  said 
to  him  who  told  him,  "  Who  is  my  mother  ?  and  who  are  my  brothers  ? " 

49  Then  stretching  his  hand  out  towards  his  disciples  he  said,  "  Here  are  my 
mother  and  my  brothers  ! 

50  For  whoever  shall  obey  the  will  of  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens, 

He  is  my  brother  and  sister  and  mother." 
13  1,2        On  that  day,  after  leaving  the  house,  Jesus  sat  by  the  seaside.     And 
great   crowds  gathered   to   him,  so  that  Jesus   entered   a  boat  and   sat 

3  down,  while  all  the  crowd  stood  upon  the  beach.     And  he  sjDoke  of  many 
things  to  them  in  jjarables,  saying  : 

"  Behold,  a  sower  went  out  to  sow  ! 

4  And  as  he  sowed 

Some  seeds  fell  along  the  path. 

And  the  birds  came  and  ate  them  up. 

5  And  other  seeds  fell  upon  the  rocky  places,  where  they  had  not 

much  earth, 
And  shot  up  immediately  because  they  had  no  depth  of  earth  ; 

6  But  after  sunrise  they  were  scorched, 

And  because  they  had  no  root,  they  withered  away. 

7  And  other  seeds  fell  upon  the  thorns. 

And  the  thorns  came  up  and  comj^letely  choked  them. 

8  And  other  seeds  fell  upon  the  good  soil. 

And  began  to  produce  a  crop. 

Some  a  hundred,  some  sixty,  and  some  thirty  fold. 

9  lie  who  has  ears,  let  him  hear." 

10  And   the   disciples   came   and  said  to    him,   "  Why  speak    to    them    in 

11  jjarables  1 "     He  answered  and  said, 

"  To  you  it  is  given  to  know  the  secrets  of  the  reign  of  heaven. 
But  to  them  it  is  not  given  : 

12  For  whoever  has, 

To  him  shall  be  given,  and  amply  given  ; 
But  whoever  has  not, 

From  him  shall  be  taken  even  that  which  he  has. 

13  This  is  why  I  speak   to  them  in   parables,  because  for  all   their  sight 
they  see  not,  and  for  all  their  hearing  they  hear  not,  nor  do  they  under- 

14  stand.     And  with  them  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah  is  being  fulfilled,  which 
says : 

'  You  shall  hear  and  hear,  yet  never  understand, 
You  shall  see  and  see,  yet  never  perceive.' 

15  For  dulled  is  the  heart  of  this  joeople, 
Their  ears  are  heavy  of  hearing, 

1  Omitting  [[^«/]].  _ 

-  Omitting   [[sfrtv  hi  ii;   airu-  'iSov  y,  /ir,Trip  irou   y.a.'  o.  al-J./^oi  <roi  ilu  l<rT>,xa.(n»  ^r,T(i~»Ti( 
roi  XaXi;ira(]]. 


320  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [3I6-39 

Tlieir  eyes  have  they  shut, 

Lest  hajdy  they  should  see  with  their  eyes 
And  hear  with  their  ears 
And  understand  with  their  heart  and  turn  again, 
For  me  to  cure  them. 

16  But  hapi^j'  are  your  ej-es,  for  tliey  see  ! 
And  your  ears,  for  tliey  hear  ! 

17  For  I  tell  you  truly,  many  prophets  and  just  men  were  fain  to  see  what 

you  see,  yet  they  saw  not  ; 
And  to  hear  what  you  hear,  yet  they  heard  not. 
18,  19  Listen  you  then  to  the  parable  of  the  sower.     When  anyone  hears  the 
word   of  the  Reign   and  understands  it  not,  the  evil  one  comes  and 
snatches  away  what  has  been  sown  in  his  heart.     This  is  he  who  was 

20  '  sown  along  the  path.'     And  he  who  was  '  sown  upon  the  rocky  places ' — 

21  this  is  he  who  hears  the  word  and  accepts  it  immediately  with  joy  ;  but 
he  has  no  root  in  himself,  he  lasts  merely  for  a  time  ;  then  at  the  rise 
of   distress   or   persecution   for   the  word,  he   is   immediately   repelled. 

22  And  he  who  was  '  sown  among  the  thorns ' — this  is  he  who  hears  the 
word  ;   yet  the  anxiety  of  this  world   and   the   deceit  of   riches   choke 

23  the  word,  and  it  becomes  unfruitful.  But  he  who  was  'sown  upon 
the  good  soil ' — this  is  he  who  hears  the  word  and  understands  it,  who 
indeed  bears  fruit  and  brings  forth,  now  a  hundred,  now  sixty,  now 
thirty  fold." 

24  Another  parable  he  set  before  them.     "  The  reign  of  heaven,"  he  said, 

25  "  is  compared  to  a  man  who  sowed  good  seed  in  his  field  ;  but  while  men 
were  asleep,  his  enemy  came  and  sowed  darnel  also  among  the  corn,  and 

26  went  away.     Now  when  the  corn  sprouted  and  came  to  fruit,  then  the 

27  darnel  appeared  as  well.  And  the  slaves  of  the  master  of  the  house  came 
and  said  to  him,  '  Sir,  didst  thou  not  sow  good  seed  in  thy  field  ?     How 

28  does  it  contain  darnel,  then  ? '  And  he  said  to  them,  '  An  enemy  has  done 
this.'     The  slaves  say  to  him,  '  Wilt  thou  have  us  go  and  gather  it,  then  V 

20  '  No,'  he  says  ;  '  while  you  are  gathering  the  darnel,  you  might  root  up  the 

30  corn  along  with  it.  Let  both  of  them  grow  together  until  the  harvest  ; 
then  at  the  harvest  time  I  will  tell  the  reapers,  Gather  the  darnel  first  and 
l)ind  it  in  bundles  for  burning  ;  l)ut  collect  the  corn  into  my  granary.' " 

31  Another  parable  he  set  before  them.  "  The  reign  of  heaven," 
he  said,  "  is  like  a  grain  of  mustard-seed,  which  a  man  took  and  sowed  in 

32  his  field.  Though  smaller  than  anj'  seed,  yet  when  it  grows  it  is  greater 
than  the  vegetables,  and  it  becomes  a  tree  for  the  birds  of  tite  air  to  come 

33  and  rest  in  its  branches."  Another  parable  he  spoke  to  them  :  "  The 
reign  of  heaven  is  like  leaven  which  a  woman  took  and  concealed  in  three 

34  pecks  of  wheaten  flour,  till  the  whole  was  leavened."  All  these 
things  Jesus  spoke  to  the  crowds  in  parables,  and  except  in  parable  he  did 

35  not  speak  to  them — that  what  was  spoken  through  the  prophet  might  be 
fuliilled,  when  lie  said, 

/  will  Ojinl  iiijl  III  nil  til    ill  jinriihlrs^ 

T  will  sjinil:  nut  irlnit  lni.<  li.rii  1 1  i  <  I  deu  from  the  world's  foundation. 

36  Then  he  kdl  llie  crowds  anil  went  into  the  house.  And  his  disciples 
approached  him  and  said,  "Explain  to  us  the  parable  of  the  darnel  in  the 

37  field."     And  he  answered  and  said,  "  He  who  sows  the  good  seed  is  the 

38  Son  of  man,  the  field  is  the  world,  as  for  the  good  seed — that  is   the 

39  sons  of  the  Realm,  the  darnel  is  the  sons  of  the  evil  one,  the  enemy  who 
sowed  them  is  the  devil,  the  harvest  is  the  close  of  the  age,  and  the 
reapers  are  angels. 


1340_i4i2]  MATTHEW  321 

40  Just  as  the  darnel  then  is  gathered  and  burned  with  fire, 

So  shall  it  be  at  the  close  of  the  age. 

41  The  Son  of  man  shall  send  forth  his  angels  and  they  shall  gather  out 

of  his  realm  all  hindrances  and  those  who  do  evil, 

42  And  they  shall  throw  them  into  the  furnace  of  fire  ; 

There  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth. 

43  Then  shall  the  upright  shine  out  like  the  sun,  in  the  reign  of  their  Father. 
He  who  has  ears,  let  him  hear. 

44  The  reign  of  heaven  is  like  treasure  liidden  in  the  field,  which  a  man 
found  and  hid  ;  then  in  his  joy  over  it  he  goes  and  sells  all  that  lie  has,  and 

45  buys  that  field.  Once  more,  the  reign  of  heaven  is  like  a  merchant 

46  who  was  seeking  fine  pearls  ;  on  finding  one  very  precious  pearl,  he  went 

47  off  and  at  once  sold  all  that  he  had,  and  bought  it.  Once  more,  the 
reign  of  heaven  is  like  a  seine  cast  into  the  sea  and  collecting  fish  of  every 

48  kind  ;  when  it  was  filled,  they  drew  it  up  on  the  beach,  sat  down,  and 
gathered  what  was  good  into  vessels,  throwing  away  the  bad. 

49  So  shall  it  be  at  the  close  of  the  age. 

The  angels  shall  come  forth  and  separate  the  evil  from  among  the 
upright, 

50  And  they  shall  throw  them  into  the  furnace  of  fire  ; 

There  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth. 
51,  52  Have  you  understood  all  this  1 "     They  tell  him,  "  Yes."     And  he  said 
to  them,  "  Therefore  is  every  scribe  who  has  become  a  disciple  of  the  reign 
of  heaven,  like  a  man  who  is  master  of  a  household,  who  produces  from 
his  storehouse  new  things  and  old." 

53  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Jesus  finished  these  parables  he  set  out 

54  from  there.     And  on  entering  his  own  native  place  he  taught  them  in 
their  synagogue,  so  that  they  were  astonished  and  said,  "  Where  has  this 

55  man   got  this  wisdom  and  these  miracles  ?     Is  not  this  the  carpenter's 
son  1     Is    not  his   mother  called   Mary  ?  and  his  brothers,  James  and 

56  Joseph  and  Simon   and   Judas  ?     And   are  not  his  sisters  all  with  us  1 

57  Where  then  has  this  man  got  all  this  '? "     So  they  were  repelled  by  him. 
But  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  A  prophet  is  not  unhonoured  except  in  his  own 

58  native  place  and  in  his  own  household."     And  he  did  not  work  many 
miracles  there,  on  account  of  their  unbelief. 

14  1,  2  At  that  season  Herod  the  tetrarch  heard  the  report  about  Jesus,  and 
he  said  to  his  servants,  "  This  is  John  the  baptizer  ;  he  has  risen  from 
the  dead,  and  that  is  why  miraculous  powers  are  active  in  him." 

3  For   Herod   had   seized    John  and  bound  him  and  put  him  in 
prison  for  the  sake  of  Herodias,    the  wife  of  his  brother   Philip. 

4  For  John  had  repeated  to  him,  "  Thou  hast  no  right  to  have  her." 

5  Yet,  although  he  wanted  to  put  him  to  death,  he  feared  the  crowd  ; 

6  for  they  held  John  to  be  a  prophet.     Now  when  Herod's  birthday 
arrived,  the  daughter  of  Herodias  danced  in  public,  to  the  delight  of 

7  Herod.     Whereupon  he  promised  with  an  oath  to  give  her  whatever 

8  she   should  ask.     Instigated   by  her  mother,  she  says,  "  Give  me 

9  here  on  a  dish  the  head  of  John  the  baptizer."     And  although  the 
king  was  sorry,  yet  for  the  sake  of  his  oaths  and  of  his  guests  he 

10  commanded  it  to  be  given  her  ;  so  he  sent  and  had  John  beheaded  in 

11  the  prison.     And  his  head  was  brought  on  a  dish  and  given  to  the 

12  girl,  and  she  brought  it  to  her  mother.  And  his  disciples  came  and 
carried  away  the  corpse  and  buried  him  ;  then  they  went  and  told 
Jesus. 


322  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [14^^-15^ 

13  Now  when  Jesus  heard  it,  he  retired  from  there  in  a  boat  to  a  desert 
place  in  private.     And  when  the  crowds  heard  of  it,  they  followed  him 

14  on  foot  from  the  cities.     So  on  disembarking  he  saw  a  large  crowd,  and 

15  moved  with  compassion  for  them  he  healed  their  sick  folk.  And  when  it 
was  evening,  the  disciples  came  to  him  saying,  "  It  is  a  desert  place,  and 
it  is  far  on  in  the  day.     Dismiss  the  crowds,  that  they  may  go  into  the 

IG  villages  and  buy  themselves  food."     Jesus  said  to  them,  "  They  need  not 

17  go  away  ;  give  them  something  to  eat,  yourselves."     They  say  to  him, 

18  "We  have  only  five  loaves  here  and  two  fish."     He  .said,   "Bring  them 

19  here  to  me."  Then  he  commanded  the  crowds  to  recline  on  the  grass, 
took  the  five  loaves  and  the  two  fish,  looked  np  to  heaven,  and  after  the 
blessing  broke  the  loaves  and  gave  them  to  the  disciples,  and  the  disciples 

20  to  the  crowds.     And  they  all  ate  and  were  satisfied.     Also,  they  took  up 

21  the  fragments  that  were  left  over,  twelve  baskets  full.  (Those  who  ate 
numbered  about  five  thousand  men,  besides  women  and  children.) 

22  Then  ^  he  made  the  disciples  embark  in  the  boat  and  go  before  him  to 

23  the  opposite  side,  till  he  could  dismiss  the  crowds.  And  after  dismissing 
the  crowds,  he  went  up  the  mountain  to  pray  in  j^rivate.     Now  when 

24  evening  came  he  was  there  alone  ;  while  the  boat  was  by  this  time  in  the 
middle  of  the  sea,  harassed  by  the  waves  (for  the  wind  was  contrary). 

25  At  the  fourth  watch  of  the  night  he  came  to  them,  walking  over  the  sea. 

26  And  when  the  disciples  saw  him  walking  over  the  sea,  they  were  ti'oubled. 

27  "  It  is  an  apparition ! "  they  said,  and  shouted  for  fear.  But  he  ^ 
immediately  spoke  to  them.     "  Be  of  good  cheer  !  "  says  he,  "  it  is  I,  be 

28  not  afraid."     Peter  answered  him  and  said,  "  Lord,  if  it  be  thou,  com- 

29  mand  me  to  come  to  thee  over  the  waters  !  "  He  said,  "  Come."  Then 
Peter  got  down  from  the  boat  and  walked  over  the  waters  and  came  to 

30  Jesus.     But  he  looked  at  the  wind  and  got  afraid  ;  and  as  he  liegan  to 

31  sink  he  shouted,  "  Lord,  save  me  !  "  Immediately  Jesus  stretched  out 
his  hand  and  caught  hold  of  him,  saying  to  him,  "  O  man  of  little  faith, 

32  why  didst  thou  doubt  ? "     And  when  they  got  up  into  tlie  boat,  the  wind 

33  dropped.     And  those  who  were  in  the  boat  did  reverence  to  him,  saying, 

34  "  Certainly  thou  art  (iod's  Son ! "  And  on  crossing  over  they  came 

35  to  land  at  Gennesaret.  And  when  the  men  of  that  jjlace  recognised  him, 
they  sent  to  the  whole  of  the  surrounding  country  and  brought  him  all 

36  who  were  ill,  beseeching  him  to  let  them  touch  only  the  tassel  of  his 
cloak  ;  and  all  who  touched  were  quite  restored. 

15  1        Then  Pharisees  and  scribes  from  Jerusalem  come  to   Jesus,   saying, 

2  "  Why  are  thy  disciples  transgressing  the  tradition  of  the  elders  ?     For 

3  they  wash  not  their  hands  when  they  take  a  meal."  And  he  answered 
and  said  to  them,  "  And  why  do  you  tran.sgress  God's  commandment 
for  the  sake  of  your  tradition? 

For  God  said : 

Honour  thij  father  and  thy  mother,  and 

He  who  s2Jeaks  evil  of  father  or  mother,  let  him  surely  die. 

5  But  you  say  : 

Whoever  says  to  his  father  or  his  mother,  '  AVhat  I  might   have 
used  to  aid  thee  is  a  gift  for  God,' 

6  He  need  not  support  his  father. 

So  for  the  sake  of  your  tradition  you  have  cancelled  God's  word. 

7  Hypocrites  !  finely  did  Isaiah  prophesy  about  you,  when  he  said, 

8  This  feojjle  honours  me  xoith  their  lips, 

While  their  heart  is  far  away  from  me ; 

1  Omitting  [[liSiu,,]].  2  Omitting  [\i  'Ir.<roZ;]]. 


15^6^  MATTHEW  323 

9  Yet  in  vain  do  they  worship  me, 

Teaching  doctrines  ivhich  are  mere  human  precejjts." 

10  And  calling  tlie  crowd  to  him  lie  said  to  them,  "  Listen  and  understand. 

1 1  What  goes  into  the  mouth  does  not  make  a  man  unclean  ; 

But  what  issues  from  the  mouth,  that  makes  a  man  unclean." 

12  Then  the   disciples   came   and   said   to   him,  "  Knowest  thou  tliat  the 

13  Pliarisees  took  offence  at  the  word  which  they  heard?  "  But  he  answered 
and  said,  "  Every  plant  whicli  my  heavenly  Father  has  not  planted  shall  be 

14  rooted  up.    Leave  them  alone  ;  they  are  blind  guides.'    And  if  a  blind  man 

15  guides  a  blind  man,  both  of  them  shall  fall  into  a  ditch."  And 

16  Peter  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  Expound  the  parable  to  us."     And 

17  he  said,  "  Are  you  also  ignorant,  even  yet  ?  Do  you  not  understand 
that  whatever  enters  the  mouth  passes  into  the  belly  and  is  thrown  out 
into  the  drain  ? 

18  Whereas  the  things  that  issue  from  the  mouth  come  out  of  the  heart, 

And  it  is  they  that  make  the  man  unclean. 

19  For  out  of  the  heart  come  wicked  designs,  murders,  adulteries,  forni- 

cations, thefts,  false  witness,  slanders  : 

20  These  are  what  make  the  man  unclean. 

But  to  eat  with  unwashed  hands  does  not  make  the  man  unclean." 

21  And  Jesus  went  out  from  there  and  retired  into  the  districts  of  Tyre 

22  and  Sidon.  And  behold,  a  woman  of  Canaan  came  out  from  this  territory, 
crying  aloud,  "  Have  pity  on  me.  Lord,  Son  of  David  !     My  daughter  is 

23  cruelly  possessed  by  a  daemon."  But  he  answered  her  not  a  word.  And 
his   disciples   came  and  begged  him,  saying,  "  Send  her  away.     She  is 

24  crying  out  after  us."     But  he  answered  and  said,  "  I  was  only  sent  to  the 

25  lost   sheep   of  the  house   of  Lsrael."     Then   she   came  and  kept  doing 

26  reverence  to  him,  saying,  "  Help  me,  sir."     He  answered  and  said,  "  It  is 

27  not  fair  to  take  the  children's  bread  and  throw  it  to  the  dogs."  And  she 
said,  "  True,  sir  ;  for  the  dogs  just  eat  the  crumbs  that  fall  from  their 

28  master's  table ! "  Then  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  her,  "  0  woman, 
great  is  thy  faith  !  Be  it  done  for  thee  as  thou  wilt."  And  her  daughter 
was  cured  from  that  hour. 

29  Then  removing  from  there  Jesus  went  along  to  the  sea  of  Galilee  ;  and 

30  going  up  the  mountain  he  sat  there.  And  large  crowds  came  to  him, 
having  with  them  lame,  blind,  dumb,  maimed  people,  and  many  others, 

31  whom  they  placed  at  his  feet.  And  he  healed  them  ;  so  that  the  crowd 
marvelled'  as  they  saw  the  dumb  speaking,  the  maimed  sound,  the  lame 
walking,  and  also  the  blind  seeing  ;  and  they  magnified  the  God  of  Israel. 

32  Now  Jesus  called  his  disciples  to  him  and  said,  "  I  have  comi^assion 
on  the  crowd,  because  for  three  days  now  they  have  stayed  by  me,  and  they 
have  nothing  to  eat.     Nor  Avould  I  send  them  away  fasting,  lest  they 

33  faint  on  the  road."    And  the  disciples  say  to  him,  "Where  are  we  to  get 

34  bread  in  a  desert  to  satisfy  such  a  crowd  ? "  And  Jesus  says  to  tlieni, 
"How  many  loaves  have  you?"     "Seven,"  they  said,  "and  a  few  small 

3,>,  36  fish."     Then  he  charged  the  crowd  to  lie  down  on  the  ground.     And  he 
took  the  seven  loaves  and  the  fish,  and  giving  thanks  he  broke  them  and 

37  went  on  giving  to  the  discijiles,  and  the  disciples  to  the  crowds.  So  they 
all  ate  and  were  satisfied.     And  they  took  up  seven  large  baskets  full  of  the 

38  fragments  that  were  left  over.     (Those  who  ate  numbered  four  thousand 

39  men,  besides  women  and  children.)  Then  after  dismissing  the  crowd,  he 
entered  the  boat  and  went  to  the  territory  of  Magadan. 

16  1        And  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  approached  and— to  make  trial  of 
1  Omitting  [[Twcpxi;»]]. 


324  HISTOEICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [iG^-^* 

2  him — requested  liim  to  display  for  them  a  sign  from  the  sky.     But  he 
answered  and  said  to  them, 

"  [[When  evening  comes  you  say,  '  It  will  be  fine, 
For  the  sky  is  red '  : 

3  And  in  the  morning,  '  It  will  he  stormy  to-day, 

For  the  sky  is  red  and  clouded.' 
You  know  how  to  distinguish  the  appearance  of  the  sky. 
But  you  cannot  distinguish  the  signs  of  the  times.]] 

4  It  is  an  evil  and  adulterous  generation  that  craves  a  sign  : 

Yet  no  sign  shall  be  given  it,  save  the  sign  of  Jonah  the  prophet." 

5  And  he  left  them  and  went  away.  And  the  disciples  had  gone 

6  to   the   opposite  side,   forgetting  to  take   bread.     Jesus   said   to   them, 

7  "  See  and  beware  of  the  leaven  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees."     And 
they  began  to  argue  among  themselves,  saying,  "  We  did  not  take  any 

8  bread."     But  on  perceiving  it  Jesus  said, 

"  Why  argue  among  yourselves,  0  men  of  little  faith,  because  you 
have  no  bread  1 

9  Do  you  not  yet  understand  ? 

Do  you  not  yet  remember  the  five  loaves  of  the  five  thousand 
and  how  many  baskets  you  got  1 

10  Or  the  seven  loaves  of  the  four  thousand,  and  how  many  large 

baskets  you  got  ? 

11  How  is  it  you  do  not  understand  ? 

I  did  not  speak  to  you  about  bread. 

Nay,  beware  of  the' leaven  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees." 

12  Then  they  realised  that  he  told  them  to  beware,  not  of  the  leaven  of  bread, 
but  of  the  teaching  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees. 

13  Now  Jesus  had  come  into  the  districts  of  CaesareaPhilippi;  andhe  began 
to  ask  his  disciples  saying,  "Who  do  people  say  that  the  Son  of  man  is  ?" 

14  They  said,  "  Some  John  the  baptizer,  some  Elijah,  others  Jeremiah  or  one 

15  of  the  prophets."     He  says  to  them,  "But  you — who  do  you  say  that  I 

16  am  1"     So  Simon  Peter  answered,  "Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the 

17  living  God."     Jesus  answered, 

"  Hapijy  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-Jona ! 

For  flesh  and  blood  did  not  reveal  that  to  thee, 
It  was  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens. 

18  And  I  tell  thee. 

Thou  art  Peter  ;  and  on  this  rock  I  will  build  my  Community, 
And  the  gates  of  Hades  shall  not  siicceed  against  it. 

19  I  will  give  tliee  the  keys  of  the  heavenly  realm  : 

And  whatever  thou  shalt  prohiltit  on  earth  shall  be  ^u'ohibited  in 

the  heavens. 
And  whatever  thou  shalt  permit  on  earth  shall  be  permitted  in 

the  heavens." 

20  Then  he  enjoined  the  disciples  to  tell  no  one  that  he  was  the  Christ. 

21  From  that  time  Jesus  began  to  show  his  disciples  that  he  must  go 
away  to  Jerusalem  and  sufler  much  froiu  the  elders  and  high  i)riests  and 

22  scribes,  and  be  killed,  and  on  the  third  day  rise.     Then  Peter  took  hiui 
and  started  to  rebuke  him,  saying,  "  Good  gracious.  Lord  !  this  never  shall 

23  befall  thee  !  "     Puit  he  turned  and  said  to  Peter, 

"  Get  behind  me,  thou  Satan  !     Thou  art  a  hindrance  to  me  ! 
Thy  mind  is  not  on  the  affairs  of  God  but  on  the  affairs  of  men." 

24  Then  said  Jesus  to  his  disciples, 


1625-1720]  MATTHEW  325 

"  If  any  man  would  come  after  me, 

Let  liim  deny  liimself,  take  up  his  cross,  and  follow  me. 

25  For  whoever  would  save  his  life 

Shall  lose  it : 
And  whoever  loses  his  life  fur  my  sake 
Shall  find  it. 

26  What  use  will  it  be  for  a  man,  if  he  gain  the  whole  world  and  forfeit 

his  life  ? 
Or  what  shall  a  man  give  in  exchange  for  his  life  ? 

27  For  the  Son  of  man  is  to  come  in  the  majesty  of  his  Father  with  his 

angels, 
And  then  shall  he  render  to  everyone  according  to  what  he  has  done. 

28  I  tell  you  truly,  there  are  some  of  those  who  stand  here,  who  shall 
not  taste  death,  until  they  see  tlie  Son  of  man  coming  with  his  royal 
power." 

17  1        And  after  six  days  Jesus  takes  Peter  and  James  and  John  his  brother 

2  aside  and  l)rings  them  up  a  high  mountain  privately.  And  he  was  trans- 
formed before  them,  and  his  face  shone  like  the  sun,  while  his  garments 

3  became  white  as  light.    And  behold,  Moses  and  Elijah  appeared  to  them, 

4  talking  with  him.  Then  Peter  broke  in  ;  "  Lord,"  said  he  to  Jesus,  "  it 
is  tine  for  us  to  be  here.     Pray,  let  me  make  three  booths  here,  one 

5  for  thee  and  one  for  Moses  and  one  for  Elijah."  While  he  was  still 
sjaeaking,  behold,  a  cloud  full  of  light  overshadowed  them  ;  and  behold,  a 
voice  out  of  the  cloud  said, 

"  This  is  my  Son,  the  beloved. 
In  whom  I  delight :  hear  him." 

6  And   on  hearing   it   the  disciples  fell   on   their  face  and  were  terribly 

7  afraid.     So  Jesus  came  near  and  touched  them,  saying,  "  Rise,  and  be  not 

8  afraid."     Then  lifting  up  their  eyes  they  saw  no  one  except  Jesus  alone. 

9  And  as  they  were  descending  from  the  mountain,  Jesus  charged  them, 
saying,  "  Tell  the  vision  to  no  one  until  the  Son  of  man  rise  from  the 

10  dead."     And  the  disciples  asked  him,  "  How  is  it  then  that  the  scribes 

11  say,  'Elijah  must  come  first'?"     And  he  answered  and  said, 

"  Elijah  indeed  is  coming 
and  he  shall  restore  all ; 

12  But  I  tell  you,  Elijah  has  already  come, 

and  they  have  not  recognised  him,  but  have  done  whatever  they 
pleased  to  him. 
So  shall  the  Son  of  man  also  suffer  from  them." 

13  Then  the  disciples  realised  that  he  spoke  to  them  of  John  the  baptizer. 

14  And  when  they  came  to  the  crowd,  a  man  ajjproached  hiui,  kneeling 

15  to  him  and  saying,  "Lord,  have  pity  on  my  son,  because  he  is  epileptic 
and  suffers  cruelly ;  often  he  falls  into  the  ifire,  and  often  into  the  water. 

16  And  I  brought  him  to  thy  disciples  ;    but  they  could  not  cure  him." 

17  Jesus  answered  and  said,  ''0  incredulous  and  perverse  generation,  how 
long  am  I  to  be  with  you  ?  how  long  am  I  to  bear  with  you  ?     Bring  him 

18  here  to  me."     And  Jesus  rebuked  the  daemon,  and  it  came  out  of  him  ; 

19  and  the  boy  was  healed  from  that  hour.     Then  the  discijiles  came  to 

20  Jesus  in  private  saying,  "  Why  could  we  not  cast  it  out  ? "  "  On  account 
of  your  little  faith,"  he  says  to  them  ;  "  For  I  tell  you  truly. 

If  you  have  faith  like  a  grain  of  mustard-seed. 

You  shall  say  to  this  mountain,  '  Remove  from  this  place  to  that,' 

and  remove  it  shall. 
Nor  shall  anything  be  impossible  to  you." 


326  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l7"-18" 

22  Now  while  they  were  travelling  about  in  Galilee,  Jesus  said  to  them, 

23  "  The  Son  of  man  "is  to  be  delivered  up  into  the  hands  of  men,  and  they 
shall  kill  him,  and  on  the  third  day  he  shall  rise."  And  they  were 
exceedingly  sorry. 

24  When  they  came  to  Kapharnahum,  those  who  collected  the  temple-tax 
came  to  Peter  and  said,  "  Does  your  teacher  not  pay  the  temple-tax?" 

25  "  Yes,"  he  says.  And  when  he  came  into  the  house  Jesus  anticipated 
him  by  saying,  "What  thinkest  thoii,  Simon  'i  From  whom  do  the  kings 
of  the  earth  collect  customs  or  taxes  ?     From  their  own  sons,  or  from 

26  strangers  1 "     And  when  he  said,  "  From  strangers,"  Jesus  said  to  him, 

27  "  So  then  the  sons  are  free.  However,  to  give  them  no  offence,  go  to  the 
sea,  throw  a  hook  in  and  take  the  first  tish  that  comes  up.  Open  its 
mouth  and  thou  shalt  find  a  stater  ;  take  that  and  pay  it  over  to  them 
for  me  and  for  thyself." 

18  1        At  that  time  the  disciples  came  to  Jesus  saying,  "  Pray,  who  is  the 

2  greatest  in  the  reign  of  heaven  1 "     Then  calling  a  little  child  to  him,  he 

3  set  it  in  their  midst  and  said  : 

"  I  tell  you  truly, 

Unless  you  turn  and  become  like  the  little  children, 
You  shall  not  enter  the  reign  of  heaven. 

4  Whoso  then  shall  humble  himself  like  this  little  child. 

He  is  the  greatest  in  the  reign  of  heaven. 

5  Whosoever  also  shall  receive  one  such  little  child  in  my  name,  re- 

ceives me  : 

6  But  whosoever  shall  be  a  hindrance  to  one  of  these  little  ones,  who 

believe  on  me. 
It  were  good  for  him  were  a  great  millstone  hung  round  his  neck, 
and  were  he  sunk  in  the  deep  sea. 

7  Woe  to  the  world  for  hindrances  ! 

For  it  must  needs  be  that  hindrances  come, 

Biit  woe  to  the  man  through  whom  the  hindrance  comes  ! 

8  If  thy  hand  or  thy  foot  hinder  thee,  cut  it  off  and  throw  it  from  thee  : 

Better  for  thee  to  enter  life  maimed  or  lame. 

Than  with  two  hands  or  two  feet  to  be  thrown  into  the  fire 
eternal ! 

9  And  if  thine  eye  hinder  thee,  tear  it  out  and  throw  it  from  thee : 

Better  for  thee  to  enter  life  with  one  eye. 

Than  with  two  eyes  to  be  thrown  into  the  Gehenna  of  hre  ! 
10        See  and  despise  not  one  of  these  little  ones  ; 

For  I  tell  you  that  their  angels  in  the  heavens  look  ever  on  the  face 
of  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens. 

12  What  do  you  think?     If  any  man  has  a  hundred  sheep  and  one  of  them 
strays,  will  he  not  leave  the  ninety-nine  on  the  mountains  and  go  in 

13  search  of  the  one  that  is  straying?     And  if  so  be  that  he  find  it,  I  tell 
you  truly  he  rejoices   more  over  it  than  over  the  ninety-nine  which 

14  have  not  strayed.     So  it  is  not  the  will  of  your  Father  who  is  in  tlie 
heavens  that  one  of  these  little  ones  should  perish. 

15  Now  if  thy  brother  sin,  go  and  reprove  him  between  thee  and  him 

alone  : 
If  he  listens  to  thee,  thou  hast  won  over  thy  brother. 

16  But  if  he  does  not  listen,  take  one  or  two  others  along  with  thee. 

So  that  oil.  the  statements  of  two  or  three  icitnesses  every  case  may  be 
decided. 

17  But  if  he  will  not  heed  tliLMii,  tell  the  Community  : 


ISiS-iQii]  MATTHEW  327 

And  if  lie  will  not  heed  even  tlie  Community,  treat  him  as  a 
heathen  or  a  tax-gatherer. 

18  I  tell  you  truly,  whatever  you  shall  prohibit  on  earth  shall  be  pro- 

hibited in  heaven. 
And  whatever  you  shall  permit  on  earth  shall  be  permitted  in 
heaven. 

19  Once  more,^  I  tell  you,  if  two  of  you  shall  agree  on  earth  in  regard 

to  any  matter  that  they  ask, 
It  shall  be  done  for  them  by  my  Father  who  is  in  the  heavens. 

20  For  where  two  or  three  are  gathered  together  in  my  name, 

There  am  I  in  the  midst  of  them." 

21  Then  Peter  came  up  and  said  to  him,  "  Lord,  how  often  is  my  brother 

22  to  sin  against  me,  and  I  to  forgive  him  ?  Up  to  seven  times  ? "  Jesus 
says  to  him,  "  I  say  not  to  thee,  '  Up  to  seven  times,'  but,  '  Up  to  seventy 

23  times  seven.'     For  this  reason  the  reign  of  heaven  is  compared  to  a  king 

24  who  resolved  to  settle  his  accounts  with  his  slaves.  Now  when  he  had 
begun  to  settle  them,  one  man  was  brought  him  who  owed  him  two 

25  million,  four  hundred  thousand  pounds.  As  he  was  unable  to  pay,  the 
lord  commanded  him  to  be  sold,  along  with  his  wife  and  children  and  all 

26  that  he  had,  and  payment  to  be  made.  The  slave  then  fell  down  and 
began  to  do  him  reverence,  saying,  '  Have  j)atience  with  me,  and  I  will 

27  pay  thee  everything.'    And  as  the  lord  of  that  slave  was  moved  with  cora- 

28  passion,  he  released  him  and  forgave  him  the  debt.  Now  on  going  out, 
that  slave  fell  in  with  one  of  his  fellow-slaves  who  was  owing  him  twenty 
pounds  ;  and  he  seized  him  and  took  him  by  the  throat,  saying,  '  Pay 

29  what  thou  owest.'     His  fellow-slave  then  fell  down  and  kept  beseeching 

30  him,  saying,  '  Have  patience  with  me,  and  I  will  pay  thee.'  But  he 
would  not.     He  went  away  and  had  him  thrown  into  prison,  till  he 

31  should  pay  what  was  due.  So  when  his  fellow-slaves  saw  what  had  taken 
place,  they  were  exceedingly  sorry  ;  and  they  went  and  explained  to  their 

32  lord  all  that  had  taken  place.  Then  the  lord  summoned  him  and  said, 
'  Thou  wicked  slave  !  I  forgave  thee  all  that  del^t,  seeing  that  thou  didst 

33  beseech  me.     Oughtest  thou  not  also  to  have  had  pity  on  thy  fellow-slave, 

34  j  ust  as  I  also  had  pity  on  thee  1 '    And  in  anger  the  lord  delivered  him  up  to 

35  "the  gaolers,  until  he  should  pay  all  that  was  due.  So  also  shall  my  heavenly 
Father  do  to  you,  unless  you  cordially  forgive,  everyone  his  brother." 

19  1        And  it  came  to  pass  when  Jesus  finished  these  words  he  set  out  from 

2  Galilee  and  went  into  the  territory  of  Judaea  across  the  Jordan.     And 
large  crowds  followed  him,  and  he  healed  them  there. 

3  And  some  Pharisees  approached  him,  to  make  trial  of  him.     "  Is  it 

4  right,"  they  said,  "  to  divorce  one's  wife  for  any  and  every  cause  ? "     And 
he  answered  and  said,  "  Have  you  not  read  that  he  who  made  them  from 

5  the  beginning  made  them  male  and  female,  and  said.  For  this  cause  a  man 
shall  leave  his  father  and  mother  and  join  himself  to  his  7vife,  and  the  two 

6  shall  become  one  Jlesli  ?     So  that  they  are  no  longer  two,  but  one  flesh. 
V  What  God  has  joined,  then,  let  not  man  separate."     "Why  then,"  they 

say  to  him,  "  did  Moses  command  men  to  (jive  a  hill  of  repudiation  and  so 

8  divorce  her?"     He  says  to  them,  "As  your  heart  was  stubborn,  Moses 
permitted  you  to  divorce  your  wives  ;  but  it  has  not  been  so  from  the 

9  beginning.      I   tell   you,   "Whoever  shall   divorce  his   wife--except  for 

10  fornication— and  marrv  another,  commits  adultery."  The  disciples  say 
to  him,  "  If  this  is  the  position  of  a  man  with  his  wife,  there  is  no  g9od 

11  in  marrying."     But  he  said  to  them, 

1  Omitting  [[i.c^v^v]]. 


328  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [l9^^-20^ 

"  All  men  cannot  receive  this  saying,  but  those  only  to  whom  it  is 
given. 

12  For  there  are  eunnchs  who  were  born  thus  from  their  mother's 

womb, 
And  there  are  eunuchs  who  were  made  eunuchs  by  men, 
And  there  are  eunuchs  who  made  themselves  eunuchs  for  the 
sake  of  the  reign  of  heaven. 
He  wlio  is  able  to  receive  it,  let  him  receive  it." 

13  Then  little  children  were  brought  to  him  that  he  might  lay  his  hands 

14  on  them  and  pray.  The  disciples  rebuked  them,  but  Jesus  said,  "  Let  the 
little  children  come  to  me,  and  forbid  them  not ;  for  of  such  is  the  heavenly 

15  realm."     And  after  laying  his  hands  on  them,  he  went  away  from  there. 

16  And  behold,  a  man  came  up  to  him  and  said,  "  Teacher,  what  good 

17  thing  am  I  to  do  that  I  may  have  eternal  life  1 "  He  said  to  him,  "  Why 
ask  me  about  what  is  good  ?     One  alone  is  good.     But,  if  thy  desire  is  to 

18  enter  life,  keep  the  commandments."  He  says  to  him,  "Which  com- 
mandments ? "  And  Jesus  said,  "  These  :  thou  shalt  not  murder,  thou  shalt 
not  commit  adultery,  thou  shalt  not  steal,  thou  shalt  not  hear  false  witness, 

19  ho7iour  father  and  mother,  and,  thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself." 

20  The  young  man  says  to  him,  "  I  have  observed  all  these.     What  is  lack- 

21  ing  still?"  Jesus  said  to  him,  " If  thy  desire  is  to  be  perfect,  go,  sell  thy 
goods  and  give  them  to  ^  poor  people  ;  so  shalt  thou  have  treasure  in 

22  heaven.  Then  come,  follow  me."  But  when  the  young  man  heard  what  was 
said,  lie  went  away  sorrowful ;  for  he  was  one  who  had  great  i^ossessions. 

23  Then  Jesus  said  to  his  disciples,  "  I  tell  you  truly.  It  is  difficult 

24  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  the  reign  of  heaven.     Once  more  I  tell  you. 

It  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  enter  through  a  needle's  eye, 
Than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  God's  reign." 

25  Now  on  hearing  it  the  disciples  were  greatly  astonished.      "Who  then 

26  can  be  saved  1"  they  said.     Jesus  looked  at  them  and  said  to  them, 

"  With  men  this  is  im2)ossible. 
But  with  God  anythincj  is  possible." 

27  Then  Peter  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  Lo,  we  have  left  all  and  followed 

28  thee  !    What  then  are  we  to  get  1 "    Jesus  said  to  them,  "  I  tell  you  truly, 

At  the  Restoration,  when  the  Son  of  man  shall  sit  on  the  throne  of 

his  majesty. 
You,  my  followers,  shall  also  sit  on  twelve  thrones,  governing  the 

twelve  tril^es  of  Israel. 

29  And  every  one  who  leaves  houses  or  brothers  or  sisters  or  father  or 
mother  or  children  or  lands  for  my  name's  sake,  shall  receive  manifold 

30  more,  and  inherit  life  eternal.     But  many  who  are  first  shall  be  last,  and 
20  1  the  last  first.     For  the  reign  of  heaven  is  like  the  master  of  a  house  who 

2  went  out  early  in  the  morning  to  hire  labourers  for  his  vineyard.     And 
after  agreeing  with  the  laljourers  for  a  shilling  a  day,  he  sent  them  into 

3  his  vineyard.     And  on  going  out  aliout  the  third  hour,  he  saw  other  men 

4  standing  in  the  marketplace  idle;  and  he  said  to  them,  'Go  yoii  also 
into  the  vineyard,  and  1  will  pay  you  whatever  is  right.'      And  they 

5  went.     Again  -  he  went  out  about  "tlie  sixth  and  the  ninth  hour,  and 

6  acted  in  the  same  way.     And  on  going  out  about  the  eleventh  hour,  he 
found  other  men  standing  ;  and  he  says  to  them,  '  Why  stand  the  whole 

7  day  idle  here?'     They  say  to  him,  'Because  no  one  has  hired  us.'     He 

8  says  to  them,  'Go  you  also  into  the  vinc^yard.'     Now  when  evening  came, 
the  owner  of  the  A^ineyard  says  to  his  manager,  '  Call  the  labourers  and 

1  Omitting  [[-roi]].  ^  Omitting  [[3s]]. 


20''-21^]  MATTHEW  329 

9  pay  their  wages,  beginning  from  the  last  up  to  tlie  first.'  And  when 
tliose  Avho  had  been  hired  about  the  eleventh  hour  came,  they  got  a 

10  shilling  each.     And  when  the  first  men  came,  they  supposed  they  would 

1 1  get  more  ;  yet  they  too  got  a  shilling  each.     So  on  getting  it  they  began 

12  to  murmur  against  the  master  of  the  house,  saying,  '  These  last  men 
worked  for  a  single  hour  ;  yet  thou  hast  made  them  ecj^ual  to  us,  to  men 

13  who  bore  the  burden  of  the  day  and  the  scorching  wind  ! '  But  he 
answered  and   said  to  one  of   them,  'Friend,  I  am  not  injuring  thee. 

14  Didst  thou  not  agree  with  me  for  a  shilling  ?     Take  what  is  thine  and  go. 

15  I  choose  to  pay  this  last  man  what  I  pay  thee.  Have  I  not  the  right  to  do 
as  I  choose  with  what  is  my  own  ?     What !  dost  thou  look  with  envy 

IG  because  I  am  generous  ? '     So  shall  the  last  be  first,  and  the  first  last." 

17  And  as  Jesus  was  going  up  to  Jerusalem,  he  took  the  twelve^  aside 

18  privately  and  said  to  them  on  the  road,  "  Lo,  we  are  going  up  to 
Jerusalem  ;  and  the  Son  of  man  shall  be  delivered  to  the  high  priests  and 

19  scribes.  They  shall  sentence  him  to  death  and  deliver  him  to  the  Gentiles 
to  mock  and  scourge  and  crucify.     Yet  on  the  third  day  he  shall  rise." 

20  Then  the  mother  of  the  sons  of  Zebedee  came  up  to  him  with  her 

21  sons,  doing  reverence  to  him  and  asking  a  favour  from  him.  He  said  to 
her,  "  What  is  thy  wish  ? "  She  says  to  him,  "  Say  that  these  my  sons 
shall  sit,  one  on  tlay  right  hand  and  one  on  thy  left  hand,  in  thy  reign." 

22  But  Jesus  answered  and  said, 

"  You  know  not  what  you  are  asking.     Are  you  able  to  drink  the  cup 
that  I  am  to  drink  ? " 

23  They  say  to  him,  "We  are  able."     He  says  to  them, 

"  My  cuj)  indeed  you  shall  drink. 

But  to  sit  on  my  right  hand  and  on  my  left  hand  is  not  mine  to  grant ; 
That  is  for  those  for  whom  it  has  been  made  ready  by  my  Father." 
4,  25  And  on  hearing  of  it,  the  ten  were  indignant  at   the  two  brothers.     So 
Jesus  called  them  to  him  and  said, 

"  You  know  that  the  rulers  of  the  Gentiles  lord  it  over  them. 
And  their  great  men  wield  authority  over  them  : 

26  It  shall  not  be  so  among  you. 

Nay,  whosoever  would  become  great  among  you. 
Must  be  your  servant, 

27  And  whoever  would  be  first  among  you, 

Must  be  your  slave  : 

28  Even  as  the  Son  of  man  came  not  to  be  served  but  to  serve, 

And  to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for  many." 

29  And  as  they  were  leaving  Jericho,  a  large  crowd  followed  him. 

30  And  behold,  two  blind  men  sitting  by  the  roadside  heard  that  Jesus 
was  passing  by ;    and   they  shouted,   "  Lord,  have  pity  on  us  !    Son  of 

31  David  ! "  And  the  crowd  admonished  them  to  keep  silence,  but  they 
shouted  more  than  ever,   "  Lord,  have   pity  on   us  !    Son   of   David  ! '' 

32  Then  Jesus  stood  still  and  called  them,  saying,  "What  will  you  have  me 
33,  34  do  to  you  ?"     They  say  to  him,  "  Lord,  let  our  eyes  be  opened."     Moved 

with  "compassion, '  Jesus   touched   their    eyes;    and    they  immediately 

regained  their  sight,  and  followed  him. 

211        And  when  they  drew  nigh  to  Jerusalem  and  came  to  Bethphage,  to  the 

2  hill  of   Olives,  then  Jesus  despatched  two   disciples,   saying  to   them, 

"  Make  your  way  into  the  village  opposite  you,  and  you  shall  at  once  find 

an  ass  tied,  and  a  colt  along  with  her.     Untie  them  and  bring  them  to 

1  Omitting  [[a«e.5r«j]]. 


330  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [21=^-2^ 

3  me.     And  if  anyone  says  anything  to  you,  you  shall  say,  '  The  Loi'd  needs 

4  them ' ;  then  he  will  send  them  at  once."     Now  this  came  to  pass  that 
what  was  spoken  llnDiigh  the  prophet  might  be  fulfilled,  when  he  said, 

5  Tellih,  dau^jhlfr  <if  Zion, 

"  Lfi^  iliij  I:  ill  J  is  coming  to  thee, 
Gentle,  and  riding  on  an  ass 
And  on  a  colt,  the  foal  of  a  beast  ofhnrden." 
6,  7  So   the   disciples   went  and   did  as  Jesus  had  instructed  them.      They 
brought  the  ass  and  the  colt  and  put  their  garments  on  them  ;  then  he 

8  sat  upon  them.     And  the  greater  part  of  the  crowd  spread  their  garments 
on  the  road,  and  others  kept  cutting  branches  from  the  trees  and  spread 

9  them  on  the  road.     And  the  crowds,  those  who  went  in  front  of  him  and 
those  who  followed,  shouted, 

"  Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David  ! 
Blessed  is  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord! 
Hosanna  in  the  highest !  " 

10  And  when  he   entered   Jerusalem,  all  the  city  was  in  a  ferment  with 

11  the  words,  "Who  is  this?"  And  the  crowds  said,  "This  is  the  prophet 
Jesus,  who  comes  from  Nazaret  of  Galilee." 

12  Then  Jesus  entered  the  temiale  of  God  and  drove  out  all  the  sellers 
and  buyers  in  the  temjale,  and  threw  down  the  tables  of  the  money- 

13  changers,  and  the  seats  of  those  who  sold  the  doves  ;  and  he  says  to  them, 

'■'■My  honse  shall  he  called  a  house  of  -prayer ; 
But  you  make  it  a  den  of  robbers! " 

14  And  blind  and  lame  people  came  to  him  in  the  temple,  and  he  healed 

15  them.  Now,  when  the  high  priests  and  the  scribes  saw  the  wonders  that 
he  did,  and  the  children  who  were  crying  out  in  the  temple  and  saying, 

16  "Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David  !  "  they  were  indignant,  and  said  to  him, 
"  Dost  thou  hear  what  they  are  saying  ? "  And  Jesus  says  to  them,  "  Yes. 
Have  you  never  read.  From  the  mouth  of  babes  and  sucklings  thou  hast 

17  fashioned  praise  ?  "  And  leaving  them  he  went  outside  the  city  to  Bethany, 
and  passed  the  night  there. 

18  Now  in  the  morning  as  he  came  back  to  the  city,  he  grew  hungry. 

19  And  noticing  a  single  fig-tree  on  the  roadside,  he  went  to  it,  but  found 
nothing  on  it  except  mere  leaves  ;  and  he  says  to  it,  "  Never  shall  there 

20  be  fruit  from  thee,  after  this  !  "  Instantly  the  fig-tree  withered.  And  on 
seeing  it  the  disciples  marvelled.    "jHow  was  it,"  they  said,  "  that  the  fig- 

21  tree  instantly  withered  ?"     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them, 

"  I  tell  you  truly. 

If  you  have  faith  and  do  not  hesitate. 

You  shall  not  only  do  what  has  been  done  to  this  fig-tree, 
But  even  if  you  say  to  this  mountain,  '  Be  lifted  and  thrown  into 
the  sea,' 
It  shall  be  done. 

22  Yea,  in  all  your  asking  and  j)raying. 

Believe  and  you  sliall  receive." 

23  And  when  he  entered  the  temjile,  the  high  priests  and  the  elders  of  the 
people  approached  liim  as  he  tauglit,  and  said,  "  By  what  sort  of  authority 
art  thou  acting  thus  i.     And  who  is  it  that  gave;  thee  this  authority  ?'" 

24  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "I  will  ask  you  one  ([uestion  myself; 
and  if  you  tell  me  it,  then  I  will  tell  you  by  what  sort  of  authority  I  am 

25  acting  thus.  Tlie  baptism  of  Jolm— whence  was  it?  From  lieaven  or 
from  men?"  And  tliey  aigued  to  themselves,  "If  we  say,  'From 
heaven,'   lie    will   say   to   us,  'Why   then   did   you  not  believe  him?' 


2i26_.228]  MATTHEW  331 

26  But  if  we  say,  '  From  men,'  we  fear  the  crowd  ;  for  all  hold  John  to  be  a 

27  prophet."  So  in  reply  to  Jesus  they  said,  "  We  do  not  know."  Then  he 
said  to  them,  "  Neither  do  I  tell  you  by  what  sort  of  authority  I  am  acting 

28  thus.  What  do  you  think  ?  a  man  had  two  sons.    He  went  to  the  first 

29  and  said,  '  Son,  go  and  work  in  the  vineyard  to-day.'  But  he  answered  and 
said,  'I  will  not'  ;  afterwards,  however,  he  changed  his  mind  and  went. 

30  And  he  went  to  the  second  and  spoke  in  the  same  way.     And  he  answered 

31  and  said,  '  I  will,  sir ' ;  but  he  did  not  go.  Which  of  the  two  did  the  will 
of  his  father  ? "  They  say,  "  The  first."  Jesus  says  to  them,  "  I  tell  you 
truly, 

The  tax-gatherers  and  the  harlots  go  in  front  of  you  into  the  reign 
of  God. 

32  For  John  came  on  the  way  of   uprightness,  yet   you  did  not 

believe  him, 
But  the  tax-gatherers  and  the  harlots  believed  him  ; 

And  though  you  saw  it,  you  did  not  even  change  your   mind 
afterwards  and  believe  him. 

33  "Listen  to  another  parable.  There  was  a  master  of  a  house  who 
planted  a  vineyard  mid  put  a  fence  round  it  and  dug  a  ivine-vat  in  it  and 

34  built  a  tower ;  then  after  leasing  it  to  vinedressers  he  went  abroad.  Now 
when  the  season  for  fruit  approached,  he  despatched  his  slaves  to  the 

35  vinedressers  to  collect  his  fruit.     And  the  vinedressers  took  and  flogged 

36  one  of  his  slaves,  killed  another,  and  stoned  another.  Once  more  he  sent 
other  slaves  more  numerous  than  the  first ;  yet  they  treated  them  in  the 

37  same  way.      Afterwards  he  sent  his  son  to  them,  saying,   '  They  will 

38  reverence  my  son.'  But  when  the  vinedressers  saw  the  son,  they  said  to 
themselves,   '  This  is  the  heir  ;    come,  let   us   kill   him,  and   seize   his 

39  inheritance.'     So  they  took  him  and  threw  him  outside  the  vineyard, 

40  and  killed  him.     When  the  owner  of  the  vineyard  comes,  then,  what  will 

41  he  do  to  those  vinedressers'?"  They  say  to  him,  "Wretches!  he  will 
wretchedly  destroy  them,  and  lease  the  vineyard  to  other  vinedressers, 

42  who  shall  render  him  the  fruits  in  their  seasons."  Jesus  says  to  them, 
"  Have  you  never  read  in  the  scriptures  ? — 

The  stone  ivhich  the  builders  rejected, 

TJiis  is  made  head  of  the  corner: 
This  is  the  doing  of  the  Lord, 

And  in  our  eyes  it  is  marvellous. 

43  Therefore  I  tell  you,  God's  reign  shall  be  taken  from  you 
And  given  to  a  nation  that  brings  forth  the  fruits  of  the  reign. 

44  [[And  he  who  falls  upon  this  stone  shall  be  shattered. 

But  it  shall  crush  to  jjieces  whomsoever  it  falls  upon.]]  " 

45  Now  on  hearing  his  parables,  the  high  priests  and  the  Pharisees  knew  he 

46  was  speaking  about  them.     Yet,  while  they  tried  to  seize  him,  they  feared 
22  1  the  crowds  ;  since  they  held  him  for  a  prophet.  And  Jesus  started 

2  to  speak  once  more  in  parables.     "  The  reign  of  heaven,"  he  said  to  them, 

3  "is  compared  to  a  king  who  gave  a  marriage-feast  for  his  son.  And  be 
despatched  his  slaves  to  summon  those  who  had  been  invited  to  the 

4  marriage- feast ;  but  they  would  not  come.  Again  he  despatched  other 
slaves,  saying,  '  Tell  those  who  have  been  invited,  "  Here  have  I  got  ready 
my  dinner  :  my  oxen  and  mj^  fatted  beasts  are  killed,  and  everything  is 

5  ready.     Come  to  the  marriage-feast." '     But  they  paid  no  heed,  and  went 

6  off,  one  to  his  farm,  another  to  his  business ;  while  the  rest  seized  his 

7  slaves,  ill-treated  them  and  killed  them.     So  in  anger  the  king  sent  his 

8  troops  and  destroyed  those  murderers  and  burned  their   city.      Then 


332  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [22^-*^ 

lie  says  to  his  slaves,  '  The  marriage  is  ready,  but  those  who  were  invited 
9  were  not  worthy.     Go  to  the  crossroads  then,  and  invite  as  many  peoijle 

10  as  you  find  to'  the  marriage-feast.'     And  those  slaves  went  out  to  the 
roads  and  proceeded  to  gather  all  they  could  find,  both  bad  and  good. 

11  So  the  wedding  was  supjilied  with  guests.     Now  when  the  king  entered 
to  view  the  guests,  he  saw  a  man  there  who  had  no  marriage-robe  on  ; 

12  and  he  says  to  him,  'Friend,  how  didst  thou  come  in  here  without  a 

13  marriage-robe  ? '     And  he  was   speechless.     Then  the   king  said  to  the 
servants,  '  Bind  him  hand  and  foot,  and  throw  him  out  into  the  outer 

14  darkness  ;  there  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth.'     For 
many  are  called,  but  few  chosen." 

15  Then  the  Pharisees  went  and  took  counsel,  in  order  to  trap  him  in  his 
IG  talk.    And  they  desjjatch  their  disciples  to  him,  along  with  the  Herodians, 

saying,  "  Teacher,  we  know  thou  art  truthful,  teaching  the  way  of  God  in 
truth  and  caring  not  for  anyone ;  for  thou  regardest  not  the  person  of 

17  men.     Tell  us  then:    what  dost  thou  think?     Is  it  right  to  pay  taxes 

18  to  Caesar,  or  not?"     But  Jesus  perceived  their  malice  and  said,  "Why 

19  make  trial  of  me,  you  hypocrites  ?     Show  me  the  coin  for  the  taxes."     So 

20  they  handed  him  a  denarius.     And  he  says  to  them,  "  Whose  likeness 

21  and  inscription  is  this?"     "Caesar's,"  they  say.     Then  he  says  to  them, 
"Well,  render  to  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  to  God  the 

22  things  that  are  God's."     And  when  they  heard  it  they  marvelled  ;  and 
leaving  him  they  went  away. 

23  On  that  day  the  Sadducees  apjiroached  him — they  say  there  is  no 

24  resurrection — and  they  questioned  him.      "  Teacher,"  they  said,  "  Moses 
said,  if  a  man  dies  ivithout  children,  his  brother'  shall  become  a  husband  to  ]iis 

25  widow  and  raise  up  offsprinrj  for  his  brother.     Now  among  us  there  were 

26  seven  brothers.      The  first  married  and  died,  and  as  he  had  no  offspring 
he  left  his  wife  to  his  brother  ;  the  same  thing  took  place  with  the  second 

27  also,  and  with  the  third,  even  to  the  seventh.     And  after  them  all  the 

28  woman  died.     At  the  resurrection,  then,  whose  wife  will  she  be  of  the 

29  seven  ?     For  they  all  had  her."     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  Yoit 

30  are  led  astray  by  your  ignorance  of  the  scriptures  and  of  God's  power.    For 
at  the  resurrection  people  neither  marry  nor  are  given  in  marriage,  but 

31  are  like  angels  in  heaven.     And  as  regards  the  resurrection  of  the  dead, 

32  have  you  not  read  what  was  spoken  to  you  by  God,  when  he  said,  /  am 
the  God  of  Ah-aham,  and  the  God  of  Isaac,  and  the  God  of  Jacob?    He  is 

33  not  ^  God  of  the  dead,  but  of  the  living."     And  when  the  crowds  heard  it, 
they  were  astonished  at  his  teaching. 

34  Now  when  the  Pharisees  heard  that  he  had  silenced  the  Sadducees, 

35  they  mustered  together  ;  and  one  of  them,  a  lawyer,  put  a  (question  to  him 

36  to  make  trial  of  him  :  "Teacher,  what  is  the  greatest  commandment  in 

37  the  law?"     And  he  said  to  him,  "  Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  icith 

38  thy  vihole  heart,  with  thy  xohole  soul,  with  thy  whole  mind.    This  is  the  great 

39  and  chief  commandment.     A  second  is  like  it :   Tliou  shalt  love  thy  neicjh- 

40  hour  as  thyself.    On  these  two  commandments  hang  the  whole  law  and  the 

41  prophets."  Now  as  the  Pharisees  had  gathered  together,  Jesus 

42  ([uestioned  them,  saying,  "  What  do  you  think  about  the  Clirist  ?     Whose 

43  son  is  he  ? "     Tliey  say  to  liim,  "  David's."     He  says  to  them,  "  How  is 
it  then  that  David  in  the  Spirit  calls  him  '  Lord'  ?  saying, 

44  The  Lord  said  to  my  Lord,  '  Sit  at  mij  right  hand, 
Till  T  jmt  thine  enemies  below  thy  feet.' 

45  If  David  then  calls  him  by  the  name  of  'Lord,'  how  is  he  his  son  ?" 

1  Omitting  [[»]]. 


22**^-23-3]  MATTHEW  333 

46  And  no  one  could  answer  him  a  word  ;  nor  from  that  day  did  anyone  dare 

to  question  him  any  further. 
1,  2        Then  Jesus  spoke  to  the  crowds  and  to  his  disciples,  saying, 
"  The  scribes  and  the  Pharisees  sit  on  the  seat  of  Moses  ; 

3  Obey  and  observe  then  all  that  ever  they  bid  you. 
But  act  not  as  they  act, 

For  they  talk  and  practise  not. 

4  They  bind  up  heavy  burdens  and  lay  them  on  the  shoulders  of 

men. 
But  they  themselves  will  not  move  them  with  their  finger. 

5  They  do  all  their  deeds  to  be  seen  by  men  ; 

For  they  make  their  phylacteries  broad  and  enlarge  their  tassels, 

6  And  they  like  the  chief  place  at  the  suppers  and  the  chief  seats 

in  tiie  synagogues, 

7  And  the  salutations  in  the  marketplaces,  and  to  be  called  '  Rabbi ' 

by  men. 

8  Now  for  your  part — be  not  called  '  Rabbi ' ; 

For  One  is  your  teacher,  and  you  are  all  brothers. 

9  And  call  no  one  your  '  father '  upon  earth  ; 

For  One  is  your  father,  the  heavenly  Father. 

10  Nor  be  called  '  leaders ' ; 

For  One  is  your  leader,  the  Christ. 

1 1  He  who  is  greatest  among  you,  must  be  your  servant ; 

12  Whoever  shall  raise  himself  shall  be  humbled, 
And  whoever  shall  humble  himself  shall  be  raised. 

13  But  woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  shut  the  heavenly  realm  in  men's  faces  ; 
You  enter  not  yourselves,  and  you  will  not  let  those  enter  who  are 
enteiing. 

15  Woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  scour  sea  and  dry  land  to  make  a  single  proselyte  ; 
And  when  he  is  won,  you  make  him  a  son  of  Gehenna  twice  as 
much  as  yourselves. 

16  Woe  to  you,  blind  guides,  who  say  : 

'  Whoever  shall  swear  by  the  sanctuary,  it  is  a  mere  nothing  ; 
But  whoever  shall  swear  by  the   gold  of  the  sanctuary,  he  is 
bound  by  his  oath.' 

17  Thoughtless  and  blind  !    Which  is  greater,  the  gold  or  the  sanctuary 

that  consecrated  the  gold  ? 

18  Also,  '  Whoever  shall  swear  by  the  altar,  it  is  a  mere  nothing  ; 
But  whoever  shall  swear  by  the  gift  that  is  on  it,  he  is  bound 

by  his  oath.' 

19  Blind  men  !  which  is  greater,  the  gift  or  the  altar  that  consecrates 

the  gift? 

20  He  who  swears,  then,  by  the  altar. 

Swears  by  it  and  by  all  that  is  on  it. 

21  And  he  who  swears  by  the  sanctuary. 

Swears  by  it  and  by  him  who  dwells  in  it. 

22  And  he  who  swears  by  heaven. 

Swears  by  the  throne  of  God  and  by  him  who  sits  upon  it. 

23  Woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  tithe  mint  and  dill  and  cummin, 

And  you  have  omitted  the  weightier  matters  of  the  law,  justice  aad 
mercy  and  faithfulness. 


334  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [23-^-24^ 

Now    tliese    you    ought    to    have    done  — -  without    omitting   the 
former. 

24  Blind  guides,  filtering  a  gnat  away,  yet  swallowing  a  camel ! 

25  Woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  cleanse  the  outside  of  the  cup  and  plate, 

But  inside  they  are  filled  with  plunder  and  indulgence. 
2G  Blind  Pharisee  !  first  cleanse  the  inside  of  the  cuj),^ 

That  the  outside  of  it  also  may  become  clean. 

27  Woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  resemble  white-washed  sepulchres, 
Which  outwardly  appear  beautiful. 
But  inwardly  are  filled  with  dead  men's  bones  and  all  impurity. 

28  So  also  do  you  outwardly  appear  to  men  upright. 

But  inwardly  you  are  full  of  hypocrisy  and  wickedness. 

29  Woe  to  you,  scribes  and  Pharisees,  irreligious  ! 

For  you  build  the  sepulchres  of  the  prophets  and  adorn  the  tombs 
of  the  just, 

30  And  you  say,  '  Had  we  been  living  in  the  days  of  our  fathers, 
We  had  not  shared  with  them  in  the  blood  of  the  prophets.' 

31  So  you  witness  against  yourselves  that  you  are  sons  of  those  who 

murdered  the  prophets  ! 

32  Fill  up  then  for  yourselves  the  measure  of  your  fathers. 

33  Serpents  !  offspring  of  vipers  !  how  can  you  escape  being  sentenced  to 

Gehenna  ? 

34  Therefore,  behold   I    send   to   you   prophets    and  wise  men    and 

scribes : 
Some  of  them  you  shall  kill  and  crucify. 
And  some  of  them  you  shall  scourge  in  your  synagogues  and  pursue 
from  city  to  city — 

35  That  upon  you  may  come  all  the  innocent  blood  shed  on  the  earth. 

From  the  blood  of  Abel  the  upright  down  to  the  blood  of  Zachariah 
the  son  of  Barachiah,  whom  you  murdered  between  the  sanc- 
tuary and  the  altar. 
3G        I  tell  you  truly,  these  things  shall  all  come  upon  this  generation. 

37  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem  !  slayer  of  the  prophets  and  stoner  of  those  sent 

to  her ! 
How  often  would  I  have  gathered  thy  children  together, 

Even  as  a  fowl  gathers  her  brood  beneath  her  wings— and  you 
would  not ! 

38  Lo,  your  House  is  ahandoned  to  yourselves,  deserted ! 

39  For  I  tell  you,  after  this  you  shall  not  see  me  until  you  say, 
'■Blessed  is  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.''  " 

24  1        And  Jesus  went  out  of  the  temple  and  proceeded  on  his  way  ;  and  his 

2  disciples  came  to  point  out  to  him  the  buildings  of  the  temple.  He 
answered  and  said  to  them,  "  You  see  all  these  1  I  tell  you  truly,  not 
one  stone  shall  be  left  upon  another  here,  that  shall  not  be  thrown  down." 

3  Now,  as  he  was  sitting  on  the  hill  of  Olives,  the  disciples 
came  tf)  him  privately,  saying,  "Tell  us,  when  shall  these  things  be? 
also,  wliat  sliall  l)e  the  sign  of  thy  arrival  and  of  the  close  of  the  age?" 

4  And  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them  : 

"  Take  care  tliat  no  one  leads  you  astray  : 

5  For  many  shall  come  relying  on  my  liame,  saying,  '  I  am  the  Christ,' 

and  they  sliall  lead  many  astray. 

1  Omitting  \[^xa.)  ty.s  T«/><>'+/Siif]]. 


24*'-=^'^]  MATTHEW  335 

6  You  shall  hear  of  wars  and  rumours  of  wars :  see  and  be  not  disquieted  ; 

For  tJicse  must  come  to  2'>ass,  but  the  end  is  not  yet. 

7  For  nation  i^hall  rise  against  nation,  and  realm  against  realm, 
And  there  shall  be  famines  and  earthquakes  in  place  after  place : 

8  Yet  all  these  are  but  the  beginning  of  birth-pangs. 

9  Then  shall  tliey  deliver  you  up  to  clistress,  and  kill  yon, 

And  you  shall  be  hated  by  all  the  nations  for  my  name's  sake. 

10  Yea  then  shall  many  he  repelled  and  deliver  up  one  another  and  hate 

one  another  ; 

1 1  And  many  false  prophets  shall  rise  and  lead  many  astray. 

12  And  as  wickedness  shall  be  multiplied,  the  love  of  the  majority  shall 

grow  cold  ; 

13  But  he  who  endures  to  the  end,  he  shall  be  saved. 

14  And  these  glad  tidings  of  the  Eeign  shall  be  preached  in  the  whole 

world  for  a  witness  to  the  nations, 
And  then  shall  come  the  end. 

15  So  when  you  see  the  desolating  ahomination,  which  was  spoken  of  through 

Daniel  the  prophet,  standing  in  tlie  holy  f  lace  (let  the  reader  ponder), 

16  Then  let  those  who  are  in  Judaea  flee  to  the  hills. 

17  Let  not  him  who  is  on  the  housetop 

Go  down  to  get  what  is  in  his  house, 

18  Nor  let  him  who  is  in  the  field 

Turn  back  to  get  his  cloak. 

19  But  woe  to  women  with  child  and  to  women  who  give  suck  in  those  days 

20  And  pray  that  your  flight  happen  not  in  winter  nor  on  a  sabbath  ; 

21  For  then  there  shall  be  great  distress, 

Tlie  like  of  which  has  not  been,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  until 
nov\  no  and  never  shall  be. 

22  Yea,  unless  those  days  had  been  curtailed,  no  flesh  would  have  been  saved : 

But  for  the  sake  of  the  chosen,  those  days  shall  be  curtailed. 

23  Then,  should  anyone  say  to  you,  '  Lo,  here  is  the  Christ ! '  or  '  there  ! ' 

believe  it  not. 

24  For  false  Christs  and/«Zse  frofhets  shall  arise,  and  shall  exhibit  great 

signs  and  wonders, 

25  So  as  to  lead,  if  possible,  even  the  chosen  astray.     Lo,  I  have  told 

you  beforehand ! 

26  If  they  say  to  you  then,  '  Lo,  he  is  in  the  wilderness  ! '  go  not  out : 

'  Lo,  he  is  in  the  inner  chambers  ! '  believe  it  not. 

27  For  as  the  lightning  shoots  from  the  east  and  flashes  across  to  the  west, 

So  shall  be  the  arrival  of  the  Son  of  man. 

28  "Wherever  the  dead  body  lies, 

The  vultures  will  be  gathered  there. 

29  Immediately  after  the  distress  of  those  days 

The  sun  shall  be  darkened,  and  the  moon  shall  not  give  her  light, 

And  the  stars  shall  fall  from  the  sky, 

And  the  powers  of  the  heavens  shall  be  shaken : 

30  And  then  shall  the  sign  of  the  Son  of  man  appear  in  the  sky. 
Then  shall  all  the  tribes  of  the  earth  tmil. 

And  they  shall  see  the  Son  of  man  coming  07i  the  clouds  of  the  sky  with 
power  and  great  majesty. 

31  And  he  shall  send  forth  his  angels  with  a  loud  trumpet, 

And  they  shall  gather  his  chosen  together  from  the  four  winds,  from  tlie 
shfs  one  hound  to  the  other. 

32  Now  from  the  fig-tree  learn  her  parable. 


336  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [24'^=^-25^* 

When  her  branch  is  already  tender  and  is  putting  out  its  leaves, 
You  know  that  summer  is  near  : 

33  So  also,  when  you  see  all  this, 

You  know  tiiat  He  is  near,  at  the  doors. 

34  I  tell  you  truly,  this  generation  shall  not  pass  away 

Till  all  these  (;ome  to  pass  ; 

35  Sky  and  earth  shall  pass  away. 

But  never  shall  my  words  pass  away. 

36  Yet  of  that  day  and  hour  none  knows, 

Not  even  the  angels  of  the  heavens,  not  even  the  Son,  but  the  Father  alone. 

37  For  as  were  the  days  of  Noah, 

So  shall  be  the  arrival  of  the  Son  of  man  : 

38  For  as  in  the  ^  days  before  the  deluge  they  were  feeding  and  drinking, 

marrying  and  giving  in  marriage. 
Up  to  the  day  that  Noah  entered  the  ark, 

39  And  knew  nothing  until  the  deluge  came  and  swept  them  all  away. 

So  shall  be  the  arrival  of  the  Son  of  man. 

40  Then  shall  two  men  be  in  the  field, 

One  is  to  be  taken,  one  is  to  be  left : 

41  Two  women  shall  be  grinding  with  the  mill-stone. 

One  is  to  be  taken,  one  is  to  be  left. 

42  Watch  then,  for  you  know  not  on  what  day  your  Lord  is  coming. 

43  Be  sure  of  this  ;  had  the  master  of  the  house  known  the  watch  in 

which  the  thief  was  coming, 
He  would  have  been  on  the  alert,  and  would  not  have  allowed  his 
house  to  be  broken  into. 

44  Then  be  you  also  ready. 

For  in  an  unexpected  hour  the  Son  of  man  is  coming. 

45  Who  then  is  the  faithful  and  shrewd  slave  whom  his  owner 
has  appointed  over  his  household  to  give  them  their  food  in  due  season  1 

46  Happy  that  slave  whom  his  owner  shall  find  so  doing,  when  he  comes  ! 
47,  48  I  tell  you  truly,  he  will  appoint  him  over  all  he  has.     But  if  that  evil 

49  slave  says  in  his  heart,  '  My  owner  is  delaying,'  and  shall  start  to  beat 

50  his  fellow-slaves,  and  to  eat  and  drink  with  drunkards,  the  owner  of  that 
slave  shall  come  in  a  day  when  he  does  not  look  for  him,  and  in  an  hour 

51  when  he  does  not  know,  and  shall  cut  him  in  two  and  assign  his  part 
among  the  irreligious  :  there  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of 

25  1  teeth.  Then  shall  the  reign  of  heaven  be  like  ten  maidens  who 

2  took  their  lamps  and  went  out  to  meet  the  bridegroom.     Five  of  them  were 

3  thoughtless,  and  five  were  shrewd.     The  thoughtless  took  their  lamps 

4  but  took  no  oil  with  them  ;  while  the  shrewd  took  oil  in  their  vessels 

5  with  their  lamps.     Now  while  the  bridegroom  delayed,  they  all  grew 

6  drowsy  and  fell  asleep.     And  at  midnight  a  cry  was  raised,  '  Here  is  the 

7  bridegroom  !     Come  out  to  meet  him  ! '     Then  all  those  maidens  rose 

8  and  trimmed  their  lamps.     And  the  thoughtless  said  to  the  shrewd, 

9  '  Give  us  some  of  your  oil,  because  our  lamps  are  going  out.'     But  the 
shrewd  answered,  '  Possibly  tliere  may  not  be  enough  for  us  and  for  you. 

10  Better  go  to  those  who  sell  it  and  buy  for  yourselves.'  Now  while 
they  went  away  to  buy,  the  bridegroom  came  ;  then  those  who  were 
ready  Avent  with  liim  into  the   marriage-feast,  and  the  door  was  shut. 

1 1  Afterwards  the  other  maidens  also  came,  saying,  '  Lord,  lord,  open  to  us ' ; 
12,  13  but  he  answered  and  said,  '  I  tell  you  truly,  I  do  not  know  you.'     Watch 

14  then,  for  you  know  not  the  day  nor  the  hour.  For  it  is  like  a  man 

1  Oniittiug  [[£«£/►«/<]]. 


25^^-=^^]  MATTHEW  337 

going  abroad,  wlio  called  liis  own  slaves  and  handed  ovei-  his  property  to 

15  them.  And  he  gave  twelve  hundred  pounds  to  one,  four  hundred  and 
eighty  to  another,  two  hundred  and  forty  to  another,  to  each  man  accord- 

16  ing  to  his  individual  ability.  Then  he  went  abroad.  Immediately,  he 
who  had  got  the  twelve  hundred  went  and  traded  with  them  and  gained 

17  twelve  hundred  more.    In  the  same  way,  he  who  had  got  the  four  hundred 

18  and  eighty  gained  four  hundred  and  eighty  more.  But  he  who  had  got 
the  two  hundred  and  forty  went  away  and  dug  a  liole  in  tlie  ground 

19  and  hid  his  owner's  money.     Now  after  a  long  time  the  owner  of  those 

20  slaves  comes  and  settles  his  accounts  with  them.  Then  he  who  had  got 
the  twelve  hundred  came  forward  and  brought  twelve  hundred  more, 
saying,  '  Sir,  thou  didst  hand  over  twelve  hundred  pounds  to  me.     Here 

21  I  have  gained  twelve  hundred  more.'  His  owner  said  to  him,  'Well 
done,  good  and  faithful  slave  !  Thou  hast  been  faithful  over  a  few 
things,  I  will  appoint  thee  over  many  things.     Enter  thine  owner's  feast.' 

22  He  who  had  got  the  four  hundred  and  eighty  also  came  forward  and  said, 
'  Sir,  thou  didst  hand  over  four  hundred  and  eighty  pounds  to  me.    Here 

23  I  have  gained  four  hundred  and  eighty  more.'  His  owner  said  to  him, 
'  Well  done,  good  and  faithful  slave  !  Thou  hast  been  faithful  over  a  few 
things,  I  will  appoint  thee  over  many  things.    Enter  thine  owner's  feast.' 

24  Then  he  who  had  got  the  two  hundred  and  forty  also  came  forward  and  said, 
'  Sir,  I  knew  thou  wast  a  hard  man,  reaping  where  thou  hast  not  sown, 

25  and  gathering  where  thou  hast  not  winnowed.  So  in  fear  I  went  away 
and  hid  thy  two  hundred  and  forty  pounds  in  the  ground.     Here,  thou 

26  hast  what  is  thine.'  His  owner  answered  and  said  to  him,  '  0  wicked 
and  backward  slave  !     Thou  knowest  that  I  reap  where  I  have  not  sown, 

27  and  gather  where  I  have  not  winnowed  !  Then  thou  oughtest  to  have 
placed  my  money  with  the  bankers,  and  I  would  have  gone  and  got  my 

28  own  back  with  interest.  Take  away  the  two  hundred  and  forty  pounds 
from  him,  then,  and  give  them  to  him  who  has  the  twelve  hundred.' 

29  For  to  everyone  who  has, 

Shall  be  given,  and  amply  given ; 
But  from  him  who  has  not, 

Even  what  he  has  shall  be  taken. 

30  And  throw  out  the  useless  slave  into  the  outer  darkness  : 

There  shall  tlie  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth. 

31  Wlien  the  Son  of  man  comes  in  his  majesty  and  all  the  amjcls  unf.h  hivi, 

32  Then  shall  he  sit  on  the  throne  of  his  majesty,  and  before  him  all 

the  nations  shall  be  gathered. 
And    he   shall  separate   them  one   from  another,    as   the   shepherd 
separates  the  sheep  from  the  goats, 

33  And  he  shall  set  the  sheep  on  his  right  hand,  but  the  goats  on  his  left. 

34  Then  shall  the  king  say  to  those  on  his  right  hand  : 

'  Come,  you  who  are  blessed  by  my  Father, 

Inherit  the  realm  prepared  for  you  from  the  foundation  of  the  world. 

35  For  I  hungered  and  you  gave  me  to  eat, 

I  thirsted  and  you  gave  me  drink, 
I  was  a  stranger  and  you  entertained  me, 

36  Unclad  and  you  clothed  me, 
I  was  ill  and  you  visited  me, 

I  was  in  prison  and  you  came  to  me.' 

37  Then  shall  the  upright  answer  him,  saying  : 

'  Lord,  when  did  we  see  thee  hungry  and  feed  thee  1  or  thirsty  and 
give  thee  drink  ? 

22 


338  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [25^^-26^^ 

38  And  Avhen  did  we  sue  tlieea  stranger  and  entertain  tliee  ?  or  unclad 

and  clothe  thee  ? 

39  And  when  did  we  see  thee  ill  or  in  jjrison  and  come  to  thee  ?' 

40  And  the  king  shall  answer  and  say  to  them  :  '  I  tell  you  truly, 

In  so  far  as  you  did  it  to  one  of  these  my  brothers,  even  to  the  least, 
You  did  it  to  me.' 

41  Then  shall  he  say  also  to  those  on  the  left  hand  : 

'  Depart  from  me,  accursed, 

Into  the  fire  eternal  j^repared  for  the  devil  and  his  angels. 

42  For  I  hungered  and  you  gave  me  not  to  eat, 

I  thirsted  and  you  gave  me  no  drink, 

43  I  was  a  stranger  and  you  entertained  me  not, 

Unclad  and  you  clothed  me  not, 
111  and  in  prison  and  you  visited  me  not.' 

44  Then  shall  they  also  answer,  saying  : 

'  Lord,  when   did  we  see  thee  hungry  or  thirsty  or  a  stranger  or 
unclad  or  ill  or  in  prison 
And  not  minister  to  thee  ? ' 

45  Then  shall  he  answer  them,  saying  :  '  I  tell  you  trulj^, 

In  so  far  as  you  did  it  not  to  one  of  these  least, 
You  did  it  not  to  me.' 

46  And  these  shall  go  away  into  punishment  eternal, 

But  the  upright  into  life  eternal." 

26  1        And  it  came  to  pass  when  Jesus  finished  all  these  words,  he  said  to 

2  his  disciples,  "  You  know  the  passover  is  to  be  held  after  two  days,  and 

3  the  Son  of  man  is  to  be  delivered  up  for  crucifixion."  Then  the 
high  priests  and  the  elders  of  the  2)eople  met  in  the  palace  of  the  high 

4  priest,  who  was  called  Kaia23has  ;  and  they  took  counsel  together  to  seize 

5  Jesus  by  craft  and  kill  him.     But  they  said,  "  Not  during  the  festival, 
lest  a  tumult  arise  among  the  people." 

6  Now  when  Jesus  was  in  Bethany,  in  the  house  of  Simon  the  leper, 

7  a  woman  came  to  him  with  an  alabaster  flask  of  expensive  perfume  ;  and 

8  she  proceeded  to  pour  it  on  his  head  as  he  reclined  at  table.     But  when 
the  disciples  saw  it  they  were  indignant,  saying,  "  What  is  this  waste 

9  for?     This  perfume  might  have  been  sold  for  a  large  sum,  and  given 

10  to  poor  people."     But  when  Jesus  understood,  he  said  to  them,  "  Why 

11  molest  the  woman?     She  has  done  a  noble  deed  for  me.      For  you  have 

12  the  poor  always  beside  you,  but  you  have  not  alwaj^s  me.     In  pouring 

13  this  perfume  on  my  liody  she  acted  in  view  of  my  burial.  I  tell  you 
truly,  Wherever  these  glad  tidings  shall  be  preached  in  the  whole  world, 
this  woman's  deed  shall  be  also  told  in  memory  of  her." 

14  Then  one  of  the  twelve,  who  was  called  "Judas  Iskariot,"  went  to  the 

15  high  priests  and  said,  "What  are  you  willing  to  pay  me,  and  I  will 
betray  him   to  you."     So   they  weighed  out  for  him  thirty  silver  pieces. 

16  And  from  that  time  he  sought  an  opportune  moment  for  betraying  him. 

17  Now  on  the  first  day  of  unleavened  bread  the  disciples  came  to  Jesus, 
saying,    "Where   wilt   thou  have   us   make   ready  for  thee  to   eat   the 

18  paschal  lamb  ?"  Then  he  said,  "  Go  your  way  into  the  city  to  such  and 
such  a  man  and  say  to  him,  '  The  teacher  says,  "  My  time  is  near  ;    I  will 

]  9  keep  the  passover  with  my  disciples  at  thy  house."  '"     So  the  disciples  did 

20  as  Jesus  instructed  them,  and  made  ready  the  passover.     Now  when  it 

21  was  evening,  he  was  reclining  at  table  with  the  twelve  disciples ;  and  as  they 
were  eating,  he  said,  "  I  tell  you  truly,  one  of   you  shall  betray  me." 


26"-^^]  MATTHEW  339 

22  Then   in   exceeding  sorrow  each  one  began  to  say  to  him,  "  Can  it  he 

23  I,  Lord  V  He  answered  and  said,  "He  who  dijiped  his  hand  with  nie  in 
the  dish,  he  shall  betray  me. 

24  The  Son  of  man  goes  on  his  way,  even  as  it  is  written  of  him. 

But  woe  to  that  man  through  whom  the  Son  of  man  is  betrayed  ! 
Better  for  that  man  had  he  never  been  born  !  " 

25  Judas,  his  betrayer,  answered  and  said,  "  Can  it  be  I,  Rabbi  1 "    He  says  to 

26  him,  "  It  is  as  thou  sayest."  ISTow  as  they  were  eating,  Jesus  took 
bread  ;  and  after  the  blessing,  he  broke  and  gave  it  to  the  disciples,  saying, 

27  "  Take,  eat ;  this  is  my  body."     Also  he  took  a  cup,  and  after  giving 

28  thanks  he  gave  it  to  them,  saying,  "  Drink  of  it,  all  of  you  ;  for  this'^is  my 
covenant-blood  which  is  poured  out  for  many,  for  the  remission  of  sins. 

29  I  tell  you,  never  shall  I  drink  in  future  of  this  produce  of  the  vine,  till 
that  day  when  in  my  Father's  reign  I  drink  it  with  you  new." 

30  Thereupon  after  a  song  of  praise  they  went  out  to  the  hill  of  Olives. 

31  Then  Jesus  says  to  them,  "  You  shall  be  all  repelled  through  me,  this 
night  ;  for  it  is  written,  I  will  smite  the  shejjherd,  and  the   sheep  of  the 

32  flock  shall  be  scattered  abroad.     Yet  after  I  rise,  I  will  go  before  you  into 

33  Galilee."     Peter  answered   and   said   to   him,    "  Should  all  be  repelled 

34  through  thee,  never  will  I  be  repelled."  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  I  tell  thee 
truly,  this  night,  before  the  cock  crows,  three  times  thou  shalt  deny  me." 

35  "  Even  if  I  have  to  die  with  thee,"  says  Peter  to  him,  "  I  will  not  deny 

36  thee."  And  all  the  disciples  said  the  same.  Then  Jesus  comes 
with  them  to  a  piece  of  ground  called  Gethsemane.     And  lie  says  to  his 

37  disciples,  "  Sit  there,  until  I  depart  yonder  and  pray."  And  he  took  with 
him    Peter  and  the  two  sons  of   Zebedee,  and   began   to   be   sorrowful 

38  and  sorely  troubled.     Then  he  says  to  them,  "  My  soul  is  very  sorrowful, 

39  even  to  death  :  stay  here  and  watch  with  me."  So  he  went  forward 
a  little  and  fell  on  his  face  in  prayer,  saying,  "  My  Father !  if  it  be 
possible,  let  this  cup  pass  away  from  me.     Nevertheless,  not  as  I  will, 

40  but  as  thou  wilt."  Then  coming  to  the  disciples  he  finds  them  sleeping, 
and  says  to  Peter,  "  So  you  had  not  strength  to  watch  with  me  a  single 

41  hour  ?     Watch  and  pray,  lest  you  enter  into  temptation  :  the  spirit  is 

42  eager,  but  the  flesh  is  weak."  Again  he  went  away  for  a  second  time  and 
prayed,  saying,  "  My  Father  !  if  this  cannot  pass  away  unless  I  drink  it, 

43  thy  will  be  done."    And  on  coming  again  he  found  them  sleeping,  for  their 

44  eyes  were  heavy.     And  leaving  them  he  again  went  away  and  prayed  for 

45  a  third  time,  repeating  the  same  words.  Then  coming  to  the  disciples 
he  says  to  them,  "  So  you  sleep  and  rest  ?     Behold,  the   hour  is  near, 

46  when  the  Son  of  man  is  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  sinners  !     Rise,  let  us 

47  be  going.  Behold,  my  betrayer  is  near  !  "  And  when  he  was  still 
speaking,  behold  Judas  (one  of  the  twelve)  came,  accorai^anied  by  a  large 
horde  with  swords  and  clubs,  from  the  high  priests  and  elders   of   the 

48  people.     Now  his  betrayer  had  given  them  a  sign,  saying,  "  Whomsoever 

49  I   kiss,  that  is  the  man  ;  seize   him."     So  he   immediately   aj^proached 

50  Jesus,  saying,  "  Hail,  Rabbi  !  "  and  kissed  him  fondly.  Jesus  said  to 
him,  "  Friend,  do  thine  errand."     Then  they  approached  and  laid  hands 

51  on  Jesus  and  seized  him.  And  behold,  one  of  the  companions  of  Jesus 
stretched  out  his  hand,  drew  his  sword,  smote  the  slave  of  the  high  priest 

52  and  cut  off  his  ear.     Then  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Put  back  thy  sword  into 

53  its  place  ;  for  all  who  take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword.  Wliat  ! 
dost  thou  think  that  I  cannot  appeal  to  my  Father,  and  he  will  provide  me 

54  at  this  moment  with  more  than  twelve  legions  of  angels  1     But  how  then 

55  should  the  scriptures  be  fulfilled,  that  thus  it  must  come  to  pass  ? "     At 


340  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [26^*^-27^" 

that  hour  Jesus  said  to  the  hordes,  "  Did  you  come  out  as  against  a 
robber,  with  swords  and  clubs  to  arrest  me  ?     Day  by  day  I  sat  in  the 

56  temi)le  teaching,  and  you  did  not  seize  me.  But  the  whole  of  this 
has  come  to  pass,  that  the  scriptures  of  the  prophets  might  be  fulfilled." 
Then  the  disciples  all  left  him  alone  and  fled. 

57  Now  those  who  had  seized  Jesus  led  him  away  to  Kaiaplias  the  higli 

58  priest,  where  the  scribes  and  the  elders  had  gathered.  Peter  followed 
him  from  afar,  up  to  the  jjalace  of  the  high  priest ;  then  he  went  inside 

59  and  sat  with  the  officers  to  see  the  end.  Now  the  high  priests  and  in  fact 
the  whole  Sanhedrin  sought  for   false  witness  against  Jesus  that   they 

60  might  get  him  put  to  death  ;  but  they  found  none,  although  many  false 
witnesses   came    forward.      However    two    men   came   forward  at  last, 

61  and   said,    "This  man  said,    'I  am  able  to  break  down  the  sanctuary 

62  of  God,  and  to  build  it  after  three  days.' "  And  the  high  iiri('st  stood  up 
and  said  to  him,  "Hast  thou  no  answer?     Of  what  do  these  men  bear 

63  evidence  against  thee  ?  "  Jesus  kept  silence.  And  the  high  priest  said 
to  him,  "  I  adjure  thee  by  the  living   God  !     Tell  us  if  thou  art  the 

64  Christ,  the  Son  of  God?"  Jesus  says  to  him,  "It  is  as  thou  sayest. 
Yet  I  tell  you,  in  future  you  shall  sec  'fin'  Snu  nf  unin  sittiufi  at  the  rvjht 

Q5hand  of  the  Power,  and  coming  on  thr  rl,iinl.<  nf  fhr  sl.-ii"  Then  the  liigh 
priest  rent  his  vestments,  saying,  "lie  has  lilas])licmed  !     What  furtlier 

66  witnesses  do  we  need  ?     Look   now,   you  heard  the   bla.sphemy  ;   what 

67  do   you   think  ? "     They  said   in  reply,  "  He  is  doomed  to  die."    Then 

68  they  spat  on  his  face  and  buffeted  him,  and  some  dealt  him  blows,  saying, 
"  Prophesy  to  us,  Christ  !     Who  was  it  tliat  struck  thee  ?  " 

69  Now  Peter  was  sitting  outside  in  the  courtyard  ;  and  a  maidservant 

70  came  to  him,  saying,  "Thou  also  wast  with  Jesus  the  Galilean."  But 
he  denied  it  l)eforo  them  all,  saying,  "I  know  not  what  thou  meanest." 

71  And  when  he  went  out  into  the  porch,  another  maidservant  saw  him  ; 
and   she   says   to  those  who  were   there,    "  This  man  was   with   Jesus 

72  the   Nazarene."     And   again   he   denied   with   an  oath,    "  I   know   not 

73  the  man."  After  a  little  while  the  bystanders  came  up  and  said  to 
Peter,  "  To  be  sure,  thou  art  one  of  them  too  ;  for  indeed  thy  s])eech 

74  betrays  thee."     Thereu])on  he  began  to  loudly  curse  and  swear,  "  I  know 

75  not  the  man."  And  immediately  the  cock  crowed.  Then  Peter  remem- 
bered the  word  that  Jesus  had  said,  "  Before  the  cock  crows,  three  times 
shalt  thou  deny  me."     And  he  went  out,  and  bitterly  he  we])t. 

27  I        Now   when  morning  came,  all   the  high  priests  and   the  elders   of 
the  people  took  counsel  against  Jesus,  in  order  to  get  him  put  to  deatli  ; 

2  and  after  Innding  him  they  led  him  aM-ay  and  delivered  him  up  to  Pilate 

3  the  procurator.  Then  seeing  that  he  was  condemned,  Judas  his 
betrayer  repented  ;  and  he  returned  the  thirty  silver  pieces  to  the  high 

4  priests  and  elders,  saying,  "  I  have  sinned  by  betraying  innocent  blood." 

5  "  What  is  that  to  us  ? "  they  said  :  "  that  is  thy  concern  ! "  Then 
throwing  down  the  silver  pieces    in    the   sanctuary    he    retired,   and 

6  went  away  and  hung  himself.  Now  when  the  high  i)riests  took  the 
silver  pieces,  they  said,  "  It  is  not  right  to  put  them  into  the  sacred 

7  treasury,  since  they  are  '  the  price  of  blood.' "  So  after  taking  counsel 
they  benight  with  tliem  the  potter's  field  as  a  burying-place  for  strangei's. 

8  Therefore   that   field   lias   been   called  to   this   day,    "  Field  of  blood." 

9  Then  what  Avas  spoken  through  the  prophet  Jeremiah  was  fulfilled, 
wlum  he  said  :  A  ml  they  took  the  thirty  silver  pieces,  the  price  of  him  v:ho 

10  had  been  appraised,  lohom  some  of  the  sons  nf  Israel  appraised,  and  they  gave 
them  for  the  patterns  field,  as  the  Lord  instructed  me. 


27^1-*^]  MATTHEW  841 

1 1  Now  Jesus  stood  before  the  procurator,  and  the  procurator  (piestioned 
him,    "Art    thou     the    king    of    the    Jews?"      Jesus    said    to    him, 

12  "Certainly."     But  while  he  was  being  accused  by  the  high  priests  and 

13  elders,  he  made  no  answer.     Then  Pilate  says  to  him,  "Hearest  thou  not 
]  4  how  grave  their  evidence   is   against   thee  ? "     Yet   to   the   procurator's 

15  great  wonder  he  made  no  reply  to  him,  not  even  a  single  word.  Now 
at  festival  time  the  procurator  was  accustomed  to  release  for  the  crowd 

16  any  one  prisoner  whom  they  chose.     At  that  time  they  had  a  notorious 

17  prisoner  called  Bar- Abbas  ;  so  when  they  had  met,  Pilate  said  to  them, 
"Whom  do  you  wish  me  to  release  for  j'ou  ?     Bar- Abbas,  or  Jesus  who  is 

18  called  '  Christ'  ? "     (For  he  knew  it  was  for  envy  that  they  had  delivered 

19  him  up.  Also,  when  he  was  sitting  on  the  tribunal,  his  wife  had  sent  to 
say  to  him,  "  Have  nothing  to  do  with  that  innocent  man  ;  for  I  have 

20  suffered  much  to-day  in  a  dream,  on  his  account.")  But  the  high  priests 
and  the  elders  persuaded  the  crowd  to  ask  for  Bar- Abbas  and  have  Jesus 

21  destroyed.  The  procurator  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  Which  of  the 
two  will  you   have   me   release   for   you  ? "     They   said,    "  Bar- Abbas." 

22  Pilate  says  to  them,  "Then  what  am  I  to  do  with  Jesus  who  is  called 

23  '  Christ '  1 "  They  all  say,  "  Let  him  be  crucified."  And  he  said, 
"  Why,  what  evil  has  he  done  1 "     But  they  kept  vehemently  shouting, 

24  "  Let  him  be  crucified."  So  when  Pilate  saw  he  was  doing  no  good,  but 
on  the  contrary  that  a  tumult  was  rising,  he  took  water  and  washed  his 
hands  before  the  crowd  ;  "  I  am  innocent  of  this  blood,"  he  said ;  "  it 

25  is  your  concern  !  "     And  all  the  people  answered  and  said,  "  His  blood 

26  be  upon  us  and  upon  our  cliildren  !  "  Then  he  released  for  them  Bar- 
Abbas  ;  but  after  scourging  Jesus,  he  delivered  him  up  to  be  crucified. 

27  Then  the  soldiers  of  the  procurator  took  Jesus  into  the  praetorium 

28  and  gathered  the  whole  cohort  to  him.     And  after  stripping  him,  they  pu.t 

29  a  scarlet  mantle  round  him.  And  plaiting  a  wreath  out  of  some  thorns, 
they  put  it  on  his  head,  with  a  reed  in  his  right  hand  ;  and  kneeling 
down  before  him  they  mocked  him,  saying,  "  Hail,  king  of  the  Jews  !  " 

30  And    they  spat  on  him,  and  taking  the  reed   they   kept   striking  him 

31  on  the  head.  Then  after  their  mockery  of  him,  they  stripped  the 
mantle  off  him  and  put  his  own  garments  upon  him  ;  and  they  led  him 

32  away  to  be  crucified.  Now  as  they  were  going  out,  they  came 
upon  a  Cyrenian  named  Simon  ;  this  man  they  forced  to  carry  his  cross. 

33  Then  coming  to  a  place  called  Golgotha  (which  means,  "  The  place  of  a 

34  skull ")  they  offered  him  ^vine  to  drink  with  a  bitter  mixture  ;  but  after 

35  tasting  it,  he  would  not  drink  it.     Now  when  they  had  crucified  him, 

36  they  distributed  his  garments  among  them  hy  casting  lots,  and  sitting  down 

37  they  kept  watch  there  over  him.  And  over  his  head  thev  put  the  charge 
against  him  in  writing,  THIS  IS  JESUS  THE  KING  OF  THE  JEWS. 

38  Tlien  along  with  him  two  robbers  are  crucified,  one  on  the  right  hand 

39  and  one  on  the  left.     And  the  passers-by  heaped  abuse  on  him,  ivagging 
iO  their  heads  and  saying,  "Thou  who  wouldst  In-eak  down  the  sanctuary 

and  build  it  in  three  days,  save  thyself  !     If  thou  art  God's  son,  come  down 

41  from  the  cross  ! "    Similarly,  the  high  priests  also  mocked  him,  with  the 

42  scribes  and  the  elders,  saying,  "  Others  he  saved,  himself  he  cannot  save  ! 
He  is  'the  king  of  Israel'!     Let  him  come  down  now  from  the  cross,  and 

43  we  will  believe  upon  him  !     He  puts  his  trust  in  God :  let  God  rescue  him 

44  now,  if  he  cares  for  him.  For  he  said,  '  I  am  God's  son.'"  And  even  the 
robbers  who  were  crucified  along  with  liim,  denounced  him  in  the 
same  fashion. 

45  Now   from   the   sixth    hour   a   darkness   covered  all    the    land    till 


342  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [^7^''-28" 

46  the  ninth  hour.  And  about  the  ninth  hour  Jesus  cried  out  with  a 
loud  voice,  saying,  '■'■  Elei,  elei,  lema  sahachfhanei?"  (that  is,  "0  my  God, 

47  0  my  God,  irhy  Imsf  thou  forsaken  me?")     And  on  hearing  it  some  of  the 

48  bystanders  there  said,  "  He  is  calling  Elijah."  Then  immediately  one 
of  them  ran,  took  and  filled  a  sponge  with  vinegar,  put  it  on   a   reed, 

49  and  qfl'ered  liim  it  to  drink.  The  rest  said,  "  Hold,  let  us  see  if  Elijah 
does  come  to  save  him."    [[But  another  took  a  lance  and  pierced  his  side,  and 

50  out  came  water  and  blood.]]  ^     Then  once  more  Jesus  cried  out  with  a  loud 

51  voice  and  yielded  up  his  spirit.  And  behold  !  the  veil  of  the  sanctuary 
was  torn  in  two  from  top  to  bottom,  the  earth  shook,  the  rocks  were  torn 

52  apart,  the  tomljs  were  opened,  and  many  bodies  of  the  saints  who  had 

53  fallen  asleep  rose — and  coming  out  of  the  tombs  after  his  resurrection, 

54  they  entered  the  holy  city  and  appeared  to  many  people.  Now  when 
the  centurion  and  his  companions  who  were  watching  Jesus  saw  the 
earthquake  and  what  took  jjlace,  they  were  exceedingly  afraid,  and  said, 

55  "  This  man  was  certainly  a  son  of  God  ! "  And  many  women  were  there 
looking  on  from  a  distance — women  who  had  followed  Jesus  from  Galilee, 

5G  ministering  to  him.      Among  them  was  Mary  of   Magdala,    Mary   the 

mother  of  James  and  Josej^h,  and  the  mother  of  the  sons  of  Zebedee. 

57        Now  when  it  was  evening,  a  rich  man  from  Arimathaea  named  Joseph 

5S  came,  who  also  was  himself  a  disciple  of  Christ.     This  man  went  to  Pilate 

and  asked  for  the  body  of  Jesus.     Then  Pilate  ordered  it  to  be  given  up. 

59,  60  And  Joseph  took  the  body,  and  wrapped  it  in  a  clean  linen  cloth,  and 

laid  it  in  his  own  new  tomb  which  he  had  hewn  out  in  the  rock  ;  then, 

after  rolling  a  large  stone  to  the  entrance  of  the  tomb,  he  went  away. 

61  Now  Mary  of  Magdala  was  there  with  the  other  Mary,  sitting  opposite  the 

62  sepulchre.  On  the  next  day  (that  is,  the  day  after  the  Prepara- 

63  tion)  the  high  priests  and  the  Pharisees  gathered  to  Pilate  and  said,  "  Sir, 
we  have  remembered  that  when  this  impostor  was  still  alive,  he   said, 

64  '  After  three  days  I  rise.'  Give  orders  then  to  have  the  sei^ulchre  secured 
until  the  third  day  ;  in  case  the  disciples  come  and  steal  him  away,  and 
say  to  the  people,  '  He  rose  from  the  dead.'     And  so  the  last  fraud  will 

65  be  worse  than  the  first  ? "     Pilate  said   to   them,   "  Take  a   guard  and 

66  begone  !  Secure  it  yourselves,  as  you  know  how."  So  they  went  in 
company  with  the  guard,  and  secured  the  sepulchre  by  sealing  the  stone. 

28  1        Now  at  the  close  of  the  sabbath-day,  as  it  was  just  dawning  to  the 
first  day  of  the  week,  Mary  of  Magdala  went  with  the  other  Mary  to  see 

2  the  sepulchre.  And  behold,  a  great  earthquake  took  place  ;  for  an  angel 
of  the  Lord  came  down  from  heaven  and  went  and  rolled  away  the  stone 

3  and  sat  on  it.     His  countenance  was  like  lightning,  and  his  raiment  white 

4  like  snow  ;  and  for  fear  of  him  the  watchers  shook  and  became  like  dead 

5  men.     But  the  angel  addressed  the  women, saying,  "Be not  you  afraid  ! 

6  I  know  you  are  seeking   Jesus,  the  crucified.      He  is  not  here,  for  he 

7  has  risen,  as  he  said.  Come,  see  the  place  where  he  lay.  Then  go 
quickly  and  tell  his  disciples,  he  has  risen  from  the  dead ;  and  lo,  he 
goes  before  you  into  Galilee  ;  you  shall  see  him  there.     Lo,  I  have  told 

8  you."     Then  they  went  away  quickly  from  the  tomb  with  fear  and  great 

9  joy,  and  ran  to  bring  word  to  his  disciples.  [And  behold,  Jesus  met 
them,  saying,  "  Hail !  "  and  they  went  to  him,  caught  hold  of  his  feet,  and 

10  did  him  reverence.  Then  Jesus  says  to  them,  "Be  not  afraid.  Go  your 
way  ;  bring  word  to  my  brothers  to  go  away  into  Galilee,  and  they  shall 

11  see  me  thei'e."]  Now  while  they  were  going,  behold  some  of  the 

1  Adding  [[«AX<if  hi  Xa^uv  /iyx*:"  it'-jiif  avTCv  rrjf  rrXivpav,  xa)  iiijJ.Blv  viup  xxi  ai/xx]]. 


28^---*^]  MATTHEW  343 

guard  went  into  the  city  and  brought  word  to  the  high  priests  of  all 
1-2  that  had  taken  place.     And  after  meeting  with  the  elders  and  taking 

13  counsel,  they  gave  a  considerable  sum  of  money  to  the  soldiers,  telling 
them,  "  Say  '  his  disciples  came  at  night  and  stole  him  when  we  were 

14  aslee23.'     And  should  this  matter  come  before  the  procurator,  we  will 

15  satisfy  him  and  clear  you  of  any  trouble."  So  they  took  the  money 
and  did  as  they  w^ere  instructed.  And  this  story  has  been  disseminated 
among  the  Jews,  down  to  the  j^resent  day. 

16  Now  the  eleven  disciples  went  into  Galilee,  to  the  mountain  where 

17  Jesus  had  appointed  them.     And  on  seeing  him  they  did  him  reverence  ; 

18  but  some  doubted.     And  Jesus  came  and  talked  to  them,  saying, 

"  All  authority  has  been  given  to  me  in  heaven  and  upon  earth  ; 

19  Go  then  and  make  disciples  of  all  the  nations, 

Baptize  them  into  the  name  of  the  Father  and  the  Son  and  the 
holy  Spirit, 

20  Teach  tliem  to  observe  all  that  ever  I  commanded  you. 

And  lo,  I  myself  am  with  you  all  the  days  until  the  close  of  the  age ! " 


THE  EPISTLE  TO  THE  HEBREWS 

Like  its  successor  Acts,  Hebrews  is  an  implicit  aiiology  for  Cliristianity. 
Only,  there  is  this  difference  between  them.  The  apologetic  element  in 
the  former  is  principally  ^  concerned  with  the  outward  relationship  of  the 
Christian  faith  (cp.  Ho'ltzmann,  Das  NT  u.  der  Romische  Staat,  1892,  p. 
13  f.)  to  the  Roman  Empire.  Hebrews  is  directly  a  word  of  encourage- 
ment (13-2)  fQj.  those  inside  the  church;  it  forms  an  attempt  to  emphasise 
the  sufficiency  and  finality  of  Christianity  for  those  who  accept  Christ, 
not  a  demonstration  of  its  political  innocence.  Both  books  were  written 
primarily  to  instruct  and  edify  their  age.  But  while  the  method  of  Acts 
is  historical  and  retrospective,  Hebrews  is  speculative  and  theological. 
Luke  and  Acts  establish  the  certainty  of  the  faith  by  exhibiting  its 
growth  in  Jesus  and  its  development  into  the  expanded  sphere  of  the 
Em])ire.  The  author  of  Hebrews  proves  Christianity  to  be  the  ultimate 
religion,  by  means  of  a  long  series  of  comparisons  drawn  between  it  and 
the  religion  from  which  it  sprang.  His  training  leads  him  to  use  the 
I'cligious  authority  common  to  himself  and  his  readers — the  OT— and  to 
interpret  this  on  Al  exandrian  principles  of  symbolism  and  typology.  Hence 
the  impression  of  remoteness  in  his  treatment  of  the  religious  situation  of 
Christendom  within  the  Empire  as  compared  with  Acts,  and  especially  with 
the  Apocalypse.  This  author  does  not  deal  with  the  Temple  and  the  Jews 
as  they  lived.  His  view  is  directed  to  the  ideal  tabernacle  and  the  Levitical 
services  as  these  exist  in  the  LXX.  He  and  his  readers  are  citizens  of 
Jerusalem,  but  it  is  the  Jerusalem  in  heaven.  He  and  they  await  the 
crisis  and  end  of  the  age  ;  but  it  is  no  outcome  of  a  Roman  campaign,  it 
is  the  act  of  God  in  fulfilment  of  older  prophecy  (Jer  31^^^),  when 
the  new  covenant  is  introduced.  The  book  reflects  a  situation  of  trial, 
especially  in  the  Roman  church,  but  the  attitude  to  Domitian  is  more 
akin  to  that  of  Clem.  Rom.  than  to  that  of  the  Apocalypse ;  for  the 
character  of  the  author  and  the  object  of  the  writing  alike  j^revent  the 
political  situation  from  becoming  an  absorbing  feature  of  thought. 
Before  transcendentalism,  political  and  social  colours  pale.  Even  the 
later  "First  Epistle  of  John"  is  as  silent  upon  the  outer  relations  of  the 
churches  under  Trajan,  as  the  Beligio  Medici  upon  the  Star  Cliamber 
and  the  fortunes  of  the  Huguenots. 

The  very  breatli  of  Hebrews  is  antagonism  to  a  retrograde  movement 
witliin  the  circle  of  Roman  Christians  to  which  it  was  probably  addressed. 
Behind  the  letter  Ave  can  feel  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  timid  and 
disheartened  members  to  abandon  the  Christian  faith  under  stress  of 

1  Tliougli  in  Acts  also  there  is  an  implicit  a]iolo£!;y  directed  to  eonteni])orary 
Judaism.  The  author  strove  to  demonstrate  that  Ciiiistianity  was  the  legitimate 
heir  to  the  Jewish  law  and  its  promises,  lie  hail  liclnre  him  a  Jewish  jnopaganda 
(Ac  15-1)  which  attomiited  to  jealously  dispute  that  claim,  and  in  view  of  this  he 
aimed  at  showing  how  (ientile  tHiristianity  had  come  IVom  the  heart  and  centre  of 
Judaism  by  a  natural  and  unforced  develoiimcnt. 
34-t 


THE    EPISTLE    TO    THE    HEBREWS  345 

contemporary  trial.     This  is  aggravated  by  the  length  of  time  which  has 
since  the  conversion  of  the  readers — a  period  which  has  dimmed 


the  first  brightness  of  their  faith  without  ^jroducing  a  mature  and  intelli 
gent  experience.  Mental  seriousness^  and  moral  stability  are  two  qual- 
ities in  which  these  people  are  found  sadly  deficient.  Coupled  also  with 
the  external  trial  and  internal  sluggishness,  there  is  an  element  of  strain 
existing  between  the  readers  and  their  church  authorities.  It  is  these 
considerations  rather  than  any  mere  outward  features,  which  characterise 
the  writing. 

The  terminus  ad  quem  for  the  date  of  Hebrews  is  fixed  by  the  ejDistle 
of  Clemens  Rom.  in  which  it  is  certainly  and  copiously  used  (Euseb.  HE, 
3.  38,  TTJs  npos  'Ejipaiovs  ttoXXo.  vorjpara  irapaOeis,  yJSr)  Se  kol  avroXe^el 
prjTois  i^  dvTpjs  xPI^'^l^^^"^)-  -^^  ^^^^^  epistle  was  composed  c.  97  a.d., 
Hebrews  cannot  be  much  later  than  94-95  ;  and  probably  it  was  in  exist- 
ence considerably  Ijefore  that  time.  The  exact  teroninus  a  quo,  however, 
is  much  more  difficult  to  fix.  It  is  certain  that  the  writing  presupposes 
an  acquaintance  with  the  Pauline  ejiistles  "  ;  its  indebtedness  to  Galatians, 
1  Corinthians,  and  (esjjecially)  Romans  lies  on  the  surface,  and  as  close — 
in  spite  of  divergent  aims  and  standpoints — is  its  connection  with 
Ephesians  ^  in  conceptions  and  phraseology.  A  similar  series  of  affinities 
exists  between  1  Peter*  and  Hebrews ;  but  here,  as  in  the  case  of  Ephesians, 
the  explanation  of  these  is  uncertain.  If  Ephesians  is  authentic,  it  was  used 
by  the  author  of  Hebrews.  If  1  Peter  is  authentic,  on  the  other  hand,  its 
use  in  Hebrews  is  possible,  its  similarity  of  atmosphere  indubitable.  The 
latter  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  both  writings  are  coloured  by  an 
independent  use  of  Ephesians.  The  net  result  of  these  lines  of  criticism, 
however,  is  merely  to  establish  the  post-Pauline  date  of  Hebrews,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  exhibit  its  affinities  with  two  writings  which  upon  other 
grounds  are  often  relegated  to  a  much  later  date.  The  latter  hint  is 
corroborated  by  the  distinct  connection  of  Hebrews  with  the  group  Luke- 
Acts  (cp.  the  excellent  table  in  Simcox  :  Writers  of  NT,  Appendix  i. 
Table  2  ;  also  Exf.^  viii.  pp.  184-190),  which  has  even  suggested  the 
Lucan  authorship  of  the  epistle  (Delitzsch).  The  similarities  are  to  be 
most  reasonably  explained  by  the  hypothesis  that  all  three  writings  are 
neighbours  in  spirit  and  practically  contemporaries  in  age.  Other  coin- 
cidences, between  Hebrews  and  later  works  like  the  Apocalypse,  the 
Pastorals,  and  James,  are  too  infrequent  and  subordinate  to  be  decisive  on 
the  question  of  the  date. 

1  cf.  21-5  511-63 121-5-25 1322.  « Is  there  a  Christ  ?  Is  He  the  Heir  of  ail  things  ? 
Was  He  made  flesh  ?  Did  He  offer  the  all-perfect  sacrifice  ?  Did  He  supersede  the 
old  order  of  priests?     Is  He  tlie  mediator  of  a  new  and  better  Covenant?    What 

are  the  terms  of  that  Covenant?    There  are  no  questions  like  these I  am 

astonished  at  the  imperative  tone  of  this  Epistle,  and  the  element  of  holy  scorn 
against  those  who  refuse  to  go  into  these  great  questions  carefully "  (James 
Smetham's  Letters,  p.  170). 

2  Evidence  stated  in  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  298,  299 ;  Bruckner,  Chron.  pp. 
2-36-241.  The  whole  cast  and  temper  of  the  writer's  thought,  along  with  an 
incidental  allusion  like  that  in  1323,  indicates  a  connection  with  the  Pauline  circle. 

3  Heb.  13  31     6^  718  81    911-12  1010 122 1312 1014.29 

Eph.  1.0111^1X213-12^7-752671^07526^5^  ••  besides  words  and  phrases  hke 

sci/Lia,  Z.X.I  trapf,  aypuTvilv,  xpavyi,,  i'^ipdvu,  us  u-roXurpaiirtv,  ct'iav  yAWuv,  ^poir(ft>pa  xa)  Bvoria., 
/SouXij  (of  God),  ■zappy.'^ia,  etc. 

4  The  relative  priority  of  Hebrews,  which  is  largely  held,  is  not  certain  upon  the 
grounds  of  mere  literary  criticism  (cp.  Usteri's  ed.  of  1  Peter,  pp.  298-300,  and  von 
Soden,  HC,  ill.  2,  pp.  3,  4).  The  probable  priority  of  1  Peter  to  James  also  tells 
strongly  against  it. 


346  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

The  Doniitianic  date,  suggested  by  the  literary  connections  of  the 
epistle,  is  corroborated  liy  its  internal  evidence.  The  author  appears  to  have 
followed  the  history  of  the  church  from  its  beginning  with  affectionate 
and  intelligent  interest.  He  appeals  to  a  storm  of  affliction  which  broke 
on  them  after  tlieir  awakening  to  Christianity  (lO'^^-^*),  and  may  be 
most  naturally  referred  to  the  Neronic  outl)urst,  especially  if  the  epistle 
is  considered  as  addressed  to  the  Roman  church.  Such  suffering,  how- 
ever, is  a  matter  of  retrospect.  At  the  time  of  writing,  a  further  peril  is 
being  experienced  (12^-  *)— evidently  the  rise  of  the  Domitianic  persecu- 
tion, wliich  is  not  yet  at  its  full  height.  Imprisonment  (13^^)  and 
banishment  (13^^),  however,  have  befallen  some  of  the  Christian  leaders, 
and  the  church  as  a  whole  is  being  tried  by  the  severity  of  the  situation. 
The  writer  alludes  to  these  trials  indefinitely. ^  He  was  writing  not  a 
history  but  a  word  of  encouragement,  treating  the  situation  with  a 
practical  aim  on  its  religious  side.  But  through  the  appeals  (12*-  ii-i3) 
we  can  detect  that  the  comj^aratively  smooth  existence  of  the  church 
(Allard,  Hist.  Persecut.  i.  pp.  81-133)  during  the  earlier  Flavian  regime 
has  been  rudely  broken  up.  Persecution,  unknown  in  recent  years,  is 
upon  the  readers.  And  persecution  has  its  attendant  perils  of  relapse 
and  moral  failure.  Hence  they  are  summoned  to  remember  the  past  line 
of  heroes  stretching  from  the  patriarchs  to  the  Maccabees,  and  also  to 
recall  their  own  good  record  as  a  church.  Further,  they  are  reminded 
that  they — unlike  some  of  their  predecessors — have  not  yet  had  to  face 
(12*)  the  worst.  With  all  its  discomforts  their  career  hitherto  has  been 
exempt  from  that  supreme  trial  which  is  never  quite  away  from  the 
horizon  of  a  genuine  faith.^ 

That  the  epistle  was  written  at  a  late  ^  period  (S^-),  when  the  first 
generation  had  long  passed  from  the  scene  (cp.  2^  with  Luke  1^*),  is 
self-evident.  The  original  founders  and  rulers  (13")  had  been  succeeded 
by  othei's  whose  authority  was  apparently  apt  to  be  somewhat  ignored. 
The  severity  of  the  situation,  coupled  with  the  length  of  time  that  had 
elapsed  since  the  primitive  flush  and  freshness  of  the  gospel,  tended  to 
produce  a  dissatisfaction  with  Christianity ;  and  the  temptation  of  the 
"  Hebrews  "  was  to  abandon  its  membership,*  as  if  it  were  an  exhausted 

i  The  absence  of  exact  references  in  Hebrews  to  the  Imperial  policy  and  regime 
need  excite  as  little  surprise  as  the  silence  of  tlie  De  Imitationc  Christi  upon  Joan 
of  Arc  and  the  wars  and  court  of  Louis  xi.,  or  of  the  Pilgrim's  Proqress  upon  the 
brilliant  immorality  of  Charles  the  Second  and  the  dash  of  van  Ruyter  up  the 
Thames.  The  author's  idealistic  and  speculative  bent  does  not  lead  him  to  be 
nearly  as  explicit  as  Clem.  Rom.,  but  the  references  of  the  latter  quite  bear  out  the 
implicit  hints  of  the  situation  conveyed  by  Hebrews.  It  is  a  less  probable  conjec- 
ture that  the  slight  allusions  in  Hebrews  to  political  matters  are  purposely  vague  and 
covert,  from  the  prudential  fear  of  compromising  author  or  readers. 

2  This,  in  spite  of  Zalni  {Einl.  ii.  12(5),  seems  the  true  sense  of  the  words. 

»  The  reference  to  Timotheus  (IS^s)  unfortunately  yields  no  evidence  for  the  date, 
as  we  liave  no  data  for  ascertaining  the  length  of  his  lifetime.  I  cannot  see  any 
covert  historical  allusion  in  the  use  which  the  author  makes  of  the  period  forty 
years  (.3'"),  although  several  editors  regard  this  as  an  unequivocal  proof  that  the 
church  had  a  Cliristian  career  of  forty  years  behind  it  when  the  author  wrote. 
This  would,  of  course,  bring  the  date  down  past  70  A.D.,  but  it  must  be  pronounced 
rather  a  prosaic  and  unnecessary  reacting  of  the  words  in  question. 

•»  Same  danger  in  Clem.  Rom.  46-  (yiypctTra.,  yip-  ^toXxHirOi  Tolt  ky'^mt,  iV/  h  xoXXji^tvo/ 
«iTo/f  i>-;«.«rfl<i»-ovT«i),  Did.  16^,  Ignat.  ml  Ephes.  13,  Barnab.  41".  Associations  and 
societies,  however  congenial  to  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  first  and  second 
centuries  (Foucart,  Associat.  relir/ieuscs  chez  let  (Irecs),  involved  a  certain  strain  and 
sacrifice  for  some  Christians.     Evidently  association   required  to  be  enforced  as  a 


THE    EPISTLE    TO    THE    HEBEEWS  347 

pliilosopliic  school  (lO^^),  or  to  slacken  tlieir  ties  with  it  as  though  they  had 
received  from  it  all  possible  benefit.  Besides,  after  70  a.d.  Christianity 
found  itself  now  in  a  twofold  peril.  It  was  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the 
political  authorities,  an  object  of  jealousy  to  Judaism,  its  rival.  The 
former  danger  was  the  simpler,  involving  mainly  the  straightforward 
attack  of  persecution.  The  latter  was  more  complex.  The  propaganda  of 
Judaism  affected  Christians  in  at  least  three  ways  :  by  using  against 
them  its  influence  with  the  Roman  authorities  (cp.  the  reiterated  mention 
of  "jealousy"  in  Clem.  Rom.  v.-vi.,  a  jyropos  of  the  Christian  hardships 
under  Nero)  ;  by  insidiously  representing  itself  as  the  ancient  and 
sufficient  faith,  of  which  this  upstart  heresy  of  the  Nazarenes  was  but  a 
meagre  offshoot ;  and  on  the  ground  of  history  and  scripture,  by  directly 
challenging  with  bitterness  and  dialectic  skill  their  historical  right  and 
claims.  It  is  for  a  situation  aftected  chiefly  by  the  second  of  these 
phases  that  Hebrews  is  intended.  The  gospel  of  Matthew  is  the  chief 
witness  to  the  third,  as  Acts  is  to  the  first. 

This  Domitianic  date,^  i.e.  previous  to  96  a.d.,  is  advocated  by  Schenkel 
{Das  Clmstusbild  der  Apostel,  etc.,  1879,  pp.  123,  130  f.).  Mangold 
{Kdmerbrief,  1884,  p.  258  f.),  Holtzmann  {ZwTh,  1884,  pp.  1-10  ;  iJinl 
pp.  292-309),  Weizsacker  (AA,  ii.  pp.  155-160),  von  Soden  {JpTh,  1884, 
pp.  435-493,  627-656  ;  HC,  ill.  2,  pp.  14-19),  Lipsius  {HG,  ii.  2,  p.  83), 
Jiilicher  (Einl.  pp.  103-106),  and  McGiff'ert  (A A,  pp.  463-470),  while 
Zahn  j^ractically  agrees  by  dating  the  epistle  c.  80  a.d,  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  142- 
158  ;  RTK,  vii.''pp.  492-506).  So  Cone  (TTie  Gospel  and  its  Interpretations, 
p.  232  f.) ;  also  Rovers  {Nieuiv-test.  Letterkunde,  1888,  p.  80  f.),  Bousset 
{TE,  1897,  pp.  9,  10),  J.  Reville  {Les  origines  de  I'^jmcopat,  pp.  363-366), 
Kriiger  {Altchristliche]' Litteratur,-  1898,  p.  11),  Earing  {SK,  1891, 
pp.  589-598),  and  Bruckner  {Ghron.  pp.  224-249).  The  last-named, 
however,  goes  a  little  too  far  down,  while  Pfleiderer  {Urc.  pp.  627,  628) 
seems  to  lean  rather  to  the  Trajanic  than  to  the  Domitianic  date. 

Unfortunately  there  is  no  decisive  evidence  for  the  place  of  Hebrews 
within  its  groupl  It  cannot  be  placed  before  80  a.d.  ;  but  if  the  third 
gospel  and  Acts  were  composed  by  the  beginning  of  the  last  decade  of  the 
century,  Hebrews  may  be  dated  slightly  earlier,  if  not  as  practically 
contemporary. 

The  alternative  date  for  Hebrews  is  between  60  and  70  a.d.  This 
largely  supported  view  takes  the  epistle  as  implying  the  contemjjorary 
existence  of  the  Jewish  temple  and  ritual,  and  as  written  in  view  of  the 
religious  dissolution  which  (81^)  culminated  in  a.d.  70.^  The  arguments 
in  favour  of  this  date  have  been  in  part  already  nret  l)y  implication,  and 
in  part  they  depend  upon  a  view  of  the  development  of  early  Christianity, 

duty,  before  it  became  a  fixed  and  natural  habit.  "Aggregation  does  not  appear 
to  have  invariably  followed  belief"  It  was  possible  to  be  a  Cliristian  in  some 
quarters,  and  yet,  for  different  reasons,  to  stand  aloof  from  or  to  abandon  outward 
adhesion  to  the  community  (Hatch,  Organisation  of  the  Early  Christian  Churches, 
pp.  29,  30). 

1  For  a  date  indefinitely  later  than  70  a.d.,  cp.  also  Professor  W.  Robertson 
Smith  [EB,  article  "Hebrews").  Dr.  A.  B.  Davidson  (Hebrews,  pp.  15-17),  Wendt 
[ZivTh,  1895,  pp.  157-160),  and  Reuss  (?)  (pp.  148-153).  Harnack  [Chron. 
pp.  475-479)  also  dates  the  writing  subsequent  to  1  Peter  under  Domitian,  though 
he  thinks  it  might  be  somewhat  earlier. 

■-  On  the  seventh  decade  date  and  the  implied  shock  with  which  the  crisis 
threatened  the  religious  feelings  of  the  Hebrews,  Dr.  Davidson  rightly  remarks, 
"Such  a  despair  ought  to  have  seized  all  Hebrews  alike,  whether  Christians  or 
not ;  but  there  is  no  historical  evidence  of  such  a  thing." 


348  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

which  would  require  many  pages  to  exhibit.  The  finest  statements  of 
the  case  are  given  by  Professor  Bruce  {Exji.^  vii.  p.  162  f.  ;  The  Epistle  to 
the  Hehretrs,  1899;  and  in  T)B,  ii.  article  "Hebrews"),  Weiss  (-Meyer, 
and  INT,  ii.  p.  30  f.),  and  Westcott  {Epistle  to  Hebreivs).  Kendall 
(Theology  of  Hehreio  Christians,  pp.  70-76),  Professor  Mackintosh 
(Essays  ^tou\  a  New  Theolorjy,  1889,  pp.  291-297),  and  Adeney,  BI, 
p.  429  (c.  68  A.D.),  prefer  to  place  the  writing  as  near  as  possible  to  the 
crisis  of  70  a.d.,  while  a  more  or  less  earlier  date  (65-70)  is  chosen  by 
Bleek,  Beyschlag  (NTTli,  ii.  pp.  286-288),  Eenan  (VAntechrist,  chap,  ix.), 
Hilgenfeld  (Einl.  pp.  377-383),  Clemen  (CTiron.  pp.  277-279),  Burton 
(EL A),  Farrar  (CGT,  "Hebrews"),  Eoberts  (Greek  the  Language  of  Christ 
and  his  Afostles,  1897,  chap,  viii.),  Salmon  (INT,  pp.  430,  431),  S. 
Davidson  (INT,  i.  pp.  183-250),  Bovon  (NTTli,  ii.  pp.  387-389),  M.'negoz,i 
(La  Theoloqie  de  V^pUre  aux  Hebreux,  1895),  Professor  G.  G.  Findlav 
(Epistles  of  Paul,  p.  263  f.),  Stevens  (NTTli,  p.  485  f.),  Schilfer  (Einl 
pp.  149-157),  Trenkle  (Einl.  pp.  88-91),  and  G.  Milligan  (Theol.  of  Epistle 
to  Hebreivs,  1899).  With  many  others,  these  critics  keenly  defencl  the 
Jewish  Christian  character  of  the  writing  ("  Le  monument  le  plus 
eloigne  du  judaisme,"  Havet)  and  its  date  in  the  seventh  decade  of  the 
first  century. 2  As  a  phase  of  this  theory,  it  may  be  noted  that  Ramsay, 
retracting  his  former  adhesion  to  the  64-66  date  (GEE,  p.  307),  now 
regards  the  writing  as  addressed  to  the  Jewish  party  of  the  Jerusalem 
church  by  Philip  the  Deacon,  who  wrote  from  Caesarea  (59  a.d.)  after 
discussions  with  Paul  (Expfi  ix.  pp.  407-422) ;  while  W.  M.  Lewis 
(Thinker,  Oct.-Nov.  1893  ;  Pjiblical  World,  Aug.  1898,  April  1899)  had 
already  conjectured  on  similar  lines  that  the  epistle  was  a  joint  pro- 
duction of  Paul  and  Luke,  written  from  the  Caesarean  imprisonment 
(Ac  23^^^).  Such  attempts  possess  the  merit  of  novelty.^  But  even  upon 
the  ordinary  theory,  as  argued  by  the  critics  already  named,  it  seems 
impossible  to  demonstrate  that  Hebrews  was  composed  before  the  fall  of 
the  temple  in  a.d.  70,  in  the  sense  in  which  one  can  determine,  for 
example,  that  a  book  like  Tobit  was  written  previously  to  its  building 
in  B.C.  25.  Ultimately,  the  question  of  the  date  rests  upon  the  question 
of  the  destination — the  character  and  situation  of  the  readers. 

Of  the  localities  to  which  the  epistle  is  conjectured  to  have  been 
addressed — Palestine  (Jerusalem  or  Syria  %  Alexandria,  Rome  (Italy) — 

1  "  Nous  flevons  nous  resigner  a  ignorer  le  lieu  ou  se  trouvaient  les  destinataires. 
Tout  ee  qu'il  nous  est  ])erniis  de  coujecturer,  c'est  qu'ils  vivaient  dans  une  ville  ou 
dans  une  contri'c.  ou  I'influence  des  Juifs — eultives  plutot  qu'  iucnltes,  ritualistes 
plutut  que  legalistes— constituait  un  danger  pour  la  prosperite  de  la  comniunaute 
chretienne."  Cp.  also  Dr.  J.  B.  Crozier,  IntelL  Development  (1897),  i.  pp.  333- 
337. 

2  The  (d)  seventh  decade  date  is  usually  held  with  (h)  the  Jewish-Christian 
hypothesis,  and  the  (»)  Domitianic  date  with  (/3)  the  Gentile-Christian.  But  some, 
e.g.  Dr.  A.  B.  Davidson  and  Zahn,  accept  (b)  and  come  down  later  than  70,  while 
others,  like  PHeiderer.  accept  (/3)  with  a  second  century  date  [Urc.  pp.  620-610  ;  so 
Hausrath),  or — like  Hiiring— admit  {«.)  with  a  modified  form  of  (h). 

3Cp.  a  critique  by  G.  Milligan,  Erp.^  x.  pp.  154-160  ;  Bartlet  (.1.1,  pp.  210  f., 
281  f.)  also  dates  it  r.  62  a.d.  as  addressed  to  Caesarea. 

••  Kiihel  {Kin-.f/'fnsster  Cmnmmt.  NT.  4,  pp.  151-153)  thinks  the  epistle  was 
writti'ii  by  Banialias  between  67  and  68  A.D.  to  the  Syrian  Jewish-Cliristians. 
llen<lall  (Thro/nr/)/  of  Jli-hrew  Christians,  pj).  67-69)  also  inclines  to  a  Syrian 
audience,  possiV)ly  Antioch  itself.  Mr.  Ayles  (Destination,  Date,  and  Authorship  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Jlcljrews,  1899)  makes  Barnabas  tlie  author,  and  dates  the  book 
c.  64  a.d.  ;  but,  like  e.r/.  Professor  Ramsay,  he  unfortunately  decides  for  Jerusalem 
as  the  destination.  Passages  like  2''  .^>u  12-'-- to  mention  no  others— absolutely 
prohibit  this  idea  of  Jerusalem  as  the  circle  of  "Hebrews." 


THE    EPISTLE    TO    THE    HEBREWS  349 

the  last-iiaiiied  is  upon  tlie  wliole  to  be  preferred  (c|).  Heb  13^"'^'', 
Ro  14),  although  the  destination  ^  of  the  letter  is  almost  as  dim  as  its 
authorship.  Rome  suits  the  internal  evidence  of  the  letter,^  its  connection 
with  Clem.  Rom.,  and  especially  the  reference  in  13^^-  -*,  where  ol  cnro  rrjs 
'iTokias  (read  in  the  light  of  Mt  15\  Ac  21-''  -24:^^)  surely  means  Italian 
residents  abroad.  Possiljly  it  was  written  from  Alexandria.'^  At  any  rate 
its  direct  audience  were  the  members  of  the  particular  church  (13^^) — 
the  rank  and  file,  not  the  leaders,  still  less  a  group  of  evangelists 
(Heinrici,  TliLz,  1895,  p.  289).  Probably  enough  it  was  some  special 
community  of  older  Christians  at  Rome,  who  are  not  to  be  identified 
with  the  whole  church  (cp.  the  expressions  in  5^  10-^  13-*),  but  may 
have  formed  a  household  church  by  themselves  (Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  146- 
148  ;  Harnack,  ZNJF,  1900,  pp.  19-23,  the  latter,  oddly  enough, 
attributing  the  authorshi^i  of  the  wi'iting  to  Prisca  and  Aquila,  chiefly 
Prisca). 

It  looks  almost  a  paradox  to  assert  that  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  * 
was  addressed  to  a  chiirch  (in  Rome  or  Italy)  whose  body  and  complexion 
were  predominantly  Gentile.  Yet  the  evidence  of  the  writing  seems  to 
leave  no  alternative  (so  Schiirer,  Harnack,  von  Soden,  Pfleiderer,  Wendt, 
WeizsJicker,  Jiilicher,  and  McGiffert  among  others).  The  copious  and 
elaborate  reasoning  that  fills  page  after  page,  the  verbal  illustrations 
and  arguments  from  the  LXX,  the  interest  implied  among  the  readers  in 
the  OT  and  their  acquaintance  with  its  contents  and  scope,  these  and  many 
other  characteristics  spring,  not  from  the  fact  that  this  circle  of 
Christians  was  specially  rooted  in  Judaism,  but  from  the  whole  ground- 
work of  OT  and  Jewish  associations,  traditions,  and  presuppositions, 
which  underlay  early  Christianity.  The  epistle  of  Clem.  Rom.,  e.g.,  is 
simply  woven  through  and  through  with  OT  (quotations  and  references. 
Yet  it  was  addressed  to  a  predominantly  Gentile  church,  which  was 
evidently  expected  to  understand  and  be  profited  by  such  a  treatment 
of  the  subject.     So,  too,  in  Paul's  letters  to  Rome  (4i3- 1")  and  Galatia  {3-^y. 

1  Taking  the  title  ^poi  'E^paiovs  with  the  other  Alexandrian  titles  of  the  gospel 
xa.6" E^paiovs  and  the  gospel  xar  'Aiyv^TUv;,  Harnack  {Chron.  p.  479n.)  conjectures 
that'E^/3.  might  mean  the  nellenistic  Jewish-Christians  in  Egypt,  in  which  case  the 
epistle  would  be  taken  as  aiMressed  to  E.uypt  at  a  time  when  the  churches  contained 
Jewish-Christians,  not  E-yptiandentile  Christians  {Alyvr--ioi).  On  our  ignorance, how- 
ever, of  Jewish-Christianity  in  early  Eyyjit,  cp.  the  caveat  of  Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  p.  153. 

2  Cp.  the  discussions  in  Dr.  A.'  B.  Davidson's  edition  (pp.  13-18  ;  he  dates  the 
epistle  from  Rome  to  some  community  of  the  Dispersion  in  the  East)  and  Holtzmann 
{Einl.  pp.  303-308).  Neither  Rome  nor  Alexandria  completely  satisfies  the  evidence 
of  the  epistle,  but  perhaps  there  are  fewer  difficulties  on  the  Roman  hypothesis  than 
iipon  any  other  (Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  142-158).  On  the  a-mayojyh  AijSpiav  (GIG,  40, 
9909),  cp.  Eo:!}.  Ti.  x.  p.  422. 

3  For  an  estimate  of  Alexandria  and  its  significance  in  early  Christianity,  cp.  J.  S. 
Riggs,  AJT  (1897),  pp.  927-949 :  also,  from  another  standpoint,  Friedliinder,  Zur 
Entstehungsgeschichte  des  Christe^ithmns,  ein  excurs  von  den  Septuaginta  zum 
Evcmgelium  (1894),  espec.  pp.  143-172. 

4  The  title  <rpis  ''E.^ipa.Uvs  was,  of  course,  added  by  later  tradition.  The  superficial 
appearance  of  the  letter  and  its  contents  made  it  a  very  natural  guess,  but  it  has  no 
more  weight  or  value  than  that  of  the  Pauline  authorship  ("hardly  more  than  a 
reflection  of  the  impression  produced  on  an  early  copyist,"  W.  R.  Smith).  Both 
rose  out  of  an  age  which  had  already  lost  all  direct  knowledge  of  the  writing's  origin 
and  standpoint  (cp.  Zahu's  decisive  remarks,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  111-113,  118-120,  a 
recapitulation  of  his  researches  upon  the  canonical  tradition).  Klostermanu  {Zur 
Theorie  d.  bibl.  Weissagung  u.  zur  Char.  d.  Hehr.  p.  55  f.)  conjectures  ^fis 
'BtpuoLiovi  —  'Ripoia.iovs  as  the  original  form  of  the  title,  in  which  case  the  epistle  was 
written  by  Apollos  to  the  Jewish-Christian  community  of  Beroea  (Ac  17i°). 


350  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

There,  Jewish  Christians  formed  certainly  the  minority  of  his  audience  ; 
yet  Abraham  is  termed  "our  forefather' according  to  tlie  tlesli"  (Eo  4', 
cp.  also  2  Co  61"^),  and  Gentile  Christians  are  over  and  again  assiimed  to 
he  the  people  of  God.  Besides,  such  a  use  of  the  OT  for  didactic 
purposes  was  quite  a  conventional  method  of  instruction,  as  may  be  seen 
in  Philo  (quis  rer.  divin.  her.,  i.  511  ;  de  Monarch,  ii.  222  ;  fpfxrjve'is  yap 
elaiv  oi  it po(\ii]Tai,  deov  KaTaxpa^fiivov  rols  iKeii'cov  opydvoLS  -n-pos  drjXmaiv  av 
ttv  edeXr'jarj),  far  too  general  to  be  confined  merely  to  Jewish  Christians. 
The  OT  had  been  familiar  to  many  members  of  the  church,  even 
before  they  became  Christians.  Their  first  acquaintance  with  Jewish 
history  and  hopes  did  not  date  from  their  reception  of  Christ.  It  was 
originated  by  the  propaganda,  especially  of  Hellenistic  Judaism.  And 
even  after  their  entrance  into  the  Christian  faith,  the  OT  rather  grew  in 
significance.  It  was  their  religious  codex,  authoritative  on  worship  and 
theology  ;  any  writer  could  with  confidence  appeal  to  it  and  argue  from 
it,  as  in  the  nature  of  the  case  it  was  certain  that  his  readers  and  he 
would  be  thus  occupying  common  ground. 

Positive  arguments  which  tend  to  support  this  conclusion  are  drawn 
(Jacoby,  NT  Kthilc,  p.  202  f.)  from  allusions  such  as  those  in  6^^-  13* 
131^.  The  principles  mentioned  in  6'^-  are  not  such  as  would  naturally 
be  required  for  Jewish  Christians  (Schiirer,  SK,  1876,  p.  776  f.) ;  they 
distinctly  point,  like  IS"*,  to  the  first  steps  not  of  Jewish  but  of  pagan 
converts,  and  the  lapse  feared  in  13'"  is  a  fall  not  into  Judaism  but  away 
to  idols  and  pagan  faith. 

/  The  church  addressed,  then,  is  Cliristian.  Gentiles  form  the  major 
/part  of  it,  but  the  readers  are  viewed  under  no  distinctions  of  race.  At 
I  the  same  time  one  or  two  passages  (6"  13'^"^''  etc.  ;  cp.  Hort,  Jud.  Chris- 
yianity,  p.  156  f.  :  Haupt,  SK,  1895,  pp.  388-390)  certainly  seem  to  suggest 
Ithat  the  situation  of  the  church  included  temptations  of  a  specifically 
iJewish  character,  wliich  might  appeal  with  especial  force  to  Jewish 
Christians,'  and  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  explain  these  as  the  efforts 
of  a  speculative  Judaism  which  Ijeset  Gentile  Christians  during  the 
second  decade  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (Haring,  SK,  1891,  pp.  589- 
598).  At  any  rate,  during  the  closing  quarter  of  the  century  Jewish 
pro])aganda  flourished  throughout  the  Empire.  The  genuine  morality  and 
monotheism  i)reached  by  the  Hellenistic  Jews  especially  must  have 
proved  not  merely  a  rival  to  Christianity  in  the  eyes  of  the  outside 
pagans,  but  a  dangerously  attractive  movement  for  those  weaker  and  less 
intelligent  members  of  the  Christian  church  who  lay  open,  through  birth 
or  circumstances,  to  such  Jewish  influences.^  Vivere  more  judaico  was  a 
specious  watch-word.  It  represented,  as  we  find  from  Cerinthus  after- 
wards, a  distinct  and  subtle  danger,  prompting  Gentile  Christians— 
especially  proselytes— to  revert  to  their  old  life."''      "Better,"  urges  the 

^  1  It  la  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  tlie  occasional  use  of  tlie  present  tense 
(78.  20  g3-5  96-n.  1:!  jyio)  jy  ^]^^.  epi.5tie  jg  jjo  argument  for  the  contemporary  existence 
of  tlie  temple  ami  its  services.  The  writer  is  using  a  literary  method,  in  common 
with  Jewish  (.Tosephus,  Aidiq.  iii.  6-12)  and  Christian  writers  (Clem.  Rom.  40-»-41»  ; 
Diognet.  3,  etc.  ;  Fourth  gospel,  5-),  who  had  occasion  to  refer  to  the  Jewish  cultus 
and  customs  after  70  a.d.  (cp.  Schiirer,  HJP,  i.  ii.  p.  268  f.  ;  Zahn,  Mnl.  ii.  pp. 
141,  142).  .  .  i^ 

-  On  the  exposure  of  provincial  Christianity  in  the  East  to  such  Jewish  apostasy, 
cp.  Wellhausen,  Skizzen  u.  Vorarbeiten,  ill.  p.  196  f.,  and  Harnack,  TU,  I.  3, 
p.  73  f. 

3  Although  Judaism  may  be  reckoned— in  spite  of  Bar-kokliba's  revolt— as  a  lost 
cause  after  70,  it  was  far  from  being  a  forsaken  belief.     It  became,  in  sjjirit  and 


THE    EPISTLE    TO    THE    HEBREWS  351 

shrill  dogmatist  some  thirty  years  later— "better  listen  to  Christianity 
from  a  circumcised  man  than  to  Judaism  from  one  uncircumcised " 
(Ignat.  ad  Philad.  6). 

In  Hebrews  some  unknown  Alexandrian  ^  scholar  uses  the  OT  in  a 
characteristic  fashion  to  state  the  superiority  and  finality  of  the  Christian 
religion.  This  feature  is  distinctive.  Yet  the  application  of  Philonic 
methods  and  phrases  should  not,  by  their  very  strangeness  in  the  NT, 
blind  us  to  the  dominating  Christian  spirit  which  is  master  of  these 
characteristics.  Philonist  and  student  of  the  wisdom  literature  as  he 
was,  the  author  of  Hebrews  was  supremely  and  essentially  a  Christian. 
No  more  than  his  successor,  the  author  of  the  fourth  gospel,  does  he 
suffer  himself  to  be  carried  far  away  by  the  terminology  and  conceptions 
which  press  upon  him  out  of  his  early  training.  Their  use  is  strictly 
modified.  They  are  at  best  subordinate  to  his  leading  principles  and 
beliefs.  Consequently  in  Hebrews,  as  in  the  fourth  gospel,  the  fact 
that  philosophic  terms  are  employed  in  a  sense  occasionally  different 
to  their  original  setting  is  a  proof,  not  that  these  Christian  authors  stood 
wholly  remote  from  such  speculative  influences,  but  that  they  assimilated 
them  and  used  them  freely  as  accessories  to  their  own  purposes.  The 
able  thinker  ^  who  composed  Hebrews  used  his  contemplative  philosophy 
and  command  of  rhetoric  for  genuinely  religious  ends. 

situation,  a  rival  of  Christianity.  This  explains  the  differences  of  attitude  to  the 
Jews,  in  Paul  and  in  the  fourth  gospel  (or  Apocalypse),  and  the  later  keenness  of  tone 
in  the  references  to  them  made  by  Barnabas  and  Justin  Martyr. 

1  Besides  the  well-known  exposition  of  Pfleiderer,  cp.  for  the  Alexandrian  culture 
of  the  author  of  Hebrews,  Wendt,  ZwTh  (1895),  pp.  1.57-160  ;  with  Holtzniann, 
NTTh,  ii.  281-295.  The  Philonic  parallels  are  amply  stated  by  Siegfried,  rhiln  von. 
Alexandria  als  Ausleger  des  AT,  p.  321  f.,  and  reprodixced  by  Menegoz,  op.  cit. 
p.  197  f.,  and  Pfleiderer,  Urc.  p.  629  f. 

2  He  was  "  the  finest  and  most  cultured  genius  of  the  primitive  church.  .  .  .  The 
fact  that  a  writer  of  such  rare  power  and  grace  should  have  left  us  only  a  single 
monument  of  his  genius,  and  that  a  mere  letter,  written  for  a  definite  practical 
purpose,  and  that  his  name  should  have  been  entirely  forgotten  within  less  than  a 
century  after  his  death,  serves  to  remind  us  in  a  very  forcible  way  of  the  limitations 
of  our  knowledge  respecting  the  early  days  of  Christianity  "  (McGiffert)._  Menegoz  has 
his  bright  antithesis:  "I'auteur  de  I'Epitre  aux  Hebreux  est  un  hKilutionniste ;  saint 
Paul  est  un  revolutionnaire,  en  prenant  ce  terme  en  son  sens  exclusivement  moral  et 
religieux  ...  si  I'on^a  pu  comparer  saint  Paul  a  Luther,  nous  comparerions 
volontiers  I'auteur  de  I'Epitre  aux  H.  a  Melanchthon." 


It  is  ol)vious  that  our  Hebrews  were  familiar  witli  tlic  law,  and  had  a  high 
regard  for  the  ordinances  of  temple  worship.  In  particular  it  appears  that 
they  had  not  fully  understood  how  the  mediatorial  functions  of  the  OT  were 
superseded  by  the  inediatorship  of  Christ.  But  their  ritualism  seems  to  have 
been  rather  theoretical  than  practical.  .  .  .  The  most  natural  view  of  the 
apostle's  argument,  as  it  comes  to  a  point  in  such  passages  as  viii.  1-3,  ix.  9,  is 
that  the  disappearance  of  the  obsolete  ritual  of  the  old  covenant  is  no  blow  to 
Christian  faith,  because  in  Christ  ascended  into  glory  the  church  possesses  in 
heavenly  verity  all  that  the  old  ritual  presented  in  mere  earthly  symbol.  It 
was  the  ruin  of  the  Jewish  state  and  worship  which  compelled  Christianity  to 
find  what  is  offered  in  our  epistle — a  theory  of  the  disappearance  of  the  old 
dispensation  in  the  new. — W.  Robertson  Smith. 


Dogrmatic:  Jesus  better  than 

11-21^  {a)  Angels — as  son  of  Cod  :  his  humanity  and  career. 

3^-4^^  (6)  Moses — as  son  over      fwarniiig  against  unbelief, 
God's  house  :            (.the  opportunity  of  rest. 

^w_^0i8  (c)  The  high-priest — as  perfect  in  his 

4^'*-5'''  Sympathy  :  its  grounds  and  character, 

S^'-G""  a  remonstrance  and  a  warning. 

7  Priestliood,  "after  the  order  of  Melchizedek." 

S^''-'  (i.)  superiority  of  new  to  old  covenant, 

Q^'^^  (ii.)  superiority  of  new  to  old  Levitical  ministry, 

9^5_ioi8  (iii. )  finality  of  new  covenant  and  new  ministry. 

'confiilence, 
stodl'astness, 
faith— 

a  historical  panegyric  ujiou 
faith- 
constancy,  especially  in  trial, 
jnutual  care : 
a  resumtj  of  the  old  and  the  new  economics  : 
131-"  a  table  of  duties. 

]^3I8-2j  Epistolary  conclusion. 


iW'"-/.^'"  Appeal  and  counsel  :  need  of 


HEBEEWS 

1  1  After  speaking  to  tlie  fathers  long  ago  by  fragments  and  forms  manifold 

2  in  the  prophets,  God  spoke  to  us  at  the  end  of  these  days  in  a  Son,  whom 
he  appointed  heir  of  all  things,  through  whom  he  also  made  the  worlds  ; 

3  who,  as  tlie  reflected  radiance  of  his  majesty  and  the  facsimile  of  his 
nature,  sustaining  also  all  things  with  the  word  of  his  power,  sat  down, 
after  he  had  made  purification  of  sins,  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Sovereignty 

4  on  high,  becoming  so  far  l^etter  than  the  angels  as  the  name  he  has 

5  inherited  is  more  excellent  than  they.  For  to  which  of  the  angels  did 
he  ever  say, 

My  Son  thou  art,  to-day  have  I  begotten  thee? 
and  again, 

/  will  be  to  him  a  Father,  and  he  shall  be  a  Son  to  me  ? 

6  And  again,  when  he  introduces  the  first-born  into  the  world,  he  says, 

And  let  all  God's  angels  do  him  reverence. 

7  And  while  he  says  of  the  angels, 

Who  makes  his  angels  winds, 
And  his  servants  aflame  of  fire  ; 

8  he  says  of  the  Son, 

Thy  throne,  0  God,  is  ever  and  for  ever. 
And  the  sceptre  of  thy  reign  is  the  sceptre  of  equity. 

9  Thou  hast  loved  justice  and  hated  lawlessness  ; 

Therefore  has  God  anointed  thee,  thy  God, 
With  oil  of  rejoicing  above  thy  comrades. 

10  And, 

Thou  Lord  didst  found  the  earth  at  the  beginning. 
And  the  skies  are  works  of  thy  hands  : 

11  They  shall  perish,  but  thou  remainest ; 

They  shall  all  become  worn  out  like  a  garment, 

12  Yea,  like  a  mantle  thou  shall  fold  them  up  and  ^  they  shall  be  changed, 

But  thou  art  the  same  and  thy  years  shall  not  fail. 

13  And  to  which  of  the  angels  has  he  ever  said, 

Sit  at  my  right  hand. 

Till  I  make  thine  enemies  a  footstool  for  thy  feet  1 

14  Are  they  not  all  spirits  for  service,  sent    out  to  minister  on  behalf  of 

2  1  those  who  are  to  inherit  salvation  ?  Therefore  we  must  more 

and  more  devote  ourselves  to  what  we  have  been  taught,  in  case  we  drift 

2  away.  For  if  the  word  spoken  through  angels  held  good,  and  every 
transgression  and    disobedience  received   a  just  recompense  of  reward, 

3  how  shall  we  escape  if  we  have  paid  no  heed  to  so  great  a  salvation? — 
which  began  by  being  spoken  through  the  Lord  and  was  confirmed  for 

4  us  by  the  hearers,  while  God  bore  witness  along  with  them  by  signs  and 
also  by  wonders  and  by  manifold  miracles  and  by  distributions  of  the 
holy  Spirit  in  virtue  of  his  will. 

1  Omitting  [[is  ;>«««►]]. 

23 


354  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [2'^-3^ 

5  For  it  was  not  to  angels  that  he  subjected  the  world  to  come,  of  whicli 

6  we  speak  :  but  someone  has  testified  somewhere,  saying, 

JFhat  is  man  that  thou  rememherest  him? 
Or  the  so)i  of  man  tliat  thou  carestfor  him? 

7  Tliou  didst  vial.-r  /,  /,//  /;,;•  a  little  while  lower  than  the  aiKjels, 

With  majtdij  ami  lujuour  thou  didst  crown  him  ; 

8  Tliou  didst  make  all  things  subject  under  his  feet. 

In  making  all  things  subject  to  him  he  left  nothing  unsubjected  to  him. 

9  Now  as  it  is,  we  do  not  yet  see  all  things  subjected  to  him ;  but  we  see 
Jesus,  tvho  has  been  made  for  a  little  v:hile  lower  than  the  angels^  croivned 
with  majesty  and  honour  for  the  sufteriiig  of  death,  that  by  the  grace  of 

10  God  he  might  taste  death  for  everyone.  For  it  became  him  for  whom 
are  all  things  and  by  whom  are  all  things,  in  bringing  many  sons  to 
majesty  to  make  the  leader  of  their  salvation  perfect  through  sufferings. 

1 1  For  the   sanctifier  and  the  sanctified  all  come  from  One  ;   and  this  is 

12  why  he  is  not  ashamed  to  call  them  brothers,  saying, 

/  loill  declare  thy  name  to  my  brothers, 

In  the  midst  of  the  assembly  I  will  sing  thy  iwaise  : 

13  and  again, 

/  will  put  my  trust  in  him  : 
and  again. 

Here  am  I  with  the  children  whom  God  has  given  me  ! 

14  Since  then  the  children's  share  is  blood  and  flesh, 

Of  these  did  he  partake  in  the  same  way, 

That  through  death  he  might  put  down  him  who  has  the  power  of 
death  (that  is,  the  devil), 

15  And  deliver  all  who  through  fear  of  death  were  all  their  life-time 

held  under  bondage. 

16  For,  one  need  hardly  say,  it  is  not  angels  that  he  takes  in  hand  ; 

No,  he  takes  in  hand  the  offspring  of  Abraham. 

17  Hence  he  needed  to  be  made  like  his  brothers  in  all  things. 

That  he  might  be  merciful  and  a  faithful  high  priest  with  regard 

to  God, 
To  make  propitiation  for  the  sins  of  the  people. 

18  For  as  he  was  tempted  himself  in  what  he  suffered, 

He  is  able  to  help  the  tempted. 

3  1  Wherefore,  holy  brothers,  partakers  of  a  heavenly  calling. 

Consider  Jesus,  the  apostle  and  high  priest  of  our  confession ; 

2  Who  was  faithful  to  him  who  appointed  him, 

Like  Moses  in  God's  whole  household. 

3  For  this  man  has  been  held  worthy  of  more  majesty  than  Moses, 

Inasmuch   as  he  who  established  the  household   is   more   honoured 
than  the  household. 

4  For  every  household  is  established  by  someone  ; 

But  he  who  established  all  things  is  God. 

5  And  while  Moses  was  faitliful  in  God's  lohole  household  as  a  servant — 
To  liear  testimony  to  what  was  to  be  spoken — 

6  Christ  was  faithful  as  a  son  over  his  household; 
And  we  are  his  household. 

If  we  hold  fast  and  firm  to  the  end  our  confidence   and   the  hope 
wherein  we  exult. 

7  Therefore,  as  the  holy  Spirit  says, 

To-day,  when  you  hear  his  voice. 


3^-4^2j  HEBREWS  355 

8  Malie  not  your  heart  stubborn  as  at  the  provocation 
Oil  the  day  of  the  trial,  in  the  wilderness, 

9  Where  your  fathers  tried  me  by  proving  me. 

Yet  saio  my  works  for  forty  years. 

10  Therefore  was  I  exasperated  u-ith  this  generation. 

And  I  said,  "  Theij  are  ever  erring  in  their  heart." 
Yea,  they  knew  not  my  ways. 

11  So  I  sivore  in  my  wrath, 

"  They  shall  not  enter  into  my  rest." 

12  Brothers,  take  care  lest  there  is  ever  in  any  one  of  you  an  evil  lieart  of 

unbelief, 
and  you  depart  from  the  living  God  : 

13  But     exhort    one     another    day   by   dav,   as   long    as    the   call    comes 

"To-day"— 
so  that  none  of  you  may  become  stubborn  by  the  deceit  of  sin. 

14  For  we  are  partakers  of  Christ, 

If  we  hold  fast  and  firm  to  the  end  the  confidence  with  which  we 
began — 

15  While  it  is  said,  To-day,  when  you  hear  his  voice. 

Make  not  your  hearts  stubborn  as  in  the  ivilderness. 

16  For  who  heard  and  yet  provoked  f 

Was  it  not  all  who  came  out  of  Egypt  under  Moses  ? 

17  And  with  whom  was  he  exas2:)erated  for  forty  years? 

Was   it  not  with  those  who  had  sinned,    whose   corpses  fell   in  the 
ivilderness  ? 

18  And  to  whom  did  he  swear  that  they  should  not  enter  into  his  rest  ? 

To  whom  but  to  those  who  had  disobeyed  ? 
4  1  So  it  was  owing  to  unbelief,  we  see,  that  they  could  not  enter.      Let 
us   then  be  afraid  lest,  when   there  is  still    a  promise  left  of   enter- 
ing into  his   rest,  any  one  of    you  be  held   to  have  fallen  short  of  it. 

2  For  indeed  we  have  had  the  glad  tidings  preached  to  us  as  they  had  also  ; 
but  to  them  the  word  of  the  message  was  of  no  avail,  since  the  hearers 

3  did  not  make  it  their  own  ^  by  faith.  For  it  is  we  who  have  believed 
that  enter  into  the  rest ;  as  he  said, 

So  I  swore  in  my  wrath, 

"  Tliey  shall  not  enter  into  my  rest  " — 
although  from   the   foundation  of   the  world   the  ivorks  were   finished. 

4  For  he  spoke  somewhere  about  the  seventh  day  thus  :  And  God  rested  on 

5  the  seventh  day  from  all  his  tvorks,  and  again  in  this  place,  they  shall  not 

6  enter  into  my  rest.- — -Well  then,  since  it  is  reserved  for  some  to  enter  into  it, 
and  since  those  who  had  the  glad  tidings  previously  preached  to  them 

7  did  not  enter  on  account  of  disobedience,  he  appoints  a  day  once  more  ; 
To-day  (speaking  in  David  after  so  long  a  time,  as  it  has  been  already 
said) 

To-day,  when  you  hear  his  voice. 
Make  not  your  hearts  stubborn. 

8  For  had  they  been  given  rest  by  Joshua,  he  would  not  afterwards  have 

9  spoken  of  another  day.     So  then  there  is  reserved  for  the  people  of  God 

10  a  sabbath-rest ;  for  he  ivho  has  entered  into  his  rest,  he  also  has  rest  from 

11  his  ivorks,  as  God  from  his.  Let  us  then  eagerly  endeavour  to  enter  into 
that  rest,  so  that   no   one  may  follow  the  same  example  and  fall   into 

12  disobedience.  For  the  Logos  of  God  is  living  and  active  and  sharper 
than   any  two-edged  sword,  penetrating  even   to   the   division  of   soul 

1  Reading  a-ji:xixipa7/j.ivci. 


356  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [4^3_g6 

and  spirit,  of  both  joints  and  marrow,  and  quick  to  judge  llie  thoughts 
and  convictions  of  the  heart : 

13  And  before  him  nothing  created  is  concealed, 

But  all  things  are  bare  and  laid  open  before  the  eyes  of  hiiu  with 
whom  we  have  to  do. 

14  As    we  have   then  a  great    high  priest  who  has   passed  through    the 

heavens,  Jesus  the  Son  of  God, 
Let  us  hold  to  our  confession. 

15  For  we  have  not  a  high  priest  who  cannot  be  touched  with  compassion 

for  our  weaknesses, 
But  one  who  has  been  tempted  in  all  points  like  ourselves,  apart  from  sin. 

16  Let  us  draw  near  then  with  confidence  to  the  throne  of  grace, 
That  we  may  receive  mercy  and  find  grace  for  timely  help. 

5  1        For   every   high   priest,  being    selected    from   among  men,  is  wont 

to  be  appointed  for  men  Godward,  that  he  may  offer  both  gifts  and 

2  sacrifices  for  sins  ;  one  who  can  bear  gently  with  the  ignorant  and  erring, 

3  since  he  too  is  himself  compassed   with   weakness,  and  needs  for  that 
reason  to  make  ofl"ering  for  sins,  as  for  the  peojjle  so  also  for  himself. 

4  And  no  one  takes  the   office  to   himself,  but  takes  it  when  called  by 

5  God,  exactly  like  Aaron.     So  Christ  also  did  not  exalt  himself  to  the 
high  priesthood  ;  nay  it  was  he  who  spoke  to  him, 

M>j  Son  titou  art,  to-day  have  Ihecjotten  thee  : 

6  as  he  says  also  in  another  place. 

Thou  art  friest  for  ever,  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek. 

7  lie  who  in  the  days   of  his  flesh  offered  up  prayers  and  supplications 
with  strong  crying  and  tears  to  him  who  was  able   to   save  him  from 

8  death,  and  owing  to  his  reverence  was  heard  ;  he  learned  obedience — 

9  though  he  was  a  Son — by  what  he  suffered  ;  and  after  being  made  perfect, 

10  he  became  the  author  of  eternal  salvation  to  all  who  obey  him,  styled  by 
God  a  high  priest  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek. 

11  lu  regard  to  him  we  have  much  to  say,  and  it  is  difficult  to  explain, 

12  since  you  have  become  dull.  For  while  you  ought  to  be  teachers 
(considering  the  length  of  time),  you  again  require  someone  to  teach 
you  the  elementary  principles  of  the  oracles  of  God,  and  you  have 

13  come  to  recpiire  milk  and  not  solid  food.  For  anyone  who  partakes 
of  milk  is  inexperienced  in  the  word  of  uprightness,  he  is  an  infant. 

14  But  solid  food  is  for  the  full-grown,  for  those  who  by  virtue  of 

6  I  practice  have  their  faculties  trained  to  discern  good  and  evil.     Let 

us  therefore  leave  the  elementary  Christian  instruction  and  pass  on  to 
what  is  full-grown,  instead  of  laying  a  foundation  over  again  with 

2  repentance  from  dead  actions  and  with  faith  towards  God,  with  the 
doctrine  of  ba])(  isms  and  of  laying  on  of  hands,  of  resurrection  of  the 

3  dead  and  of  judunu'iit  eternal.    And  this  we  will  do,  if  God  permit. 

4  For  in  n-gard  to  those  who  were  once  enlightened. 

Who  tasted  the  heavenly  gift  and  became  partakers  of  the 
holy  S]nrit, 

5  And  tasted  the  goodness  of  God's  word  and  the  powers  of 

the  age  to  couie, 

6  And  then  fell  away — 

It  is  impossible  to  be  renewing  them  over  again  to  repentance, 
While  they  are  crucifying  the  Son  of  God  afresh  for  them- 
selves 
And  making  him  a  public  spectacle. 


6''-7^^]  HEBREAVS  357 

7  For  the  land  wliicli  drinks  in  the  rain  that  falls  often  upon  it, 
And  hears  plants  suited  for  those  for  whose  sake  it  is  also  tilled, 

partakes  of  blessing  from  God  : 

8  But  if  it  produces  thorns  and  thistles, 

it  is  reprobate  and  on  the  verge  of  a  curse ; 
its  fate  is  to  be  burned. 

9  But  we  are  persuaded  better  things  of  you,  beloved,  and  things  con- 

10  nected  with  salvation,  although  we  speak  in  this  way.  For  God  is 
not  unjust,  so  as  to  forget  your  work  and  the  love  you  showed  toward 
his  name  in  that  you  ministered  to  the  saints  and  minister  still. 

11  And  our  desire  is  that  each  one  of  you  may  show  to  the  very  end 

12  the  same  earnestness  for  the  fulness  of  your  hoi:)e  ;  that  you  may  not 
become  dull,  but  imitators  of  those  who  through  faith  and  patience 

13  inherit  the  promises.  For  when  God  made  a  promise  to 
Abraham,  he  swore  by  himself,  since  he  could  swear  by  none  greater, 

14,  15  saying,  Richly  ivill  I  bless  thee:   richly  will  I  multiply  thee.      And 

16  so  he  obtained  the  promise,  after  enduring  patiently.  For  men 
swear  by  the  greater  one,  and  in  every  dispute  of  theirs  the  oath  is 

17  final  and  settles  it.  Wherefore,  as  God  meant  to  demonstrate  to 
the  heirs  of  the  promise  more  and  more  the  immutability  of  his 

18  counsel,  he  intervened  with  an  oath  ;  so  that  by  two  immutable 
things  in  which  it  is  impossible  for  God  to  lie,  we  who  have  fled 
for  refuge  may  have  strong  encouragement  to  hold  to  the  hope  set 

19  before  us,  which  we  possess  as  an  anchor  of  the  soul,  both  sure  and 

20  firm,  that  enters  also  into  what  is  ivithin  the  veil,  where  Jesus  entered 
as  a  pioneer  for  us  when  he  became  for  ever  a  high  priest  after  the 
order  of  Melchizedek. 

7  1        For  this  Melchizedek,  king  of  Salem,  priest  of  the  Most  High  God,  who  met 

2  Abraham  on  his  return  from  the  slaughter  of  the  kings  and  blessed  him,  and 
to  whom  Abraham  assigned  a  tenth  part  of  all — being  first  of  all  by  inter- 
pretation "  King  of  uprightness,"  and  then  also  King  of  Salem,  which  is 

3  "  King  of  peace " ;  with  no  father,  with  no  mother,  with  no  genealogy, 
without  beginning  of  days  or  end  of  life,  but  made  like  to  the  Son  of  God 

4  — he  remains  a  iwiest  for  all  time.  Now  observe  how  great  this 
man  was,  a  man  to  whom  the  -pa,tTiaTch  Abraham  gave  a  tenth  from  the  best 

5  of  the  spoils.  Also,  while  those  of  Levi's  sons  who  receive  the  priesthood 
have  a  commandment  to  receive  tithes  from  the  people  according  to  the  law 
(that  is,  from  their  brothers),  although  these  people  have  come  out  of  the 

6  loins  of  Abraham,  he  who  can  trace  no  descent  from  them  received  tithes 

7  from  Abraham  and  blessed  the  possessor  of  the  promises.     Now  it  is  quite 

8  indisputable  that  the  inferior  is  blessed  by  the  superior.  Also,  while 
here  it  is  mortal  men  who  receive  tithes,  there  it  is  one  of  whom  the 

9  witness  is,  "he  lives."    And,  one  might  almost  say,  even  Levi  the  receiver  of 

10  tithes  paid  titlies  through  Abraham  ;  for  he  was  yet  in  the  loins  of  his  father 

1 1  Avhen  Melchizedek  met  him.  Now  again,  had  there  been  perfection 
by  the  Levitical  priesthood  (for  it  was  on  the  basis  of  that  priesthood  that 
the  law  was  established  for  the  people),  what  further  need  was  there  for 
another  priest  arising  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek  and  not  being  spoken 

12  of  as  not  after  the  order  of  Aaron  ?— for  when  the  priesthood  is  changed, 

13  a  change  of  the  law  necessarily  takes  place  as  well.  For  he  who  is  thus 
spoken  of  belongs  to  another  tribe,  no  man  of  which  devoted  himself  to 

14  the  altar.     For  it  is  evident  that  our  Lord  has  sprung  from  Judah,  and 

15  Moses  said  nothing  about  priests  in  connection  with  that  tribe.  And  all 
this  is  more  plainly  evident  than  ever,  if  another  priest  arises  after  the 


358  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [T^^-S^** 

16  likeness  of  Melchizedek,  one  who  lias  become  j^riest  not  after  the  law  of  a 

17  material  commandment  but  after  the  power  of  a  life  indissoluble  ;  for 
the  witness  ti)  him  is, 

llniii  art  jirirst  for  ever,  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek. 

18  For  while  a  previous  commandment  is  set  aside  on  account  of  its  weakness 

19  and  uselessness  (for  tlie  law  made  nothing  perfect),  there  is  introduced 

20  a   better   hope,  through  which   we   draw  near   to   God.  And 

21  inasmuch  as  this  was  not  done  without  an  oath  (for  while  they  have 
become  priests  without  an  oath,  he  became  priest  with  an  oath,  through 
him  who  said  to  him.  The  Lord  swore  and  he  will  not  repent,  thou  art  priest 

^^for  ever),  by  so  much  also  has  Jesus  become  the  surety  of  a  better 
covenant. 

23  Also,  while  they  have  become  priests  in  numbers, 

Since  they  are  prevented  by  death  from  living  on, 

24  He  has  his  priesthood  inviolate, 

Since  he  abides /or  ever. 

25  Hence  also  he  is  able  to  save  to  the  uttermost  those  who  draw  near  to 

God  through  him. 
Seeing  that  he  ever  lives  to  plead  for  them. 

26  For  ^  such  was  the  proper  high  ju'iest  for  us,  holy,  guileless,  undefiled, 

27  separated  from  sinners  and  made  higher  than  the  heavens,  who  does  not 
require  to  offer  sacrifices  day  by  day,  like  the  high  priest,  first  for  his  own 
sins  and  then  for  those  of  the  people  ;  he  did  this  once  for  all  by  offering 
himself. 

28  For  the  law  appoints  to  the  high  priesthood  men  who  have  weakness, 
But  the  word  of  the  oath  which  is  after  the  law  appoints  a  Son  who 

is  made  perfect /or  ever. 
8  1        Now,  to  crown  what  we  are  saying ;    such  a  high  priest  we  have, 
one  wlio  sat  dovm  at  the  right  hand  of   the  throne  of  the  Sovereignty 

2  in  the  heavens,  a  minister  of  the  holy  place  and  of  the  real  tabernacle 

3  which  the  Lord  pitched,  not  man.  For  every  high  priest  is  appointed  to 
offer   both   gifts    and    sacrifices ;    hence  it  'is  necessary    that  this  high 

4  priest  also  should  have  somewhat  to  offer.  While  then  he  would  not  Ije 
a  priest  at  all   if  he  were  on  earth,  since  there  are  those  who  offer  the 

5  gifts  according  to  the  law  (men  who  serve  what  is  an  oiitline  and  a  shadow 
of  the  heavenly  things— as  Moses  was  divinely  instructed  when  he  was 
about  to  execute  the  building  of  the  tabernacle  ;  for  sec,  it  is  said,  that 
thou  make  all  things  according  to  the  pattern  shoivn  thee  on  the  mountain — ), 

6  as  it  is,  he  has  obtained  a  sacred  service  the  more  excellent  inasmuch  as 
he  is  also  the  mediator  of  a  better  covenant,  which  has  been  established 

7  Ijy  law  upon  better  promises.      For  had  not  that  first  covenant  Ijeen 

8  defective,  no  occasion  would  have  been  required  for  a  second.  Finding 
fault  with  them  he  says, 

Lo,  days  are  coming,  saith  the  Lord, 

IVlien  I  ivill  conclude  a  neio  covenant  ivith  the  house  of  Israel  and 
xoith  the  house  of  J^tdah ; 

9  Nut  according  to  the  covenant  I  made  with  their  fathers 

In  th'-.  diiij  IJint  I  took  them  by    the  hand   to    lead   them  out    of 
Kgit jil'f:  III  nil  ; 

For  they  <lnl  nut  nhide  by  my  covenant. 

And  I  x)aid  no  heed  to  them,  saith  the  Lord. 

10  For  this  is  the  covenant  that  I  will  make  with  the  house  of  Israel 

After  those  days,  sailh  the  Lord  : 

^  Oiuitting  [[««/]]. 


8^^-9-^]  HEBREWS  359 

I  luill  put  my  laws  into  their  mind, 

And  upon  their  heart  I  will  inscribe  them ; 
And  I  ivill  he  to  them  a  God, 

And  they  shall  he  to  me  a  people; 

11  A  nd  they  shall  not  teach  every  man  his  felloiv-citizen, 

And  every  man  his  brother,  saying,  '■'■  Knoio  the  Lord  "; 
Because  all  shall  know  me. 

From  the  least  to  the  greatest  of  them. 

1 2  For  I  ivill  he  merciful  to  their  iniquities, 

And  their  sins  I  will  remember  no  more. 

13  In  sayin^f  a  new  covenant,  he  lias  antiquated  the  first ;  and  what  is 
being  antiquated  and  failing  for  age,  is  on  the  jwint  of  disappearing. 

3  1        Now  even  the  first  covenant  indeed  had  ordinances  of  sacred  service 

2  and  its  sanctuarj'  of  this  world.  For  the  first  part  of  the  taliernacle  was 
constructed  to  contain  the  lampstand  and  the  table  and  the  showbread  ; 

3  this  part  is  called  "  holy."     And  behind  the  second  veil  is  the  tabernacle 

4  called  "  holy  of  holies,"  with  a  golden  altar  of  incense  and  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  covered  all  over  with  gold  and  containing  a  golden  pot  with  the 
manna  and   the   rod   of   Aaron   tliat  sprouted   and   the   tablets  of  the 

5  covenant,  and  above  it  cherubim  of  glory  overshadowing  the  mercy-seat 

6  — things  of  which  one  cannot  speak  now  in  detail.  Now  with  these  things 
thus  constructed,  the  priests  are  continually  going  into  the  first  tabernacle 

7  performing  the  services  of  worship  ;  but  the  high  priest  alone  goes 
once  a  year  into  the  second — not  without  blood,  which  he   oilers   for 

8  himself  and  for  the  people's  sins  of  ignorance.  By  this  the  holy  Spirit 
points  out  that  the  way  into  the  holy  place  has  not  yet  been  opened,  so 

9  long  as  the  first  tabernacle  is  still  in  existence — a  symbol  as  it  is  for  the 
present  time,  according  to  which  both  gifts  and  sacrifices  are  being  offered 
that  cannot    make   the   worshipper   perfect   as   regards   his   conscience, 

10  since  they  merely  consist  of  food  and  drink  and  various  ablutions,  ordi- 

1 1  nances  of  the  flesh  imposed  until  a  time  of  reformation.  But  Christ, 
on  arriving  as  high  priest  of  the  good  things  to  come,  through  the  greater 
and  more  perfect  tabernacle  which  is  not  made  by  hands  (that  is  to  say, 

12  not  belonging  to  this  creation),  nor  yet  through  blood  of  goats  and  oxen 
but  through  his  own  blood,  entered  into  the  holy  place  once  for  all,  and 
obtained  eternal  redemption. 

13  For  if  the  blood  of  goats  and  oxen  and  the  ashes  of  a  heifer 

Sanctify  to  make  the  flesh  clean,  by  sprinkling  the  defiled, 

14  How   much   more   shall   the   blood    of   Christ   who   oft'ered   himself 

through  an  eternal  spirit  faultless  to  God, 
Cleanse  our  ^  conscience  from  dead  actions  to  serve  the  living  God  ? 

15  And  hereby  he  is  mediator  of  a  new  covenant,  so  that  those  who  have 
been  called  may  receive  the  promised  eternal  inheritance,  seeing  that  a 
death  has  taken  j)lace  to  secure  redemption  from  the  transgressions  under 

16  the  first  covenant.     For  wherever  a  will  is  produced,  the  death  of  the 

17  testator  must  be  announced.  A  will  holds  good  only  in  the  case  of  the 
dead  ;  since  it  never  has  any  effect  during  the  life-time  of  the  testator. 

18  Hence  even  the  first  covenant  was  not  inaugurated  apart  from  blood. 

19  For  after  every  commandment  had  been  spoken  to  all  the  people  by 
Moses  according  to  the  law,  he  took  the  blood  of  the  calves  and  the  goats, 
with  water  and  scarlet  wool  and  hyssop,  and  sprinkled  the  book  itself 

20  and  also  all  the  people,  saying.   This  is  the  blood   of  the   covenant   which 

21  God  has  ordained  'with  you.'  In  the  same  way  also  be  sprinkled  with  the 

1  Reading  i^^Siv. 


360  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [9---10^^ 

22  blood  the  tabernacle  and  all  the  vessels  of  the  sacred  service.  Indeed  we 
may  almost  say  that  according  to  the  law  all  things  are  cleansed  iu 
blood,  and  that  no  remission  takes  place  apart  from  the  shedding  of  blood. 

23  It  was  needful  then  that  what  were  outlines  of  the  things  in  the  heavens 

should  thus  be  cleansed, 
But  that   the  heavenly  things  themselves  should  be  cleansed  with 
better  sacrifices. 

24  For  Christ  did  not  enter  into  a  holy  place  made  by  hands  (mere  anti-type 

of  the  real), 
But  into  heaven  itself,  to  appear  now  before  the  face  of  God  for  us  ; 

25  Nor  was  it  to  oifer  himself  many  times. 

As  the  high  priest  enters  year  by  year  into  the  holy  place  with  blood  that 
is  not  his  own 

26  (Since  in  that  case  he  must  have  suffered  many  times,  from  the  founda- 

tion of  the  world), 
But,  as  it  is,  he  has  been  disclosed  once  for  all  at  the  close  of  the 
ages  to  set  sin  aside  through  his  sacrifice. 

27  And  inasmuch  as  it  is  appointed  for  men 

to  die  once  for  all, 

and  thereafter  to  be  judged  ; 

28  So  also  shall  Christ, 

offered  once  for  all  to  bear  the  sins  of  many, 

be  seen  a  second  time  for  salvation  apart  from  sin,  by  those  who 

wait  for  him. 

lO  1        For  as  the  law  has  merely  a  shadow  of  the  good  things  to  come,  not 

the  very  image  of  the  things,  it  is  impossible  to  make  those  who  draw 

near  perfect  with  the  same  sacrifices  which  they  are  perpetually  offering 

2  year  by  year.     For  in  that  case  would  they  not  have  ceased  to  be  offered, 
because  the  worshippers  would  have  been  no  longer  conscious  of  sin  after 

3  being  purified  once  for  all  ?      Whereas  in  those  sacrifices  there  is  year  by 

4  year  a  memory  of  sins.     For  it  is  impossible  that  the  blood  of  oxen  and 

5  goats  should  take  away  sins ;  therefore  in  coming  into  the  world  he  says. 

For  sacrifice  and  offering  thou  didst  not  care, 
But  a  hochj  thoii  didst  fashion  for  me  ; 

6  In  holocausts  and  offerings  for  sin  thou  hadst  no  delight. 

7  Then  I  said,  "  Lo,  I  have  come 

(In  the  roll  of  the  book  it  is  written  of  me) 
To  do  thy  loill,  0  God." 

8  After  saying  at  the  outset,    For   sacrifices    and   offh'ings    and    liolocausts 
and  offerings  for  sin  thou  didst  not  care,  and  hadst  no  delight  in  them  (in 

9  things  which  are  offered  according  to  the  law),  he  then  said,  Lo,  I  have 
come  to  do  thy  will.     He  repeals  the  first,  that  lie  may  set  up  the  second. 

10  And  by  this  loill  we  have  been  sanctified  through  the  offering  of  the  body 
of  Jesus  Christ  once  for  all. 

11  Also,  while  every  priest  stands  ministering  day  by  day 
And  offering  the  same  sacrifices  many  times. 

Sacrifices  that  never  can  take  sins  away, 

12  He  offered  one  sacrifice  for  sins, 

And  sat  down  at  the  rigid  hand  of  God  for  all  time, 

13  Waiting  henceforth  till  his  enemies  are  made  a  footstool  for  his  feet  ; 

14  For  l)y  one  offering  he  lias  made  those  who  are  sanctified,  perfect  for 

all  time. 
]  5  And  the  holy  Spirit  also  bears  witness  to  us.     For  after  saying, 
16  This  is  the  covenant  ivhich  I  ivill  make  with  them 


10^^-29]  HEBREWS  361 

After  those  days,  saith  the  Lord  : 
I  will  put  my  laws  upon  their  heart, 
And  upon  their  mind  I  loill  inscribe  them, 
he  adds 

17  And  their  sins  and  their  iniquities  I  will  remember  no  more. 

18  Now  where  there  is  remission  of  these, 

There  is  no  longer  any  offering  for  sin. 

19  As    we    have   confidence    then,   brothers,    to   enter   the   holy    place 

through  the  blood  of  Jesus, 

20  By  the  fresh  and  living  way  which  he  inaugurated  for  us  through 

the  veil  (that  is  to  say,  through  his  flesh), 

21  And  as  we  have  a  great  priest  over  the  household  of  God, 

22  Let  us  draw  near  with  a  true  heart  in  fulness  of  trust, 

Our  hearts  sprinkled  from  an  evil  conscience. 
And  our  body  washed  with  pure  water  : 

23  Let  us  hold  fast  and  unwavering  the  confession  of  our  hope — 

For  he  is  faithful  who  promised — 

24  And  let  us  consider  and  incite  one  another  to  love  and  good  deeds, 

25  Not  forsaking  our  way  of  gathering  together — 

as  is  the  habit  of  some — 
But  exhorting  one  another  ; 

and  the  more  so,  as  you  see  the  Day  drawing  nigh. 

26  For  if  we  are  sinning  wilfully  after  receiving  the  full  knowledge  of 

27  the  truth,  there  is  reserved  for  us  no  longer  a  sacrifice  for  sins,  but  a 
dreadful  prospect  of  judgment  and  a  fury  of  fire  which  is  to  devour  the 
adversaries. 

28  A  man  who  has  set  aside  the  law  of  Moses, 

Dies  on  the  evidence  of  two  or  three  loitnesses  without  mercy  ; 

29  Of  how  much  sorer  punishment,  think  you,  shall  a  man  be  held 

worthy. 
Who  has  trampled  underfoot  the  Son  of  God, 
And  reckoned  the  blood  of  the  covenant  wherewith  he  was  sanctified, 

an  unclean  thing, 
And  outraged  the  Spirit  of  grace  ? 

30  For  we  know  him  who  said, 

Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay : 
and  again, 

The  Lord  shall  judge  his  people. 

31  It  is  a  dreadful  thing  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  living  God. 

32  But  recall  the  former  days,  when  you  endured  a  hard  struggle  with 

33  sufterings  after  you  were  enlightened,  partly  as  you  were  exposed  to  con- 
tempt both  by  reproaches  and  by  distresses,  partly  as  you  became  com- 

34  panions  of  those  who  had  such  an  experience.  For  you  were  touched  with 
compassion  for  those  who  were  in  fetters,  and  you  also  accepted  with  joy 
the  spoiling  of  your  goods,  knowing  that  you  have  in  yourselves  better 

35  and  lasting  goods.     Throw  not  away  then  your  confidence,  for  it  brings 

36  great  recompense  of  reward.     For  you  have  need  of  endurance,  that  you 

37  may  do  the  will  of  God  and  so  obtain  the  promise.  For  a  little  while,  yet 
a  very  little,  and 

The  coming  One  shall  come  and  shall  not  delay  : 

38  Now  my  iipright  one  shall  live  by  faith  ; 

Yet  if  he  shrink  back,  my  soul  takes  no  delight  in  him. 

39  But  we  belong,  not  to  those  %vho  shrink  back  and  are  lost,  but  to  tJtose 
who  have  faith  and  so  preserve  the  soul. 


362  HLSTOraCAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [ll^-^^ 

111  Now  faith  is  to  be  confident  of  what  we  hope  for, 
to  be  convinced  of  what  we  do  not  see. 

2  It  was  in  this  that  witness  was  borne  to  the  men  of  old. 

3  By  faith  we  understand   that   the  worlds,  liave  been  fasluoned  by  the 

word  of  God, 
So  that  what  is  visible  has  not  been  made  out  of  things  that  appear. 

4  By  faith  Abel  offered  to  God  a  better  sacrifice  than  Kain, 

Through  which  he  had  witness  borne  hi)n  that  he  was  upright 
(As  God  bore  witness  in  resided  of  his  gifts)  ; 
And  thereby  it  he  still  speaks  in  death. 

5  By  faith  Enoch  was  removed,  so  that  he  saw  not  death  : 

Yea  he  was  not  to  he  found,  for  God  had  removed  him. 
For  l)efore  his  removal  the  witness  borne  to  him  was,  that  he  had 
pleased  God  well  : 
G        Now  aj^art  from  faith  it  is  impossible  to  please  him  well, 

For  he  who  draws  near  to  God  must  believe  that  he  exists,  and  that 
he  proves  a  rewarder  of  those  who  seek  after  him. 

7  By  faith  Noah,  on  being  divinely  instructed  concerning  what  he  did 

not  see  as  yet, 
Constructed  reverently  an  ark  to  save  his  household  : 
Whereby  he  condemned  the  world. 
And  became  heir  of  the  uprightness  that  j)roceeds  from  faith. 

8  By  faith  Abraham  obeyed  his  call  to  (jo  out  into  a  place  which  he  was  to 

receive  as  an  inheritance. 
And  he  loent  out  knowing  not  where  he  was  going. 

9  By  faith  he  became  a  sojourner  in  the  promised  land,  as  in  a  foreign 

land, 
Dwelling  in  tents  with  Isaac  and  Jacol),  fellow-heirs   with   him   of 
the  same  jn-omise  ; 

10  For  he  was  waiting  for  that  city  with  foundations, 
Whose  architect  and  builder  is  God. 

11  By  faith  also  Sarah  lierself  received  power  to  conceive  offspring  even 

when  she  was  past  the  proper  age. 
Since  she  reckoned  him  faithful  who  had  promised. 
1-2        Therefore  even  of  one  (and  him  as  good  as  dead)  there  was  begotten  issue 
Like  the  stars  .of  the  sky  in  multitude, 
And  like  the  sand  ivhich  is  by  the  seashore,  innumerable. 

13  In  faith  these  all  died,  without  obtaining  the  promises, 

But  after  seeing  and  hailing  them  afar  off, 

And  after  confessing  that  thev  were  "  strangers  and  pilgrims  on  the 
earth." 

14  For  those  who  speak  thus  make  it  evident  that  they  are  seeking  for  a 

fatherland. 

15  Yea,  had  they  been  mindful  indeed  of  that  country  from  which  they 

went  out. 
They  would  have  had  opportunity  to  return  : 
]  Q  But  as  it  is  they  aspire  to  a  better,  that  is,  a  heavenly  country  ; 

Therefore  God  is  not  ashamed  of  them,  of  being  called  tlieir  God, 
For  he  has  prepared  a  city  for  them. — 

17  By  faith  Abraham,  when  he  ivas  tried,  offered  up  Isaac  : 

Yea,  he  who  had  welcomed  the  promises  was  about  to  offer  up  his  only 
son, 

18  (He  to  whom  it  liad  been  said,   TInj  offspring  shall  bo  reckoned  through 

Isaac), 


U^^-^O]  HEBREWS  363 

19  Since  he  considered  God  was  able  to  raise  ui3  even  from  the  dead  : 

And  from  the  dead  (in  a  symbol)  he  did  receive  him  back. 

20  By  faith  Isaac  blessed  Jacob  and  Esau,  even  concerning  things  to  come. 

21  By  faith  Jacob,  when  he  was  dying,  blessed  each  of  the  sons  of  Joseph, 

And  bowed  over  the  top  of  his  staff  in  worship. 

22  By  faith  Joseph  at  his  death  made  mention  of  the  exodus  of  the  sons  of 

Israel, 
And  gave  charge  concerning  his  bones. 

23  By  faith  Moses  after  birth  was  hid  for  three  montlis  by  his  parents, 

Because  they  saw  he  was  a  comely  child  ; 
And  they  feared  not  the  mandate  of  the  king. 

24  By  faith,  when  Moses  had  grown  up,  he  refused  to  be  called  the  son  of  a 

daughter  of  Pharaoh, 

25  Preferring  maltreatment  with  the  people  of  God  to  the  enjoyment  of 

sin  for  a  time  ; 

26  Since   he   reckoned   the  reproach   of  Christ  greater   riches  than   the 

treasures  of  Egypt — 
For  he  was  looking  to  the  recompense  of  reward. 

27  By  faith  he  left  Egypt,  through  no  fear  of  the  king's  rage  : 

For  he  bore  up  as  one  who  saw  Him  who  is  invisible. 

28  By  faith  he  observed  the  passover  and  the  sprinkling  of  blood, 

So  that  the  destroyer  might  not  touch  their  tirst-born. 

29  By  faith  they  crossed  the  Red  Sea  as  on  dry  land, 

Which  the  Egyptians  attempted  to  do  and  were  swallowed  up. 

30  By  faith  the  walls  of  Jericho  fell, 

After  being  surrounded  for  seven  days. 

31  'Qj  faith  Rahab  the  harlot  did  not  perish  along  with  the  disobedient, 

Because  she  had  received  the  spies  in  peace. 

32  And  what  more  am  I  to  say  1 
The  time  will  fail  me  if  I  narrate 

About  Gideon,  Barak,  Samson,  Jej^hthah, 
About  David  and  Samuel  and  the  prophets  : 

33  Who  through  faith  subdued  realms,  wrought  upright  deeds,  obtained 

promises, 

34  Stojjped  the  jaws  of  lions,  quenched  the  power  of  fire,  escaped  the 

edge  of  the  sword, 
Out  of  weakness  became  strong,  waxed  mighty  in  war,  routed  armies 
of  foreigners. 

35  Women  received  their  dead  by  a  resurrection  ; 

Others  were  broken  on  the  wheel,  refusing  to  accept  their  release, 
That  they  might  obtain  a  better  resurrection. 

36  Others  had  experience  of  many  a  scoff  and  scourge, 

Aye  of  fetters  and  imprisonment : 

37  They  were  stoned, '^  sawn  asunder,  slain  with  the  sword. 
They  went  about  in  sheepskins,  in  goatskins, 
Destitute,  distressed,  maltreated 

38  (Of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy). 

Wandering  in   deserts  and   mountains  and    caves    and    holes    of    the 
earth. 

39  And  though  all  these  had  witness  borne  them  through  their  faith. 

Yet  they  obtained  not  the  promise  : 

40  Since  God  had  something  better  in  view  for  us. 

That  apart  from  us  they  should  not  be  made  perfect. 

1  Omittiug  £!r£i/:a5-eno-av. 


364  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [12^-2^ 

12  1  Therefore  as  we  have  round  us  so  great  a  cloud  of  witnesses, 

Let  us  too  put  away  every  encumbrance  and  the  sin  that  clings  so 

close, 
And  let  us  run  patiently  the  course  set  before  us, 

2  Looking  to  Jesus  the  leader  and  perfecter  of  the  faith. 

Who  for  the  joy  set  before  him  endured  the  cross,  despising  the  shame, 
And  is  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  the  throne  of  God. 

3  Yes,   consider  him  who   has  endured   such    opposition   from   men  who 

were  sinners  against  themselves,'^ 
That  you  may  not  grow  wearied  and  faint  in  your  souls. 

4  You  have  not  yet  resisted  to  blood  in  your  struggle  against  sin  : 

5  And  3'ou  have  forgotten  the  appeal — one  that  reasons  with  you  as  with 

sons — 
My  son,  regard  not  the  Lord's  chastening  lightly, 
Nor  faint,  when  reproved  by  him ; 

6  For  ivhom  the  Lord  loves,  he  chastens. 

And  scourges  every  son  xvhom  he  receives. 

7  It  is  for  chastening  that  you  endure.     God  is  dealing  with  you  as  with 

sons ; 
For  what  son  is  there  whom  his  father  does  not  chasten? 

8  If  you  are  without  chastening,  in  which  all  come  to  partake, 

Then  you  are  bastards,  and  not  sons. 

9  Furthermore,  we  used   to  have   the  fathers  of  our  flesh  to   chasten  us, 

and  them  we  reverenced : 
Shall  we  not  much  rather  be  subject  to  the  Father  of  spirits,  and  so 
live? 

10  For  while  they  chastened  us  after  their  good  pleasure  for  a  few  days, 

He  chastens  for  our  profit,  that  we  may  partake  of  his  holiness. 

11  For  the  moment  indeed,  all  chastening  seems  to  be  matter  not  of  joy 

but  of  sorrow; 
Yet  afterwards  it  yields  peaceable  fruit  to  those  who  have  been 
trained  by  it,  fruit  of  uprightness. 
12,  13  Therefore  lift  up   the  nerveless  liands  and  the  paralysed  knees,  and  make 
even  tracks  for  your  feet,  so  that  what  is  lame  may  not  be  dislocated  but 

14  rather   cured.     Aim   at  peace  with  all  men,  and  at  that  sanctification 

15  without  which  no  one  shall  see  the  Lord  ;  watchful  lest  anyone 
be  falling  short  of  the  grace  of  God — lest  any  bitter  root  spring  up  to  vex 

16  yoxi,  and  the  many  be  defiled  by  it ;  lest  there  be  any  fornicator  or 
worldly  person  like  Esau,  who  for  a  single  meal  sold  his  own  birth-right. 

17  For  you  know  that  even  when  he  afterwards  desired  to  inherit  the 
lilessing,  tliough  he  sought  for  it  with  tears,  he  was  rejected — for  he  got 
no  chance  of  repentance. 

18  For  you  have  not  drawn  near  to  afire  that  is  felt  and  flaming,  and  to 

19  blackness  and  to  darkness  and  to  storm  and  to  the  sound  of  trumpet  and  to 
the  sound  of  words  (at  which  the  hearers  begged  to  have  not  a  word  more 

20  added,  for  they  could  not  bear  the   charge  :  If  even  a  beast  touch  the 

21  mountain,  it  shall  he  stoned) — and  so  dreadful  was  the  appearance  that 

22  Moses  said,  "  /  am  frightened  and  terrified."  Nay,  you  have  drawn  near  to 
Mount  Zion,  and  to  tlu;  city  of  the  living  God,  tlie  heavenly  Jerusalem, 

23  and  to  thousands  of  angels  in  festal  gathering,  and  to  the  assembly  of  the 
first-born  registertKl  in  the  heavens,  and  to  the  God  of  all,  as  judge,  and 

24  to  the  spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect,  and  to  Jesus,  mediator  of  a  fresh 
covenant,  and  to  that  blood  of  sprinkling  which  speaks  better  than  Abel's. 

i  Keadiug  iauTolt. 


12^^-13"J  HEBREWS  365 

25  See  that  you  refuse  not  him  who  sjieaks  : 

For  if  they  did  not  escape, 

When  they  refused  him  who  divinely  instructed  them  on  earth, 
Much  less  shall  we, 

Who  turn  away  from  him  who  speaks  from  the  heavens. 

26  At  that  time  his  voice  shook  the  earth  : 

But  now  he  has  promised,  saying, 

Once  again  loill  I  maJce  not  only  the  earth  Ijut  the  sky  also  to  quake. 

27  Now  this  word  "  once  agcdn  "  points  to  the  removal  of  what  is  shaken, 
as  of  what  has  been  created,  so  that  what  is  not  shaken  may  be  lasting. 

28  Therefore,  as  we  receive  a  realm  that  is  not  to  be  shaken,  let  us  give 
thanks,  and  let  us  thereby  render  service  that  is  well-pleasing  to  God, 

29  with  reverence  and  awe.     For  indeed  our  God  is  a  consuming  fire. 

13  1  Let  brotherly  love  continue, 

2  Forget  not  to  be  hospitable. 

For  thereby  some  have  entertained  angels  unawares. 

3  Remember  those  in  bonds,  as  bound  with  them  : 

Those  who  are  maltreated,  as  being  also  in  the  body  yourselves. 

4  Let    marriage    be    honoured    among    all,    and   let    the    bed   be    un- 

defiled  : 
For  God  will  judge  fornicators  and  adulterers.  : 

5  Let  your  character  be  free  from  the  love  of  money,  j 

Be  content  with  what  you  have  : 
For  He  has  said,  "  Never  will  I  fail  thee,  never  will  I  forsake  thee  "  ;  ' 

6  So  that  we  have  confidence  to  say,  i 
T]ie  Lord  is  my  hel'per,  I  tvill  not  fear. 

TFJiat  shall  man  do  to  me  ? 

7  Remember  your  chief  men,  those  who  spoke  God's  word  to  you  : 

Look  back  upon  the  close  of  their  career,  and  imitate  their  faith. 

8  Jesus  Christ  is  the  same,  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for  ever. 

9  Be  not  carried  away  by  doctrines  manifold  and  foreign ; 

For  it  is  good  to  have  the  heart  confirmed  by  grace. 
Not  by  foods,  which  were  of  no  avail  to  those  who  had  recourse  to 
them. 

10  We  have  an  altar  of  which  they  have  no  right  to  eat  who  serve  the  taber- 

nacle. 

11  For  the  bodies  of  those  animals,  whose  hlood  is  brought  into  the  hohj  flace 

by  the  high  priest  as  an  offering  for  sin, 
Are  burned  outside  the  camp. 

12  Therefore,  to  sanctify  the  people  through  his  own  blood, 

Jesus  also  suffered  outside  the  gate. 

13  Then  let  us  go  out  to  him  outside  the  camp,  bearing  his  reproach. 

14  (For  we  have  no  lasting  city  here, 

We 'seek  for  one  which  is  to  come.) 

15  Through  him  then  let  us  offer  continually  to  God  a  sacrifice  of  praise,  j 

That  is,  the  fruit  of  lips  confessing  to  his  name.  J 

16  And  forget  not  beneficence  and  contributions  ; 

For  God  is  well  pleased  with  sacrifices  like  these. 

17  Obey  your  chief  men  and  be  submissive  to  them,  for  they  watch  on  behalf  J 
of  your  souls  as  those  who  are  to  render  an  account.  Let  them  watch  thus  j 
with  joy  instead  of  with  grief — that  would  be  to  your  own  loss.  I 


366  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [l3^^-25 

18  Pray   for   us  :    for  we    are   persuaded   we  have   a   good  conscience, 

19  desiring  to  conduct  ourselves  aright  in  all  points.  And  I  appeal  to  you 
more  and  more  to  do  this,  that  I  may  be  restored  to  you  the  sooner. 

20  Now  the  God  of  peace,  tvho  brought  up  from  the  dead  the  great  sheioherd  of 

21  the  shoe})  by  the  blood  of  the  eternal  covenant,  even  our  Lord  Jesus,  equip  you 
with  all  good  for  obedience  to  his  will,  working  in  us  what  is  well- 
pleasing  in  his  sight  through  Jesus  Christ — to  whom  be  the  honour  for 
ever  and  ever  :  Amen. 

22  Now  I  appeal  to  you,  brothers,  bear  with  the  word  of  appeal  ;  for 

23  indeed  I  have  written  to  you  briefly.  Know  that  our  brother  Timotheus 
has  been  released  :  in  company  with  him  I  will  see  you,  if  he  is  coming 

24  soon.  Salute  all  your  chief  men,  and  all  the  saints.  Those  of  Italy 
salute  you. 

25  Grace  be  with  vou  all. 


LUKE 

For  the  writers  of  the  gospels  the  religious  interest  is  supreme.  Their 
main  concern  is  not  to  give  scrupulously  exact  accounts  of  facts,  but  to  make  the 
moral  and  religious  significance  of  the  facts  apparent.  .  .  .  One  very  marked 
feature  of  this  gospel  is  what  may  be  called  the  idealisation  of  the  characters 
of  Jesus  and  the  disciples.  These  are  contemplated  not  in  the  light  of  memory, 
as  in  Mark,  but  through  the  brightly-coloured  medium  of  faith.  The  evangelist 
does  not  forget  that  the  personages  of  whom  he  writes  are  now  the  risen  Lord 
and  the  apostles  of  the  church.  Jesus  appears  with  an  aureole  round  his 
head,  and  the  faults  of  the  disciples  are  very  tenderly  handled.  .  .  .  The  author 
of  the  third  gospel  avowedly  had  a  didactic  aim.  But  there  is  no  trace  of  a 
dominant  theological  or  controversial  aim.  He  appears  to  be  an  eclectic, 
rather  than  a  man  -whose  mind  is  dominated  by  a  great  ruling  idea.  Distinct 
if  not  confiicting  tendencies  or  religious  types  find  house-room  in  his  pages  : 
Pauline  universalism,  Jewish  particularism,  Ebionitic  social  ideals. 

A.   B.   BrucCi 


1^'*  Preface. 

15-413  John  and  Jesus :  the  birth-narratives, 
the  boyhood  of  Jesus. 
3^-"  the  career  of  John  :  the  baptism  of  Jesus. 

2p-^^  the  genealogy  of  Jesus. 

4^'^2  the  temptation  of  Jesus. 

4i4_950  The  Galilaean   ministry: 
4"-5"  Nazareth, — Kapharnahum, — the  lake  of  Gennesaret — miracles 

and  teaching. 
5i2_g49  Choice  of  the  twelve — "sermon  on  mount." 

7-9^  Jesus  and  John — miracles  and  teaching. 

928-50  The  transfiguration  :  predictions  of  the  Passion. 

95i_j927  T|,g  ministry  outside  Galilee  :  towards  Jerusalem. 

Samaria— mission  of  the  Seventy-two  : 
11-17^°  teaching :    cycle  of  sayings  on  prayer,   Satan,   signs,   current 

religion,  providence,   the  coming  of  the  Son  of 
man,  repentance,  the  Sabbath, 
miracles  and  parables. 
l7n_i33o  teaching:  cycle  of  sayings  on  "days  of  Son  of  man,"  prayer, 

humility,  etc. 
jg3o-34  prediction  of  Passion. 

1835_i927  Jericho. 

1928-2138  The  ministry  in  Jerusalem  : 

1928_2047  entrance — in  the  temple — discussion  and  teaching. 

21  the  apocalypse  of  Jesus. 

22-23  The  Passion  of  Jesus : 

Judas — the  supper — in  the  garden. 

the  trial,  sentence,  crucifixion,  and  death. 

the  burial. 

24  After  death  :  appearances  of  Jesus — his  charges  and  departure. 

3C7 


LUKE 

.  1  Inasmuch  as  many  have  undertaken  to  compose  a  narrative  upon  the 

2  subject  of  what  are  matters  of  conviction  among  us,  even  as  they  were 
handed  on  to  us  by  those  who  were  eye-witnesses  and  servants  of  the  word 

3  from  the  beginning  ;  I  also  determined,  as  I  have  accurately  investigated 
all  from  the  very  first,  that  I  would  write  them  for  thee  in  order,  most 

4  excellent  Theophilus,  to  let  thee  understand  the  reliable  truth  about  the 
affairs  of  which  thou  hast  been  informed. 

5  In  the  days  of  Herod,  king  of  Judaea,  there  was  a  priest   named 
Zachariah,  belonging  to  the  course  of  Abijah  ;  and  he  had  a  wife  belong- 

6  ing  to   the   daughters   of   Aaron,  whose   name    was   Elizabeth.      They 
were  both  upright  before  God,  walking  in  all  the  commandments  and 

7  ordinances  of  the   Lord   blameless.      But   they  had  no  child,   because 
Elizabeth  was  barren  ;  and  they  were  both  advanced  in  years. 

8  Now  it  came  to  pass  while  he  was  officiating  as  priest  before  God  in  his 

9  usual  course,  it  fell  to  him  Ijy  lot  (after  the  custom  of  the  jjriesthood)  to 

10  enter  the  sanctuary  of  the  Lord  and  burn  incense.     And  all  the  multitude 

11  of  the  people  were  praying  outside  at  the  hour  of   incense.      And  an 
angel  of  the  Lord  was  seen  by  him,  standing  on  the  right  side  of  the 

12  altar  of  incense.     And  Zachariah  was  troubled  at  the  sight,  and  fear  fell 

13  upon  him.     But  the  angel  said  to  him, 

"  Fear  not,  Zachariah  I  for  thy  prayer  has  been  heard, 

And  thy  wife  Elizabeth  shall  bear  thee  a  son,  and  thou  shalt  call 
his  name  John. 

14  And  joy  shall  be  thine  and  rejoicing. 

Yea  many  shall  joy  over  his  birth. 

15  For  he  shall  be  great  before  the  Lord, 

And  shall  drink  no  wine  or  strong  drink, 
And  with  the  holy  Spirit  shall  he  be  filled  even  from  his  mother's 
womb ; 

16  And  many  of  the  sons  of  Israel  shall  he  turn  back  to  the  Lord 

their  God. 

17  Yea,  he  shall  go  in  front  before  His  face  in  the  spirit  and  power  of 

Elijah, 
To  turn  back  the  hearts  of  fathers  to  children,  and  the  disobedient  to 

the  thoughtfulness  of  the  upright — 
To  make  ready  for  the  Lord  a  prepared  people." 

18  And  Zachariah  said  to  the  angel,  "  How  shall  I  be  sure  of  this?  for  I  am 

19  an  aged  man,  and  my  wife  is  advanced  in  years."    And  in  reply  the  angel 
said  to  him, 

"  I  am  Gabriel  who  stands  before  God, 
Aud  I  was  sent  to  speak  to  thee  and  bring  thee  these  glad  tidings. 

20  And  lo,  thou  shalt  be  silent  and  unalde  to  sjjeak 

Until  the  day  when  this  comes  to  pass. 


1-^-^"]  LUKE  369 

Because  thou  hast  not  believed  my  words, 

Words  tliat  shall  be  fulfilled  at  their  due  time." 

21  And  the  people  were  waiting  for  Zachariah  ;  and  as  he  delayed  in  the 

22  sanctuary,  they  wondered.     When  he  did  come  out,  he  could  not  speak  to 
them,  and  they  realised  that  he  had  seen  a  vision  in  the  sanctuary  ;  then 

23  he  went  on  making  signs  to  them,  and  continued  dumb.     And  it  came  to 

24  pass,  when  the  days  of  his  service  had  elapsed,  he  v/eiit  away  home.    Now 
after  these  days  Elizabeth  his  wife  conceived.     And  she  concealed  herself 

25  for  five  months,  saying,  "  Thus  the  Lord  has  dealt  with  me,  in  the  days 
when  he  has  deigned  to  remove  my  reproach  among  men ! " 

26  Xow  in  the  sixth  month  the  angel  Gabriel  was  sent  from  God  to  a 

27  city  of  Galilee  named  Nazaret,  to  a  maiden  who  was  betrothed  to  a  man 
named  Josej^h,  belonging  to  the  house  of  David  ;  and  the  maiden's  name 

28  was  Mary.     And  he  came  in  to  her  and  said,  "  Hail,  0  highly  favoured  ! 

29  The  Lord  be  with  thee  ! "     Startled  at  the  saying,  she  began  to  reflect 

30  what  such  a  salutation  as  this  could  mean.     But  the  angel  said  to  her, 

"  Fear  not,  Mary  !  thou  hast  found  favour  with  God. 

31  And  lo,  thou  shalt  conceive  in  thy  womb  and  bear  a  son  and  call 

his  name  Jesus  I 

32  He  shall  be  great,  and  shall  be  called  '  Son  of  the  most  High,' 

And  the  Lord  God  shall  give  him  the  throne  of  David  his  father  ; 

33  A7id  he  shall  reign  over  the  house  of  Jacob /or  ever, 

And  of  his  reign  there  shall  be  no  end." 

34  And  Mary  said  to  the  angel,  "  How  shall  this  be,  since  I  know  not  a 

35  man  1 "     And  in  reply  the  angel  said  to  her, 

"  The  holy  Spirit  shall  come  upon  thee. 

And  the  power  of  the  most  High  shall  overshadow  thee. 

Therefore  also  what  is  born  shall  be  called  holy,  '  Son  of  God.' 

36  And  lo,  Elizabeth  thy  kinswoman,  she  too  has  conceived  a  son  in 

her  old  age. 
And  she  who  was  called  '  barren '  is  now  in  her  sixth  month  ; 

37  For  unth  God  nothing  shall  be  impossible." 

38  And  Mary  said,  "  Here  am  I,  the  handmaid  of  the  Lord  !     Be  it  to  me 
according  to  thy  word."     Then  the  angel  went  away  from  her. 

39  Now  in  these  days  Mary  rose  and  journeyed  into  the  hill-country  with  haste 

40  to  a  city  of  Judali,  and  she  entered  the  house  of  Zachariah  and  saluted 

41  Elizabeth.     And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Elizabeth  heard  the  salutation  of 
Mary,  the  infant  leaped  in  her  womb.     And  Elizabeth  was  filled  with  the 

42  holy  Spirit,  and  she  called  out  with  a  loud  cry  and  said, 

"  Blessed  art  thou  among  women  ! 
And  blessed  the  fruit  of  thy  womb  ! 

43  And  what  have  I  done  that  the  mother  of  my  Lord  should  come  to  me  ? 

44  For  lo,  when  the  sound  of  thy  salutation  reached  my  ears. 
The  infant  leaped  in  my  womb  with  rejoicing. 

45  And  happy  is  she  who  believed  there  should  be  fulfilment  of  what 

had  been  told  her  from  the  Lord  !  " 

46  And  Mary  said, 

"  My  sold  magnifies  the  Lord, 

47  And  my  spirit  has  rejoiced  in  God  my  Saviour, 

48  Because  with  favour  has  he  looked  on  the  humiliation  of  his  handmaid — 

For  lo,  from  this  time  all  generations  shall  call  me  happy — 

49  Because  the  mighty  One  has  done  for  me  great  things  ; 

And  holy  is  his  name. 

24 


370  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [l^^"" 

50  And  his  mercy  is  to  generations  and  ycnerations, 

For  those  who  fear  him. 

51  A  deed  of  might  has  he  done  loith  his  arm, 

He  has  scattered  the  haughttj  with  their  heart's  device  ; 

52  He  has  cast  princes  doxon  from  thrones  and  raised  the  humble, 

53  The  hungry  he  has  satisfied  with  good  things,  and  tlic  rich  he  has 

sent  away  empty. 

54  He  has  given  succour  to  Israel  his  servant, 

That  }ie  might  remember  mercy — 

55  Eve7i  as  he  spoke  to  our  fathers — 

For  Abraham  and  for  his  offspring  for  ever." 

56  So  Mary  stayed  with  her  about  three  months,  and  returned  to  her  own 
house. 

57  Now  the  time  for  Elizabeth's  delivery  had  elapsed,  and  she  bore  a  son. 

58  And  her  neighbours  and  kinsfolk  heard  that  the  Lord  had  shown  supreme 

59  mercy  to  her,  and  they  rejoiced  with  her.  And  it  came  to  j^ass  on  the 
eighth  day  that  they  came  to  circumcise  the  child  ;  and  they  were  going 

60  to  call  him  after  the  name  of  his  father,  Zachariah.     But  his  mother 

61  answered  and  said,  "  No  !  he  shall  be  called  John."  And  they  said  to 
her,  "There  is  no  one  belonging  to  thy  kinsfolk  who  is  called  by  this 

62  name."     So  they  proceeded  to  uiake  signs  to  his  father,  to  find  out  what 

63  he  would  have  him  called.     And  he  demanded  a  writing- tablet,  and 

64  wrote  the  words,  "  His  name  is  John."  And  they  all  wondered.  And 
instantly  his  mouth  was  opened,  and  his  tongue  ;  and  he  began  to  speak, 

65  blessing  God.     And  fear  came  on  all  their  neighliours  ;    and  all  these 

66  events  were  talked  of  throughout  the  whole  hill-country  of  Judaea.  And 
all  who  heard  them  laid  tliem  up  in  their  heart,  saying,  "What  ever 
is  this  child  to  be  1 "     For  the  hand  of  the  Lord  also  was  with  him. 

67  And  Zachariah,  his  father,  was  filled  with  the  holy  Spirit  and 
prophesied,  saying : 

68  "  Blessed  be  the  Lord,  the  God  of  Israel, 

Because  he  has  visited  and  wrought  redemption  for  his  people, 

69  And  raised  itp  a  horn  of  salvation  for  us 

In  the  house  of  David  his  servant — 

70  Even  as  he  spoke  through  the  lips  of  his  holy  prophets  from  of 

old — 

71  Safety  from  our  enemies  and  from  the  hand  of  all  who  hate  us ; 

72  To  deal  mercifully  xoith  our  fathers, 

And  to  remember  his  holy  covenant, 

73  The  oath  which  he  sioore  to  Abraham  our  father, 

74  To  grant  that  unafraid,  rescued  from  the  hand  of  our  enemies, 

75  We  should  serve  him  in  holiness  and  uprightness 

In  his  presence  all  our  days. 

76  Yea   and    thou,   child,   shalt    be    called,    '  prophet    of    the    most 

High'; 
For  thou   shalt  precede    the  face    of  the   Lord    to   make  ready 
Ids  v.'ays, 

77  To  give  knowledge  of  salvation  to  his  people 

Througli  remission  of  their  sins, 


1^8-226]  LUKE  371 

78  Because  of  our  God's  heart  of  mercy, 

Whereby  the  dawn  shall  visit  us  from  on  high, 

79  To  shine  upon  those  who  sit  in  darkness  and  the  sliadow  of  death, 

To  direct  our  feet  into  the  way  of  peace." 

80  And  the  child  grew  and  became  strong  in  spirit,  and  he  lived  in  the 
deserts  till  the  day  of  his  commission  to  Israel. 

2  1        Now  it  came  to  pass  in  those  days  that  a  decree  was  issued  from  Caesar 

2  Augustus  for  a  census  to  be  taken  of  the  whole  world.    (This  was  the  first 

3  census  taken  when  Quirinius  was  governor  of  Syria.)     And  all  went  to 

4  have  themselves  registered,  every  one  at  his  own  city.  Now  Joseph  also 
went  up  from  the  city  of  Nazaret  in  Galilee  into  Judaea,  to  the  city  of 
David  Avhich  is  called  Bethlehem — because  he  belonged  to  the  house  and 

5  family  of  David — to  have  himself  registered,  accompanied  by  Mary  his 

6  betrothed,  who  was  pregnant.     And  while  they  were  there,  it  came  to 

7  pass  that  the  days  elapsed  for  her  delivery.  And  she  bore  her  firstborn 
son  ;  and  as  there  was  no  room  for  them  in  the  khan,  she  wrapped  him  in 

8  swaddling  clothes  and  laid  him  in  a  cattle-stall.  And  there  were 
shepherds  in  the  same  district  who  were  out  in  the  fields,  keeping  guard 

9  by  night  over  their  flock.  And  an  angel  of  the  Lord  came  upon  them, 
and  the  brightness  of  the  Lord  shone  round  them  ;  and  they  were  terribly 

10  afraid.     And  the  angel  said  to  them, 

"  Fear  not ;  for  lo,  I  bring  you  glad  tidings  of  great  joy  which  shall 
be  for  all  the  people  ; 

11  For  this  day  there  is  born  to  you  in  David's  city  a  Saviour  who 

is  Christ  the  Lord. 

12  And  here  is  a  ^  sign  for  you  : 

You  shall  find  an  infant  wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes  -  within  a 
cattle-stall." 

13  And  suddenly  there  was  along  with  the  angel  a  multitude  of  the  heavenly 
host  extolling  God  and  saying, 

14  "  Honour  to  God  in  the  highest ! 

And  on  earth  peace — among  men  of  his  pleasure ! " 

15  And  it  came  to  pass  when  the  angels  had  gone  away  from  them  into 
heaven,  the  shepherds  said  to  one  another,  "  Come  now  !  let  us  go  as  far 
as  Bethlehem  and  see  this  aftair  that  has  come  to  pass,  which  the  Lord 

16  has  made  known  to  us."     So  they  went  with  haste  and  found  out  Mary 

17  and  Joseph,  and  also  the  infant  lying  in  the  cattle-stall.  And  when  they 
saw  it,  they  made  known  all  about  what  had  been  told  them  with  regard 

18  to  this  child.     And  all  who  heard  it  wondered  at  what  the  shepherds 

19  told  them.     But  Mary  pondered  all  these  things,  musing  over  them  in 

20  her  heart.  Then  the  shepherds  went  back,  magnifying  and  extolling 
God  for  all  they  had  heard  and  seen,  just  as  it  had  been  told  them. 

21  And  when  eight  days  had  elapsed  for  circumcising  him,  his  name 
was  called  "Jesus" — the  name  given  him  by  the  angel  before  he  had 
been  conceived  in  the  womb. 

22  And  when  the  days  of  their  purification  according  to  the  law  of  Moses 
had  elapsed,  they  brought  him  up  to  Jerusalem  to  present  him  to  the 

23  Lord — even  as  it  is  written  in  the  law  of  the  Lord,  every  male  that  opens 

24  the  ivomb  shall  be  called  "  hobj  to  the  Lord," — and  to  offer  a  sacrifice  accord- 
ing to  what  is  said  in  the  law  of  the  Lord,  a  piair  of  turtledoves  or  two 

25  young  pigeons.  And  behold  there  was  a  man  in  Jerusalem  whose  name 
was  Symeon.     And  this  man  was  upright  and  devout,  waiting  for  the 

26  consolation  of  Israel.     And  the  holy  Spirit  was  upon  him,  and  he  had 

1  Omitting  ri.  "  OniittiDg  >cxi  xiiy.ivou. 


372  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [S^^-S^ 

been  divinely  instructed  by  tlie  Loly  Spirit,  that  he  Avas  not  to  see  death 

27  before  lie  had  seen  the  Christ  of  the  Lord.  And  he  came  in  the  Spirit 
into  the  temple  ;  and  when  the  parents  had  brought  in  the  child  Jesus  to 

28  do  for  him  after  the  usage  of  the  law,  then  he  took  him  up  in  his  arms 
and  blessed  God,  and  said  : 

29  "  Now,  Master,  thou  art  releasing  thy  slave, 

According  to  thy  word,  in  peace  ; 

30  For  mine  eyes  liave  seen  thy  salvation, 

31  Which  thou  hast  made  ready  before  the  face  of  all  "peoples, 

32  A  light  for  revelation  to  the  Gentiles 

And  the  glory  of  thy  people  Israel." 

33  And  his  father  and  mother  were  in  w^onder  at  what  was  being  said  about 

34  him.     And  Symeon  blessed  them,  and  said  to  Mary  his  mother, 

"Lo,this  child  is  destined  to  be  the  downfall  and  rise  of  many  in  Israel, 
And  a  sign  that  is  objected  to — 

35  Yea  and  through  thine  own  soul  a  spear  shall  pierce — 

That  thoughts  from  many  a  heart  may  be  disclosed." 

36  And  there  was  a  prophetess  Hannah,  the  daughter  of  Phanuel,  belonging 
to  the  tribe  of  Asher.     She  was  far  advanced  in  years,  as  she  had  lived 

37  with  her  husband  for  seven  years  from  her  maidenhood,  and  had  been  a 
widow  now  for  eighty-four  years.     She  was  never  away  from  the  temple, 

38  but  worshipped,  fasting  and  praying,  night  and  day.  And  at  that  very 
hour  she  came  up  to  them  ;  and  she  offered  praise  to  God  and  proceeded 
to  speak  about  him  to  all  who  w^ere  waiting  for  the  redemption  of  Israel. 

39  And  when  they  had  finished  all  that  was  prescribed  by  the 
law  of  the  Lord,  they  returned  to  Galilee,  to  their  own  city  Nazaret. 

40  And  the  child  grew  and  became  strong,  being  filled  with  wisdom  ;  and 
God's  favour  was  upon  him. 

41  And  his  parents  used  to  journey  every  year   to   Jerusalem    at  the 

42  festival  of  the  passover.      And  when  he  was  twelve  years  old  they  went 

43  up  as  usual  to  the  festival.  And  after  the  days  had  been  completed,  they 
were  on   their   way   back,   when   the   boy   Jesus   remained    behind   in 

44  Jerusalem.  But  his  parents  did  not  know  of  it ;  supposing  he  was  in  the 
caravan,  they  went  on  their  way  for  a  day,  and  meanwhile  searched  for 

45  him  among  their  kinsfolk    and   acquaintances.     And  when  they  could 

46  not  find  him,  they  went  back  to  Jerusalem  in  search  of  him.  And  it 
came  to  pass  after  three  days  they  found  him  in  the  temple  sitting 
among  the  teachers,  listening  to  them  and  also  putting  questions  to  them  ; 

47  and   all  who  heard  him  were   amazed  at  his  intelligence  and   rei^lies. 

48  And  when  they  saw  him,  they  were  astonished  ;  and  his  mother  said  to 
him,  "  Child,  why  hast  thou  treated  us  in  this  way  ?     Lo,  thy  father  and 

49  I  were  seeking  thee  in  anguish ! "  And  he  said  to  them,  "  Why  was  it 
that  you  sought  me  ?    1  )id  you  not  know  that  I  must  be  within  my  Father's 

50  house  ? "      But  they  did   not  understand  the    word    that    he   spake  to 

51  them.  And  he  went  down  with  them  and  came  to  N;izaret,  and  was 
subject  to  them.      And  his  mother  kept  all  the  sayings  carefully  in  her 

52  heart.  And  Jesus  ivent  on  advancing  in  wisdom  and  stature,  and  in  favour 
ivith  God  and  man. 

3  1        Now   in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the   reign  of   Tiberius   Caesar,  when 

Pontius  Pilate  was   procurator  of    Judaea,  Herod  tctrarch    of  C^alilee, 

Philip  his  brother  tetrarch  of  the  region  of  Ituraea  and  Trachonitis,  and 

2  Lysias  tetrarch  of  Abilene — during  the   high])ri('sthood   of   Annas   and 

Kaiaphas,  God's  word  came  to  John  the  son  of  Zachariah  in  the  wilder- 


3^-"]  LUKE  373 

3  ness.     And   he   went    into  all    the    country    surrounding    the    Jordan, 
preaching  a  baptism  of  repentance  for  the   remission  of   sins— as  it   is 

4  written  in  the  book  of  the  words  of  Isaiah  the  prophet, 

Tlie  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness  : 
"  Make  ready  the  way  of  the  Lord, 
Make  level  his  faths ! 

5  Every  valley  shall  he  filled  up, 

And  every  mountain  and  mound  laid  low, 
And  the  crooked  shall  be  made  straight, 
And  the  rough  ways  smooth  ; 

6  And  all  flesh  shall  see  the  salvation  of  God" 

7  He  said  therefore  to  the  crowds  who  journeyed  out  to  get  baptized  by  him, 

"You  offspring  of  vipers,  who  has  directed  you  to  flee  from  the 
wrath  to  come  ? 

8  Bear  fruits,  then,  befitting  your  repentance  : 

And  do  not  attempt  to  say  to  yourselves,  '  We  have  Abraham  as 
our  father ' ; 

9  For  I  tell  you,  God  can  raise  up  children  for  Abraham  from  these 

stones  I 
Even  already  is  the  axe  laid  at  the  root  of  the  trees  : 

So  shall  each  tree  be  hewn  and  thrown  into  the  fire,  unless  it 
bear  sound  fruit." 

10  And  the  crowds  plied  him  with  questions,  saying,  "  What  are  we  to  do, 

11  then  ?  "     And  in  reply  he  said  to  them, 

"  He  who  has  two  tunics,  let  him  share  with  him  who  has  none. 
And  let  him  who  has  food  do  likewise." 

12  Tax-gatherers  also  came  to  get  baptized  ;  and  they  said  to  him,  "  Teacher, 

13  what   are   we   to  do  ? "   He  said  to   them,  "  Exact  no  more  than  your 

14  instructions."  Men  on  military  service  also  questioned  him,  saying, 
"  And  what  are  we  to  do  1 "  And  he  told  them,  "  Use  no  violence  to 
anyone,  nor  defraud  by  false  charges,  but  be  satisfied  with  your 
pay." 

1.5        Now  as  the  people  were  in  expectation  and  all  were  arguing  in  their 

16  hearts  about  John,  "Could  this  be  the  Christ?" — John  answered,  saying 
to  them  all, 

"  With  water  I  baptize  you  ; 

But  one  is  coming  mightier  than  I, 

The  thong  of  whose  sandals  I  am  not  fit  to  untie. 

He  shall  baptize  you  with  the  holy  Spirit  and  fire — 

17  Whose   winnowing  fan   is   in   his   hand   for  cleansing   out   his 

threshing-floor. 
To  gather  the  corn  into  his  granary. 

But  the  straw  he  will  burn  up  with  fire  unquenchal>le." 

18  Thus,    with  many  other  appeals  as  well,  he  preached   glad   tidings   to 

19  the  people.  But  Herod  the  tetrarch,  who  had  been  reproved  by  him  for 
Herodias  the  wife  of  his  brother,  and  for  all  the  wickedness  that  he, 

20  Herod,  had  done,  crowned  it  all  by  shutting  up  John  in  prison. 

21  Now  it  came  to  pass,  when  all  the  people  had  been  baptized,  and 
Jesus  also  had  been  baptized  and  was  at  jarayer,   the  skies  were  opened 

22  and  the  holy  Spirit  came  down  in  bodily  form,  like  a  dove,  upon  him  ; 
and  a  voice  came  out  of  the  sky, 

"  My  So7i  thou  art : 

To-day  have  I  begotten  thee."  ^ 

1  Reading  -jlis  ,u.<iv  u  a-C,  iyu  c-/,ijt.if>.v  yiy{yfi,x.x.  an. 


374  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [s^M^^ 

23  And  Jesus  himself,  at  the  outset,  was  about  tliirty  years  old,  being 

24  the   son  (as  it  was  supposed)  of  Josepli,  tlie  son  of  Heli,   the   son   of 
Matthat,  the  son  of  Levi,  the  son  of  Melchi,  the  son  of  Jannai,  the  son  of 

25  Joseph,  the  son  of  Mattathias,  the  son  of  Amos,  the  son  of  Nahum,  the 

26  son  of  Esli,  the  son  of  Naggai,  the  son  of  Maath,  the  son  of  Mattathias, 

27  the  son  of  Semein,  the  son  of  Josech,  the  son  of  Joda,  the  son  of  Joanan, 
the  son  of  Rhesa,  the  son  of  Zerubliabel,  the  son  of  Shealtiel,  the  son  of 

28  Neri,  the  son  of  Melchi,  the  son  of  Addi,  the  son  of  Kosam,  the  son  of 

29  Elmadara,  the  son  of  Er,  the  son  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Eliezer,  the  son  of 

30  Jorim,  the  son  of  Matthat,  the  son  of  Levi,  the  son  of  Sjmeon,  the  son  of 

31  Judas,  the  son  of  Joseph,  the  son  of  Jonam,  the  son  of  Eliakim,  the  son  of 
Melea,  the  son  of  Meuna,  the  son  of  Mattatha,  the  son  of  Natham,  the  sou 

32  of  David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  the  son  of  Obed,  the  son  of  Boaz,  the  son  of 

33  Sala,  the  son  of  Nahshon,  the  son  of  Aminadab,  the  son  of  Admim,  the  son 

34  of  Arni,  ".he  son  of  Hezron,  the  son  of  Perez,  the  son  of  Judah,  the  son  of 
Jacob,  the  son  of  Isaac,  the  son  of  Abraham,  the  son  of  Terah,  the  son  of 

35  Nachor,  the  son  of  Serug,  the  son  of  Reu,  the  son  of  Pelag,  the  son  of 

36  Eber,  the  son  of  Sala,  the  son  of  Kainan,  the  son  of  Arphaxad,  the  son  of 

37  Shem,  the  son  of  Noah,  the  son  of  Lamech,  the  son  of  Methuselah,  the 
son  of  Enoch,  the  son  of  Jared,  the  son  of  Maleleel,  the  son  of  Kainan, 

38  the  son  of  Enos,  the  son  of  Seth,  the  son  of  Adam,  the  son  of  God. 

4  1        Now  Jesus,  full  of  the  holy  Spirit,  returned  from  the  Jordan,  and  in 

2  the  Spirit  he  was  led  for  forty  days  within  the  wilderness,  tempted  by 
the  devil.     And  he  ate  nothing  during  those  days  ;  and  when  they  were 

3  concluded,  he  was  hungry.      The  devil  said  to  him,  "  If  thou  art  God's 

4  Son,    order    this   stone    to  become  bread."      But  Jesus  answered  him, 

5  It  is  written  :  "A^oi  on  bread  alone  is  man  to  live."  Then  he  brought  him 
up  and  showed  him  all  the  realms  of    the  world  in  a  single  instant. 

6  And  the  devil  said  to  him,  "  To  thee  will  I  give  all  the  jurisdiction  and 
the  grandeur  of  these  ;  for  to  me  has  it  been  delivered,  and  I  give  it  to 

7  whomsoever  I  choose.     If  thou  wilt  do  reverence  before  me,  then  shall  it 

8  all  be  thine."    Jesus  said  to  him  in  reply,  "  It  is  written  :  Tliou  shall  do 

9  reverence  to  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  hivi  only  shalt  thou  tvorship."  Then  he 
brought  him  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  setting  him  on  the  pinnacle  of  the 
temple,   he   said  to  him,  "  If  thou  art  God's  Son,  throw  thyself   down 

10  from  here  ;  for  it  is  written  : 

He  shall  charge  his  angels  concerning  thee,  to  guard  thee  safe: 

11  and. 

On  their  hands  they  shall  hear  thee, 

Lest  ever  thou  strike  thy  foot  against  a  stone.' 

12  But  Jesus  said  to  him  in  reply,  "  It  is  said :  Thou  shalt  not  make  trial  of 

13  the  Lord  thy  God."    And  after  exhausting  every  kind  of  temptation,  the 
devil  left  him  till  a  fit  opportunity. 

14  And  Jesus  returned  in  the  power  of  the  Spirit  to  Galilee.  And  a 
report  altout   him  went    out    through  the    whole    of   the    surrounding 

15  district.     And  he  taught  in  their  synagogues,  while  all  magnified  him. 

16  And  he  came  to  Nazara  where  he  had  been  brought  up  ;  and  as  his 
custom  was,  he   entered  the    synagogue   on   the  sabbath-day.      And  he 

17  stood  up  to  read,  and  was  handed  the  book  of  the  prophet  Isaiah. 
Then  o]iening  the  book,  he  came  upon  tlie  place  where  it  was  written  : 

18  "  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me, 

Therefore  he  has  anointed  me  to  preach  glad  tidings  to  the  poor. 
He  has  sent  me  to  proclaim  release  to  the  captives  and  recovery  of  sight 
to  the  blind. 


4i»-**]  LUKE  375 

To  set  the  oppressed  at  liberty, 

19  To  proclaim  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord." 

20  And  he  folded  up  the   book,  handed  it  back  to  the  attendant,  and  sat 

21  down.  And  the  eyes  of  all  in  the  synagogue  were  hxed  on  him.  And 
he  began  to  say  to  them,  "To-day  this  scripture  has  been  fulfilled  in 

22  your  ears."  And  all  spoke  well  of  him  and  marvelled  at  the  winsome 
words  that  issued  from  his  mouth  ;  and  they  kept  saying,  "Is  not  this 

23  Joseph's  son  ? "  And  he  said  to  them,  "  No  doubt  you  will  tell  me  this 
proverb  :   '  Physician,  heal  thyself.     All  that  we  have  heard  was  done 

24  at  Kapharnahum.  do  here  as  well  in  thine  own  country.'  I  tell  you 
truly,"   said    he,    "no  prophet  is  acceptable   in   his    own  native  place. 

25  I  tell  you  for  a  fact. 

In  Israel  there  were  many  widows  in  the  days  of  Elijah, 
When  the  sky  was  closed  for  three  years  and  six  months, 
When  a  great  famine  came  over  the  land  ; 

26  Yet  Elijah  was  sent  to  none  of  them. 

But  only  to  Zarephath  in  the  land  of  Sidon,  to  a  vmnan  who  tvas  a 
widow. 

27  And  in  Israel  there  were  many  lepers  in   the  time   of  Elijah  the 

prophet ; 
Yet  none  of  them  were  cleansed, 
But  only  Naaman  the  Syrian." 

28  And  all  in  the  synagogue  were  filled  with  rage  when  they  heard  this. 

29  And  they  rose  up  and  threw  him  outside  the  city,  and  brought  him  to 
the  brow  of  the  hill  on  which  their  city  was  built,  in  order  to  hurl  him 

30  down.      But  he  passed  through  the  midst  of  them  and  went  on  his  way. 

31  And  he  went  down  to  Kapharnahum,  a  city  of  Galilee.      And  he  was 

32  teaching  them  on   the  sabbath-day  ;  and  they  were  astonished    at  his 

33  teaching,  because  his  word  was  invested  with  authority.     And  in  the 

34  synagogue  there  was  a  man  with  the  spirit  of  an  unclean  daemon,  and  it 
shrieked  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Ha  !  what  have  we  to  do  with  thee,  Jesus  of 
Nazaret  1     Hast  thou  come  to  destroy  us  ?     I  know  who  thou  art,  the 

35  holy  One  of  God."  And  Jesus  rebuked  it.  "Silence  !  "  said  he,  "leave 
him  ! "     And  after  throwing  him  down  in  the  midst,  the  daemon  left  him 

36  without  having  done  him  any  injury.  And  wonder  came  upon  all,  and 
they  talked  together  with  one  another,  saying,  "  What  does  this  mean  ? 
For  with  authority  and  power  he  commands  the  unclean  spirits,  and 

37  they  leave  ! "     And  a  runiour  about  him  spread  to  every  place  in  the 

38  surrounding  country.  Eising  up,  he  went  from  the  synagogue 
into  the  house  of  Simon.     Now  the  mother  of  Simon's  wife  was  laid  up 

39  with  a  severe  fever,  and  they  asked  him  about  her.  And  he  stood  over 
her  and  rebuked  the  fever,  and  it  left  her  ;  and  instantly  she  rose  up  and 

40  ministered  to  them.  Now  when  the  sun  was  setting,  all  who  had 
any  people  sick  with  manifold  diseases  brought  them  to  him,  and  he  laid 

41  his  hands  on  every  one  of  them  and  healed  them.  And  daemons  also 
left  many  people,  clamouring,  "  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God  ! "  And  rebuk- 
ing them  he  would  not  allow  them  to  speak,  Ijecause  they  knew  he  was 

42  the  Christ.  Now  when  day  broke,  he  went  out  and  made  his 
way  to  a  desert  place.  And  the  crowds  searched  for  him  and  came  to 
him,  and  they  would  have  detained  him  to  prevent  him  leaving  them. 

43  But  he  said  to  them,  "  I  must  preach  the  glad  tidings  of  God's  reign  to 

44  the  other  cities  as  well,  for  that  is  what  I  was  sent  to  do."  Then  he 
continued  preaching  throughout  the  synagogues  of  Judaea.^ 

1  Keading  'louixixf. 


376  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [fji-^o 

5  1         Now  it  came  to  pass,   wliile  the  cniwd   \\eve  ]iressing   on   him   and 
listening  to  the  word  of  God,  that  lie  was  slauding  beside  the  lake  of 

2  (iennesaret ;  and  he  saw  two  boats  lying  beside  tlie  lake,  bnt  the  hsher- 

3  men  had  disembarked  from  them,  and  were  washing  their  nets.  And  he 
entered  one  of  the  boats,  Avhich  belonged  to  Simon,  and  asked  him  to 
push  out  a  short  distance  from  the  land.     And  he  sat  down  and  proceeded 

4  to  teach  the  crowds  out  of  the  boat.  And  when  he  stopped  speaking,  he 
said  to  Simon,  "  Push  out  into  the  deep  water,  and  lower  your  nets  for  a 

5  take."  And  Simon  answered  and  said,  "  Chief,  we  have  toiled  the  whole 
nightlong,  and  got  nothing !— still,  at  thy  word  I  Avill  lower  the  nets." 

6  And  when  they  did  so,  they  enclosed  a  huge  shoal  of  fish.     And  their 

7  nets  began  to  break,  and  they  made  signs  to  their  comrades  in  the  other 
boat  to  come  and  assist  them.     And  they  came  and  filled  both  the  boats, 

8  so  that  they  began  to  sink.     Now  when  Simon  Peter  saw  it,  he  fell  down 

9  at  the  knees  of  Jesus,  saying,  "  Lord,  leave  me  ;  I  am  a  sinful  man ! "  For 
wonder  had  seized  him  and  all  his  companions  at  the  take  of  fish  which 

10  they  had  caught ;  and  this  was  the  case  also  with  James  and  John, 
Zebedee's  sons,  whom  Simon  had  as  partners.      And  Jesus  said  to  Simon, 

11  "Fear  not,  from  this  time  thy  captures  shall  be  men."  And  when  they 
had  brought  their  boats  to  land,  they  left  all,  and  followed  him. 

12  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  was  in  one  of  the  cities,  a  man  was  there  full  of 
leprosy.      And  when  he  saw  Jesus,  he  fell  on  his  face  and  entreated  him, 

13  saying,  "  Sir,  if  thou  wilt,  thou  canst  make  me  clean."  And  stretching 
out  his  hand  he  touched   him,  saying,  "  I  will  :   be  clean."     And   ini- 

14  mediately  the  leprosy  left  him.  And  he  charged  him  to  tell  no  one  ; 
"Go  away,"  said  he,  '■'■  shoto  thyself  io  the 2Jriesf,  and  offer  for  thy  cleansing 

15  as  Moses  commanded— as  a  proof  to  men."  But  the  news  about  him 
spread  all  the  more,  and  large  crowds  kept  gathering  to  hear  and  to  be 

16  healed  of  their  illnesses.      But  he  used  to  withdraw  into  the  deserts  and 

17  pray.  And  it  came  to  pass  on  one  of  those  days  that  he  was  teaching, 
while  Pharisees  ami  dniMorsof  the  law  were  sitting  near  who  had  come 
out  of  every  \il  lage  of  ( ialilee  and  Judaea  and  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  power 

18  of  the  Lord  was  there,  so  that  he  could  cure.  And  behold  some  men 
bring  on  a  bed  a  man  who  was  paralysed ;  and  they  tried  to  bring  him 

19  in  and  lay  him  before  him.  And  as  on  account  of  the  crowd  they  could 
not  find  any  way  of  bringing  him  in,  they  got  up  on  the  house-top,  and 
let  him  down  through  the  tiles  of  the  roof,  couch  and  all,  into  the  midst  in 

20  front  of  Jesus.     And  on  seeing  their  faith,  he  said,  "  Man,  thy  sins  are 

21  forgiven  thee."  And  the  scribes  and  the  Pharisees  began  to  argue,  "  Who 
is  this  fellow  that  talks  blasjihemy  ?     Who  can  forgive  sins,  except  God 

22  only  ? "     Now  on  understanding  their  thoughts,  Jesus  answered  and  said 

23  to  them,  "  What  are  you  arguing  about  in  your  hearts  ?     Which  is  easier, 

24  to  say,  '  Thy  sins  are  forgiven  thee,'  or  to  say,  '  Rise  and  walk '  ?  But, 
to  let  you  know  that  the  Son  of  man  has  authority  on  earth  to  forgive 

^  sins  "—he  said  to  the  paralysed  man—"  I  say  to  thee,  '  Rise,  and  take  up 

25  thy  couch  and  go  home.'"     And  instantly  he  rose  before  them,  took  up 

26  what  he  was  lying  on,  and  went  away  home  magnifying  God.  And 
amazement  took  hold  of  them  all,  and  they  continued'  to  magnify  God, 
and   were   idled   with   awe,  saying,    "We  "have  seen   incredible  "things 

27  to-day."  And  after  this  he  went  out,  and  observing  a  tax-gatherer, 
named  Levi,  wlio  sat  at  the  tax-office,  he  said  to   him,    "Follow  me." 

28,  2!)  And  leaving  all,  he  rose  and  followed  him.      And  Levi  gave  a  great 

bantjuet  for  hiin  in  his  house  ;    and  there  was  a   large  throng  of  tax- 

30  gatherers  and  of  others  wlio  were  reclining  at  table  with  tliem.     And  the 


531-6^5]  LUKE  377 

Pharisees  and  their  scribes  murmured  against  his  disciples,  saying,  "  Why 

31  are  you  eating  and  drinking  witli  the  tax-gatlierers  and  sinners'?"      And 
in  answer  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  The  healthy  need  not  a  physician,  but  those  who  are  ill  : 

32  I  have  not  come  to  call  upright  men  Init  sinners  to  rej^entance." 

33  And  they  said  to  him,  "  The  disciples  of  John  fast  frequently  and  oft'er 
prayers,  as  also  do  the  disciples  of  the  Pharisees  ;  Init  thy  disciples  eat  and 

34  drink."    And  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  Can  you  make  the  sons  of  the  bride-chamber  fast, 
While  the  bridegroom  is  with  them  ? 

35  But  days  will  come,  days  when  the  bridegroom  shall  be  taken  away 

from  them. 
Then  will  they  fast  in  those  days." 
3G  Also  he  told  them  a  parable  : 

"  No  man  tears  a  piece  from  a  new  cloak  and  sews  it  on  an  old  clfiak  : 
Otherwise,  he  will  tear  the  new, 

Nor  will  the  new  piece  match  with  the  old. 

37  And  no  man  pours  fresh  wine  into  old  wine-skins  : 

Otherwise,  the  fresh  wine  will  Inrrst  the  wine-skins, 
It  will  be  sjiilt  itself,  and  the  wine-skins  lost. 

38  No,  fresh  wine  must  be  poured  into  new  wine-skins. 

39  Besides,  no  man  who  has  drunk  old  wine  wants  fresh. 

[['  The  old,'  says  he,  'is  excellent.']] " 
6  1         Now  it  came  to  pass  on  a  sabbath-day  ^  that  he  was  passing  through 
tlie  cornfields  ;  and  his  disciples  plucked  the  ears  of  corn  and  ate  them, 

2  rubbing  them  in  their  hands.     But  some  of  the  Pharisees  said,  "  Why  are 

3  you  doing  what  it  is  wrong  to  do  ujjon  the  sabbath?"  And  in  answer 
Jesus  said  to  them,  "  Ha^■('  ynu  not  read  even  this  deed  of  David  when  he 

4  was  hungry,  he  and  his  (■<  unpuniuns  ?  How  he  went  into  the  house  of  God 
and  took  and  ate  the  nhuiv-hrmd,  and  gave  it  to  his  companions — bread 

5  which  no  one  except  the  priests  has  any  right  to  eat  1 "  And  he  said  to 
them,  "The  Son  of  man  is  lord  even  of  the  sabbath."  [[On  the  same 
day,  observing  a  man  at  work  on  the  sabbath,  he  said  to  him,  "  Man,  if 
thou  knowest  what  thou  art  doing,  happy  art  thou  ;  but  if  thou  knowest 

6  not,  thou  art  cursed,  and  a  transgressor  of  the  law."]]  -  And  it  came 
to  pass  on  another  sabbath-day  tliat  he  entered  the  synagogue  and  taught. 

7  And  a  man  was  there,  and  his  right  hand  was  withered.  And  the  scribes 
and  the  Pharisees  were  watching  him  narrowly  to  see  if  he  would  heal  on 

8  the  sabbath,  that  they  might  discover  something  to  accuse  liim  of.  But, 
aware  of  their  thoughts,  he  said  to  the  man  who  had  the  withered  hand, 

9  "Rise  and  stand  forward."  And  he  got  up  and  stood  forward.  And 
Jesus  said  to  them,  "  I  ask  you,  is  it  right  to  heli?  or  to  harm  upon  the 

10  sabbath-day  1  to  save  life  or  to  destroy  it  1 "  And  after  looking  round 
upon  them  all,  he  said  to  him,  "  Stretch  out  thy  hand."     He  did  so,  and 

11  his  hand  was  restored.  But  they  became  filled  with  rage,  and  began  to 
confer  with  one  another  about  what  they  should  do  to  Jesus. 

12  Now  it  came  to  pass  in  these  days  that  he  went  out  to  the  mountain  to 

13  pray  ;  and  he  spent  the  whole  night  in  prayer  to  God.  And  when  day 
broke  he  summoned  his  disciples,  and  from  them  he  chose  twelve,  whom 

14  he  also  named  "apostles" :  Simon  (whom  he  also  named  Peter)  and  Andrew 

15  his  brother,  and  James  and  John,  and  Philip   and   Bartholomew,  and 

1  Omitting  [{iiuTtpo^puTtfiJ}. 

£/'  /J.lv  dido.;  tI  TOii'i's,  iJ-azxpio;  u'   t'l  hi  f^-h  oTda;,  ZKrcipaTO;  xxi  ■roi,pa.(io'.rTYi;  if  toZ  vo^cu"]]. 


378  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [6^'^-^'^ 

jMatthow  and  Thomas,  and  James  the  son  of  Alphaeus  and  Simon  (who  was 
IG  called  "tlie  Zealot"),  and  Jndas  the  son  of  James  and  Judas  of  Kerioth 

17  (who  turned  traitor).  And  he  went  down  with  them  and  stood  on  a  level 
spot,  with  a  large  throng  of  his  disciples  and  a  large  multitude  of  the 
people  from  all  Judaea  and  Jerusalem  and  the  sea-coast  of   Tyre  and 

18  Sidon,  who  had  (iome  to  hear  him  and  to  be  cured  of  their  diseases.     And 

19  those  who  were  vexed  with  unclean  spirits  were  healed.  And  all  the 
crowd  made  eiforts  to  touch  him,  because  power  kept  issuing  from  him 

20  and  curing  all.     Then,  lifting  up  his  eyes  on  his  disciples,  he  said  : 

"  Happy  ye  who  are  poor  ! 
For  yours  is  the  reign  of  God. 

21  Hajipy  ye  who  are  hungry  now ! 

For  you  .shall  be  hlled. 
Happy  ye  who  are  weeping  now  ! 
For  you  shall  laugh. 

22  Happy  are  you  when  men  shall  hate  you,  and  when  they  shall  expel 

you  and  denounce  you  and  reject  your  name  as  evil,  for  the 
sake  of  the  Son  of  man. 

23  Kejoice  in  that  day  and  leap!  for  behold,  great  is  your  reward 

in  heaven. 
For  even  so  dealt  their  fathers  with  the  prophets. 

24  But  woe  to  you  who  are  rich ! 

For  you  are  getting  all  your  comfort. 

25  Woe  to  you  who  are  satisfied  now  ! 

For  you  shall  hunger.  I 

Woe,  you  who  are  laughing  now  ! 
For  you  shall  mourn  and  weep. 

26  Woe,  when  all  men  shall  speak  well  of  you ! 

For  even  so  dealt  their  fathers  with  the  false  prophets. 

27  But  I  tell  you  who  are  listening  : 

Love  your  enemies,  do  good  to  these  who  hate  you, 

28  Bless  those  who  curse  you,  pray  for  those  who  ill-treat  you. 

29  To  him  who  strikes  thee  on  the  one  cheek. 

Offer  the  other  also  ; 
And  from  him  who  takes  thy  cloak  away, 
Keep  not  back  thy  tunic  also. 

30  Give  to  eyavy  one  who  asks  thee  ; 

And  from  him  who  takes  away  thy  goods,  ask  them  not  again. 

31  Yes,  even  as  you  would  have  men  to  do  to  you, 

So  do  to  them  also,  yourselves. 

32  And  if  you  love  those  who  love  you,  what  recompense  is  yours  ? 

Why,  even  sinners  love  those  who  love  them. 

33  And  if  you  help  those  who  help  you,  what  recompense  is  yours  1 

Wliy,  even  sinners  do  that. 

34  And  if  you  lend  to  those  from  whom  you  hope  to  receive,  what 

recompense  is  yours  ? 
Even  sinners  lend  to  sinners,  to  get  back  as  much  in  return. 
3.5  Eatlier,  love  your  enemies  and  lielp  and  lend,  looking  for  no  return, 

Tlien  shall  your  reward  be  great. 
And  you  shall  l)e  sons  of  the  niost  High, 
For  he  is  kind  to  the  ungrateful  ami  evil. 
3G  Be  pitiful, 

Even  as  your  Father  is  pitiful. 


e^M^]  LUKE  379 

37  Also  :  judge  not,  and  you  shall  not  l)e  judged  ; 

Condemn  not,  and  you  shall  not  be  condemned  ; 
Release,  and  j'ou  shall  be  released  ; 

38  Give,  and  it  shall  be  given  you — 

Ample  measure,  pressed  down,  shaken  together  and  running  over, 
shall  they  pour  into  your  bosom. 
For  with  what  measure  you  measure, 
It  shall  be  measured  to  you  in  return." 
30  Now  he  also  told  them  a  parable  : 

"  Can  a  blind  man  guide  a  blind  man  ? 
Shall  they  not  both  fall  into  a  ditch  ? 

40  A  pupil  is  not  above  his  teacher  : 

Yet  every  finished  pupil  shall  be  like  his  teacher. 

41  Why  look  at  the  splinter  in  thy  brother's  eye, 

And  mark  not  the  beam  in  thine  own  eye  ? 

42  How  canst  thou  say  to  thy  brother,  '  Come,  brother  !  let  me  pull  out 

the  splinter  in  thine  eye,' 
When  thou  thyself  dost  not  look  at  the  beam  in  thine  eye  ? 
Hypocrite  !  pull  the  beam  out  of  thine  own  eye  first, 
Then  indeed  shalt  thou  see  clearly  to  pull  out  the  splinter  in  thy 

brother's  eye. 

43  For  there  is  no  sound  tree  that  brings  forth  rotten  fruit. 

Nor  again  is  there  a  rotten  tree  that  brings  forth  sound  fruit : 

44  Each  tree  is  known  by  its  own  fruit. 
Men  do  not  gather  figs  from  thorns, 

Nor  do  they  pluck  grapes  from  a  bramble-bush. 

45  The  good  man  from  the  good  storehouse  of  his  heart  brings  out  what 

is  good. 
And  the  bad  man  from  the  bad  storehouse  brings  out  what  is  Ijad  : 
For  out  of  the  heart's  abundance  the  mouth  of  man  speaks. — 

46  Why  call  me  '  Lord,  Lord  ! '  and  do  not  what  I  say  ? 

47  Everyone  who  comes  to  me  and  hears  my  words  and  obeys  them, 

48  I  will  let  you  know  whom  he  is  like. 

He  is  like  a  man  building  a  house,  who  dug  and  deepened  and  laid  a 

foundation  upon  the  rock ; 
And  when  a  flood  came,  the  stream  broke  against  that  house  and  had 

no  power  to  shake  it,  because  it  was  well  built. 

49  But  he  who  hears  and  obeys  not. 

Is  like  a  man  who  built  a  house  upon  the  earth  without  a  foundation, 
Against  which  the  stream  broke,  and  immediately  it  collapsed  ; 
and  the  ruin  of  that  house  was  great." 
7  1        When  he  had  ended  all  his  sayings  in  the  hearing  of  the  people,  he 

2  entered   Kapharnahum.  Now   a   centurion's   slave,   whom  he 

3  greatly  valued,  was  ill  and  at  the  point  of  death.  So  when  he  lieard 
about  Jesus,  he  despatched  some  elders  of  the  Jews  to  him  asking  him  to 

4  come  and   restore   his  slave.     And   on   reaching  Jesus   they   earnestly 

5  besought  him,  saying,  "  He  is  worthy  to  have  this  boon  from  thee,  for  he 

6  loves  our  nation,  and  has  built  the  synagogue  for  us,  himself."  So  Jesus 
went  with  them.  And  when  he  was  by  this  time  not  far  from  the  house, 
the  centurion  sent  some  friends  to  tell  him,  "  Do  not  trouble  thyself,  sir. 

7  I  am  not  fit  to  have  thee  come  under  my  roof ;  hence  I  did  not  even 
consider  myself  worthy  to  come  to  thee.      Say  but  the  word,  and  let  my 

8  servant  be  cured.     For  indeed  I  am  myself  a  man  placed  under  authority, 


380  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [7^'^^ 

with  soldiers  under  me  :  and  I  say  to  this  man,   'Go,'  and  he  goes  ;  to 

another,  '  Come,'  and  he  comes  ;  to  my  slave,  '  Do  this,'  and  he  does  it." 

9  Now  when  Jesus  heard  this,  he  marvelled  at  him ;  and  turning  to  the 

crowd  that  followed  him,  he  said,  "  I  tell  you,  not  even  in  Israel  have  I 

10  found  such  faith  as  this  !  "      And  when  the  messengers  went  back  to  the 

11  house,  they  found  the  slave  in  sound  health.  And  it  came  to 
l)as.-  shortly  afterwards  that  he  journeyed  to  a  city  called  Nain  ;  and  his  dis- 

12  cijiles  journeyed  with  him,  and  a  large  crowd.  Now  when  he  came  near  to 
the  gate  of  the  city,  behold  a  dead  man  was  being  carried  out,  the  only  son 
of  his  mother — and  she  was  a  widow.     And  a  considerable  crowd  from 

13  the  city  accompanied  her.     So  when  the  Lord  saw  her,  he  was  moved  with 

14  compassion  for  her,  and  said  to  her,  "  Weep  not."  Then  he  went  up  and 
touched  the  bier  ;  and  the  bearers  stood  still.    And  he  said,  "Young  man, 

15  I  say  to  thee.  Rise  ! "      And  the  corpse  sat  up  and  began  to  speak.      And 

16  he  gave  him  to  his  mother.  And  fear  took  hold  of  all,  and  they  began  to 
magnify  God,  saying,  "  A  great  prophet  has  risen  among  us  !  "  and  "  God 

17  has  visited  his  people  !  "  And  this  story  about  him  spread  through  the 
whole  of  Judaea  and  all  the  surrounding  country. 

18,  19        And  John  had  all  this  reported  to  him  by  his  disciples.     So  calling 
two  of  his  disciples  to  him,  he  sent  them  to  l;he  Lord  with  the  question, 

20  "  Art  thou  he  '  who  is  to  come '  ?  or  are  we  to  expect  another  ?  "  And 
when  the  men  reached  him,  they  said,  "John  the  baptizer  has  sent  us  to 
thee  with  the  question,  '  Art  thou  he  "  who  is  to  come  "  ?  or  are  we  to 

21  expect  another  ?'"  At  that  hour  he  healed  many  people  of  diseases  and 
plagues  and  hurtful  spirits,  and  bestowed  sight  on  many  blind  people. 

22  And  in  answer  he  said  to  them,  "  Go  and  report  to  John  what  you  have 
seen  and  heard  : 

TJie  hliiul  regain  their  sight,  the  lame  walk, 

The  lepers  are  cleansed,  the  deaf  ^  hear. 

The  dead  are  raised,  the  poor  have  glad  tidings  preached  to  them. 

23  And  happy  is  he  who  is  repelled  by  nothing  in  me." 

24  Now  when  the  messengers  had  gone  away,  he  loegan  to  speak  about  John 
to  the  crowds  : 

"  What  did  you  go  out  into  the  wilderness  to  view  ?     A  reed  being 
shaken  by  the  wind  ? 

25  Nay,  what  did  you  go  out  to  see  1    A  man  clothed  in  soft  rol)es? 

Lo,  those  who  live  in  splendid  apparel  and  luxury  are  in  king's 
palaces. 

26  Nay,  what  did  you  go  out  to  see  ?     A  projJiet? 

Yes,  I  tell  you,  and  far  more  than  a  prophet. 

27  This  is  he  of  whom  it  is  written, 

Lo,  I  send  my  messenger  before  thy  face, 
TIlio  shall  prefare  thy  tmy  before  thee. 

28  I  tell  you,  among  those  liorn  of  women,  none  is  greater  than  John  ; 

Yet  lie  who  is  least  in  the  realm  of  God  is  greater  than  he." 

29  (And  on  hearing  it  all  the  peojjle  and  the  tax-gatherers  acknowledged 

God  was  riirht. 
As  they  bad  received  the  ba]ttism  of  John. 

30  But   the    Pliarisees    and    tlu'    lawyers  frustrattnl    God's   pur2)ose   for 

themselves. 
As  they  did  not  get  baptized  l)y  him.) 

31  "  To  wliat  then  shall  I  compare  the  men  of  this  generation  ? 

And  to  wliat  are  they  like  ? 

1 'omitting  [[^«;]]. 


7^2-85]  LUKE  381 

32  They  are  like  children  wlio  sit  in  the  marketplace  and  address  one 

another,  saying, 
'  We  piped  to  you,  and  you  did  not  dance  : 
We  lamented,  and  you  did  not  weep.' 

33  For  John  the  baptizer  lias  come,  eating  no  bread  and  drinking  no 

wine, 
And  you  say,  '  He  has  a  daemon  '  : 

34  The  Son  of  man  has  come,  eating  and  drinking, 

And  you  say,  '  Here  is  a  man  of  gluttony  and  wine,  a  friend  of 
tax-gatherers  and  sinners.' 

35  (Yet  wisdom  is  vindicated  by  all  her  children.)" 

36  Now  one  of  the  Pharisees  asked  him  to  eat  with  him.     And  he  entered 

37  the  Pharisee's  house  and  reclined  at  table.  And  lo,  a  woman  who  was 
a  sinner  in  the  city  ascertained  that  he  was  reclining  at  table  in  the 

38  Pharisee's  house  ;  and  she  brought  an  alabaster  flask  of  ointment,  and  as 
she  stood  behind  at  his  feet  and  wept,  she  began  to  wet  his  feet  with  her 
tears  and  wipe  them  with  the  hair  of  her  head.     And  she  continued  to 

39  fondly  kiss  liis  feet  and  to  anoint  them  with  the  ointment.  Now  when  the 
Pliarisee  who  had  invited  him  saw  it,  he  said  to  himself,  "Were  this  man 
a  prophet,  he  would  know  who  this  woman  is  that  is  touching  him,  and 

40  what  is  her  character  ;  for  she  is  a  sinner."  And  in  answer  Jesus  said  to 
him,  "  Simon,  I  have  something  to  say  to  thee."     And  he  says,  "  Say  it, 

41  teacher."     "  A  moneylender  had  two  debtors,  one  owed  him  live  hundred 

42  shillings  and  the  other  fifty.     As  they  were  unable  to  pay,  he  forgave 

43  them  both.  Which  of  them  therefore  will  love  him  most  ? "  Simon 
answered  and  said,  "  The  man,  I  suppose,  to  whom  he  forgave  the  most." 

44  And  he  said  to  him,  "  Thou  hast  judged  correctly."  And  turning  to  the 
woman,  he  said  to  Simon,  "  Seest  thou  this  woman  ?  I  came  into  thy 
house ; 

Thou  gavest  me  no  water  for  my  feet. 

But  she  has  wet  my  feet  with  her  tears  and  wiped  them  with  her 
hair  : 

45  Thou  gavest  me  no  kiss. 

But  she,  from  the  time  that  I  came  in,  has  not  ceased  to  fondly 
kiss  my  feet  : 

46  Thou  didst  not  anoint  my  feet  with  oil, 

But  she  has  anointed  my  feet  with  ointment. 

47  Therefore  I  tell  yon  ;  many  as"  her  sins  are,  they  are  forgiven,  because 

she  has  loved  much  : 
But  he  to  whom  little  is  forgiven  has  little  love." 
48,  49  And  he  said  to  her,  "Thy  sins  are  forgiven."     And  his  fellow-guests 
50  began  to  say  to  themselves,  "  Who  is  this,  that  even  forgives  sins  ? "     But 
he  said  to  the  woman,  "  Thy  faith  has  restored  thee,  go  in  peace." 
8  1        And  it  came  to  pass  shortly  afterwards  that  he  travelled  about  from 
city  to  city  and  village  to  village,  preaching  and  bringing  the  glad  tidings 

2  of  God's  reign,  accompanied  by  the  twelve  and  by  some  women  who  had 
been  healed  of  hurtful  spirits  and  illnesses,  Marj^  (who  was  called  "  of 

3  Magdala  ")  from  whom  seven  daemons  had  gone  out,  and  Joanna  the  wife 
of  Chuzas  (Herod's  manager),  and  Susanna,  and  many  others — women  who 

4  were  ministering  to  them  out  of  their  goods.  Now  as  a  large  crowd  was 
mustering  and  people  from  every  city  were  resorting  to  him,  he  spoke  by 
means  of  a  parable  : 

5  "A  sower  went  out  to  sow  his  seed. 

And  as  he  sowed 


382  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [8^-27 

Some  seed  fell  along  tlie  path  and  Avas  trampled  under  foot, 
And  the  birds  of  the  air  ate  it  up. 

6  And  other  seed  dropped  on  the  rock, 

And  springing  up  it  withered  away,  because  it  had  no  moisture. 

7  And  other  seed  fell  in  the  midst  of  the  thorns. 

And  the  thorns  sprang  up  along  with  it,  and  completelj'  choked  it. 

8  And  other  seed  fell  into  the  honest  soil. 

And  s2)ringing  up  it  produced  a  crop  one  hundredfold." 
As  he  said  this  he  cried  aloud,  "  He  who  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear." 

9  Now  his  disciples  plied  him  with  questions  about  what  this  parable 
10  could  mean.     And  he  said, 

"  To  you  it  is  given  to  know  the  secrets  of  God's  reign  ; 

But  for  the  rest  it  is  by  way  of  parables. 
That  for  all  their  sight  they  may  not  see, 
And  for  all  their  hearing  they  may  not  understand. 
11,12  This  is  the  parable.     The  seed  is  the  word  of  God.     Those  'along  the 
path '  are    people  who   have   heard ;   then   comes  the  devil   and   takes 
away  the  word  from  their  heart,  that  they  may  not  believe  and  be  saved. 

13  Those  'on  the  rock' are  people  who,  when  they  have  heard,  welcome 
the  word  with  joy  ;  yet  these  have  no  root,  they  believe  for  a  time,  and 

14  in  time  of  trial  fall  away.  As  for  the  seed  that  fell  among  the  thorns, 
that  means  people  who  have  heard ;  yet  they  come  to  be  choked  with 

15  anxieties  and  riches  and  life's  pleasures,  and  so  they  never  ripen.  But 
as  for  the  seed  in  the  good  ground — those  are  the  people  who  in  a  good 
and  honest  heart  have  heard  the  word  and  hold  it  fast ;  and  so,  enduring 
patiently,  they  bear  fruit. 

16  No  man,  after  setting  light  to  a  lamp,  covers  it  with  a  vessel  or  puts 

it  below  a  l^ed. 
Nay,  he  puts  it  on  a  lampstand,  that  those  who  enter  may  see 
tlie  light. 

17  For  nothing  is  hidden  that  shall  not  be  disclosed. 

Nor  concealed,  that  shall  not  be  known  and  come  to  view. 

18  Take  heed  then  how  you  hear  : 

For  whosoever  has. 

To  him  shall  be  given  ; 
But  whosoever  has  not. 

From  liim  shall  Ije  taken  even  what  he  thinks  he  has." 

19  Now  his  mother  and  brothers  arrived  where  he  was,  and  could  not 

20  join  him  for  the  crowd.     And  word  was  brought  him,  "  Thy  mother  and 

21  thy  brothers  are  standing  outside,  wishing  to  see  thee."  But  in  answer 
he  said  to  them,  "  My  mother  and  my  brothers  are  those  who  hear  and 
oljey  the  word  of  God." 

22  Now  it  came  to  pass,  one  day,  that  he  entered  a  boat  with  his  disciples  ; 

23  and  he  said  to  them,  "  Let  us  cross  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  lake."  So 
they  set  sail  ;  and  during  the  voyage  he  fell  asleep.  And  down  came 
a  squall  of  wind  upon  the  lake,  and  they  were  being  swamped  and  were 

24  in  danger.  So  they  went  to  him  and  woke  him  up,  saying,  "Chief! 
chief  !  we  are  perishing  ! "  Then  wakening  up  he  rebuked  the  wind 
and  the  surge  of  the  water ;   and  they  ceased,  and  there  was  a  calm. 

25  Then  he  said  to  them,  "  Where  is  your  faith  ? "  And  they  feared  and 
marvelled,  saying  to  one  another,  "  Whoever  is  this?  he  orders  even  the 

26  winds  and  the  water,  and  they  obey  him  !  "  And  they  put  in  at 

27  the  country  of  the  Gerasenes,  which  is  on  the  shore  opposite  Galilee.  And 
when  he  stepped  out  upon  the  land,  he  was  met  by  a  man  from  the  city, 


828-5i]  LUKE  383 

who  Lad  daemons  ;  for  a  considerable  time  lie  had  worn  no  clothing,  and 

28  he  stayed  not  in  a  house  but  among  the  tombs.  And  on  seeing  Jesus  he 
shrieked,  and  droj)ping  down  before  him  said  with  a  loud  voice,  "What 
have  I  to  do  with  thee,  Jesus,  Son  of  the  most  High  God  1    I  entreat  thee, 

29  torment  me  not ! "  (For  he  was  charging  the  unclean  spirit  to  leave  the 
man.)  For  many  a  time  when  it  had  gripped  him,  he  had  been  fastened 
and  secured  with  chains  and  fetters ;  yet  he  would  break  the  bonds  and 

30  be  driven  by  the  daemon  into  the  deserts.  Then  Jesus  questioned 
him,i  "  What  is  thy  name  ? "     "  Legion,"  said  he  (because  many  daemons 

31  had  entered  him).     And  they  besought  him  not  to  order  them  to  depart 

32  into  the  abyss.  Now  a  drove  of  a  good  many  swine  was  there,  grazing 
on  the  mountain  ;  and  they  besought  him  to  permit  them  to  enter  these. 

33  And  he  permitted  them.  Then  the  daemons  left  the  man  and  entered 
the  swine,  and  the  drove  rushed  down  the  steep  slope  into  the  lake  and 

34  was  suffocated.     Now  when  the  herdsmen  saw  what  had  hap^^ened,  they 

35  fled  and  brought  word  of  it  to  the  city  and  the  hamlets.  And  the  people 
came  out  to  see  what  had  happened  ;  and  they  came  to  Jesus  and  found, 
seated  at  the  feet  of  Jesus,  the  man  whom  the  daemons  had  left,  clothed 

36  and  sensible.  And  they  were  afraid.  And  those  who  had  seen  it  told 
them  how  he  who  had  been  possessed  by  daemons  had  been  restored. 

37  And  all  the  multitude  belonging  to  the  surrounding  country  of  the 
Gerasenes  asked  him  to  depart  from  them,  for  they  were  possessed  with 

38  great  fear.  And  he  emljarked  in  a  boat  and  returned.  Now  the  man 
whom  the  daemons  had  left,  entreated  him  that  he  might  accompany 

39  him  :  but  he  sent  him  away,  saying,  "  Return  home  and  describe  all  that 
God  has  done  for  thee."  And  he  departed  to  preach  throughout  the 
whole  city  all  that  Jesus  had  done  for  him. 

40  Now  it  came  to  j^ass  at  the  return  of  Jesus,  that  the  crowd  welcomed 

41  him  ;  for  they  were  all  looking  out  for  him.  And  behold,  a  man  named 
Jaeiros  came  (and  he  was  a  president  of  the  synagogue)  and  fell  down  at 

42  the  feet  of  Jesus  and  besoi;ght  him  to  come  to  his  house,  because  he  had 
an  only  daughter  about  twelve  years  old,  and  she  was  dying.     Now  as  he 

43  went,  the  crowds  were  crushing  him.  And  there  was  a  woman  who  had 
had  an  issue  of  blood  for  twelve  years,  who  [[had  besides  spent  the  whole 
of  her  livelihood  upon  physicians  and]]  could  not  be  healed  by  anyone. 

44  She  came  behind  him  and  touched  the  tassel  of  his  cloak  ;  and  instantly 

45  the  issue  of  her  blood  stopped.  Then  said  Jesus,  "  Who  was  it  that  touched 
me  ?  "     And  as  everyone  was  denying  it,  Peter  and  his  companions  said, 

46  "  Master,  the  crowds  are  close  to  thee  and  pressing  hard  ! "  But  Jesus 
said,  "  Someone  did  touch  me,  for  I  was  conscioiis  of  jjower  having  issued 

47  from  me."  So  when  the  woman  saw  she  had  not  escaped  notice,  she 
came  trembling  and  fell  down  before  him  and  declared  in  the  presence  of 
all  the  people  her  reason  for  touching  him,  and  how  she  had  l)een  instantly 

48  cured.      And   he  said  to  her,   "Daughter,  thy  faith  has  restored  thee. 

49  Go  in  peace."  While  he  was  still  speaking,  someone  comes 
from  the  house  of  the  president  of  the  synagogue,  saying,  "  Thy  daughter 

50  has  died  :  do  not  trouble  the  teacher  any  further."  But  on  hearing  it 
Jesus  answered  him,  "  Fear  not :  only  believe,  and  she  shall  be  restored." 

51  And  when  he  came  to  the  house,  he  would  not  let  anyone  enter  with  him, 
except  Peter  and  John  and  James,  also  the  father  of  the  girl  and  her 

52  mother.     And  everyone  was  weeping  and  bewailing  her,  but  he  said, 

53  "Weep  not;  she  is  not  dead,  but  asleep."     And  they  laughed  him  to 

54  scorn,  knowing  that  she  was  dead.     But  he  took  her  hand  and  cried 

1  Omitting  [[asV^v]]. 


384  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [s^^-G^^ 

55  aloud,  "Rise,  girl."    And  her  spirit  came  l>ack,  and  she  rose  up  instantly. 

56  And  he  instructed  them  to  give  her  something  to  eat.  And  her  parents 
were  amazed  ;  but  he  charged  them  to  tell  no  one  what  had  happened. 

9  1        Now  after  calling  the   twelve   together  he  gave  them   power  and 
authority  over  all  the  daemons,  as  well  as  for  the  healing  of  diseases. 

2  And  he  sent  them  to  preach  the  reign  of  God  and  to  cure  the  infirm.  ^ 

3  And  he  said  to  them,  "  Take  nothing  for  your  journey,  neither  staff  nor 

4  wallet  nor  bread  nor  silver,  nor  have  two  tunics.     And  whatever  house 

5  you  enter,  stay  there,  and  leave  from  there.     And  whoever  do  not  wel- 
come you,  when  you  are  leaving  that  city,  shake  off  the  dust  from  your 

6  feet,  for  a  witness  against  them."     And  they  went  out  and  proceeded  to 
go  through  the  villages,  preaching  the  glad  tidings  and  healing  every- 

7  where.  Now  when  Herod  the  tetrarch  heard  of  all  that  was 
taking  place,  he  was  completely  bewildered  ;  for  some  said,  "John  has 

8  risen  from  the  dead";  some,  "Elijah  has  appeared"  ;  and  others,  "One 

9  of  the  ancient  prophets  has  risen  up."     Herod  said,  "John  I  beheaded. 
But  who  is  this,  of  whom  I  hear  such  tales  T'     So  he  made  efforts  to  see 

10  him.  And  the  apostles  returned  and  described  to  him  all  that 
they  had  done.     And  he  took  them  and  withdrew  in  private  to  a  city 

11  called  Bethsaida.  But  when  the  crowds  perceived  it,  they  followed  him  ; 
and  he  welcomed  them  and  proceeded  to  speak  to  them  of  God's  reign, 

12  and  to  cure  those  who  were  in  need  of  healing.  Now  the  day  began  to 
decline  ;  and  the  twelve  came  and  said  to  him,  "  Dismiss  the  crowd,  that 
they  may  go  and  lodge  in  the  surrounding  villages  and  hamlets  and  get 

13  provisions  ;  for  we  are  in  a  desert  place  here."  He  said  to  them,  "  Give 
them  something  to  eat,  yourselves."  They  said,  "  We  have  no  more  than 
five  loaves  and  two  fish  ! — unless  indeed  we  are  to  go  and  buy  food  for 

14  all  this  people."     (For  they  numbered  about  five  thousand  men.)     And 

15  he  said  to  his  disciples,  "  Make  them  recline  in  rows  of  about  fifty.     And 

16  they  did  so,  and  made  them  all  recline.  Then  he  took  the  five  loaves 
and  the  two  fish,  and  after  looking  up  to  heaven  he  l^lessed  and  broke 
them  in  pieces,  and  went  on  giving  them  to  the  disciples  to  set  before  the 

17  crowd.  And  they  all  ate  and  were  satisfied.  Also,  they  took  up  twelve 
baskets  of  fragments  which  they  had  left  over. 

18  And  it  came  to  pass,  while  he  was  praying  alone,  that  the  disciples 
were  with  him.     And  he  questioned  them,  saying,  "  Who  do  the  crowds 

19  say  tliat   I  am  ? "     They  replied,   "  John  the  baptizer  ;  but  others  say 

20  Elijah,  and  others  that '  One  of  the  ancient  prophets  has  risen  uj).' "  And 
he  said  to  them,  "But  you — who  do  you  say  that  I  am?"     So  Peter 

21  answered,  "The  Christ  of  God."     But  he  charged  and  commanded  them 

22  to  tell  this  to  no  one,  saying  :  "  The  Son  of  man  must  suffer  much,  and  be 
rejected  by  the  elders  and  high  priests  and  scribes,  and  be  killed,  and  on 

23  the  third  day  rise."     And  he  said  to  all, 

"  If  any  man  would  come  after  me, 

Let  him  deny  hiinself,  take  up  his  cross  day  by  day,  and  follow  me. 

24  For  whoever  would  save  his  life 

Shall  lose  it : 
And  whoever  loses  his  life  for  my  sake. 
He  shall  save  it. 

25  What  use  will  it  be  for  a  man  to  gain  the  whole  ^vurld  and  lose 

or  forfeit  himself  ? 
2G  For  whoever  is  asliamed  of  me  and  of  my  words, 

Of  him  shall  the  Son  of  man  be  ashamed 
'  Addiofr  rein  as-Ont'it, 


9^7-53]  LUKE  385 

Wlien  lie  conies  in  liis  majesty  and  in  the  majesty  of  the  Father 
and  of  the  holy  angels. 

27  I  tell  you  distinctly,  there  are  some  of  those  standing  here  who  shall  not 
taste  death,  until  they  see  God's  reign." 

28  Now  it  came  to  pass  about  eight  days  after  this  had  l)een  said,  he  took 
Peter  and  John,  and  James  aside,  and  went  uji   the  mountain  to  pray. 

29  And  it  came  to  pass  while  he  was  praying,  the  appearance  of  his  face 

30  altered  and  his  clothing  turned  dazzling  white.     And  behold,  two  men 

31  (who  were  Moses  and  Elijah)  were  talking  with  liim  :  they  appeared  in 

splendour  and  spoke  of  his  departure  which  he  was  to  effect  at  Jerusalem. 

32  Now  Peter  and  his  companions  were  heavy  with  sleep  ;  but  as  they  kept 
wide-awake,  they  saw  his  splendour  and  also  the  two  men  who  stood 

33  beside  him.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  they  were  parting  from  him, 
Peter  said  to  Jesus,  "  Chief,  it  is  fine  for  us  to  be  here.  Now,  let  us 
make  three  booths,  one  for  thee  and  one  for  Moses  and  one  for  Elijah  " 

34  (for  he  did  not  know  what  he  was  saying).  But  while  he  was  saying 
this,  a  cloud  came  and  overshadowed  them  :  and  they  feared  as  they 

35  passed  into  the  cloud.     And  a  voice  came  out  of  the  cloud,  saying,  "  This 

36  is  my  Son,  the  chosen  one  :  listen  to  him."  Then,  after  the  voice  had 
passed,  they  found  that  Jesus  was  alone.  And  they  kept  silence  and  told 
no  one  during  those  days  anything  of  what  they  had  seen. 

37  Now  it  came  to  pass  on  the  next  day  when  they  had  descended  from 

38  the  mountain,  a  large  crowd  met  him.  And  Ijehold,  a  man  from  the 
crowd  cried,  saying,  "Teacher,  I  entreat  thee  to  look  with  favour  on  my 

39  son !  for  he  is  my  only  child  ;  and  behold,  a  spirit  catches  him  !  Then 
suddenly  he  shrieks  out.     But  it  convulses  him  till  he  foams  ;  indeed  it 

40  will  scarcely  leave  off  bruising  him.     And  I  entreated  thy  disciples  to 

41  cast  it  out;  but  they  could  not."  Jesus  answered  and  said,  "0  in- 
credulous and  perverse  generation  !  how  long  am  I  to  be  with  you  and 

42  bear  with  you  't  Fetch  thy  son  here."  But  while  he  was  still  ajiiproach- 
ing,  the  daemon  hurled  him  down  and  convulsed  him  terribly.  So  Jesus 
rebuked  the  unclean  spirit,  cured  the  boy,  and  gave  him  back  to  his 

43  father.     And  all  were  astonished  at  the  grandeur  of  God. 

Now  while  all  marvelled  at  all  he  was  doing,  he  said  to  his  disciples, 

44  "  Lay  ujd  these  words  in  your  ears :   the  Son  of  man  is  to  be  delivered 

45  into  the  hands  of  men."  But  they  did  not  understand  this  saying;  and 
it  was  kept  a  secret   from   them,  so   that  they  could  not   fathom   it. 

46  Also,  they  were  afraid  to  ask  him  about  this  saying.  Now  an 
argument  rose  among  them  as  to  which  of  them  would  be  the  greatest. 

47  But  as  Jesus  knew  their  secret  argument,  he  took  hold  of  a  little  child 

48  and  set  it  beside  himself  ;  then  he  said  to  them, 

"Whosoever  shall  receive  such  a  little  child  as  this  in  my  name,  re- 
ceives me  ; 
And  whoever  shall  receive  me,  receives  him  who  sent  me. 
For  he  who  is  least  among  you  all,  he  is  great." 

49  John  answered  and  said,  "Chief,  we  saw  a  man  casting  out  daemons 
in  thy  name  ;  and  we  tried  to  prevent  him,  because  he  is  not  a  follower 

50  of  ours."  But  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  Prevent  him  not :  he  who  is  not 
against  you  is  for  you." 

51  Now  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  days  for  him  to  be  taken  up  were 

52  coming  to  a  close,  he  set  his  face  stedfastly  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  and 
despatched  messengers  in  front  of  him.     And  on  their  way  they  entered 

53  a  village  of  the  Samaritans,  in  order  to  make  ready  for  him  ;  Ijut  the 


386  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [9^*-]0^^ 

people  would   not   receive  him,  because   his   face   was   turned   in    the 

54  direction  of  Jerusalem.     When  his   disciples  James  and   John  saw  it, 

tliey  said,  "Lord,  wilt  thou  have  us  bid  /ire  come  down  from  the  sky  and 

')5,  56  consume  tliem  ?  "    But  he  turned  and  rebuked  them.    And  they  journeyed 

to  another  village. 

57  And  as  they  journeyed  on  the  road,  a  man  said  to  him,  "  I  will  follow 

58  thee  wherever  thou  goest."     Then  said  Jesus  to  him, 

"  The  foxes  have  holes,  and  the  birds  of  the  air  have  shelters : 
But  the  Son  of  man  has  no  place  to  lay  his  head." 

59  He  said  to  another,  "  Follow  me."     And  he  said,  "  Let  me  go  first  and 

60  bury  my  father."     But  he  said  to  him, 

"  Let  the  dead  bury  their  own  dead  : 

Go  thou  and  publish  abroad  the  reign  of  God." 

61  Also  another  said,    "I  will  follow  thee,  Lord  ;  but  first  let  me  take  leave 

62  of  those  at  home."     But  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  No  man  who  looks  back, 
after  putting  his  hand  to   the  plough,  is  fit  for  the  reign  of  God." 

lO  ]         Now   after    this    the    Lord  ^   appointed    seventy- two  ^    others,   and 
despatched  them  two  and  two  in  front  of  him  into  every  city  and  place 
2  where  he  intended  to  come  himself.     And  he  said  to  them, 
"  The  harvest  is  ample,  but  the  labourers  are  few  : 

Entreat  then  the  owner  of  the  harvest  to  thrust  out  labourers 
into  his  harvest. 
,3  Go  on  your  way  : 

Lo,  I  despatch  you  like  lambs  amid  wolves. 

4  Carry  no  purse,  no  wallet,  no  sandals. 
And  salute  no  one  on  the  road. 

5  Whatever  household  you  enter  first. 
Say,  '  Peace  be  to  this  household  ! ' 

6  Then,  if  a  son  of  peace  be  there,  your  peace  shall  rest  ujion  it : 
Otherwise,  it  shall  return  to  you  again. 

7  Stay  in  the  same  house — 

Eating  and  drinking  what  they  provide, 
For  the  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  wages — 
Shift  not  from  house  to  house. 

8  Also,  whatever  city  you  enter,  and  the  people  receive  you, 

Eat  M'hat  is  set  Ijefore  you, 

9  And  heal  the  infirm  in  it,  telling  them,  '  The  reign  of  God  is 

near  you.' 

10  But  whatever  city  you  shall  enter  and  the  people  receive  you  not. 

Go  out  into  its  streets  and  say, 

11  'Even  the  dust  from  your  city  which  clings  to  our  feet,  we  wijjo 

off  against  you. 
But  know  this  ;  the  reign  of  God  is  near.' 

12  I  tell  you,  on  that  Day  Sodom  shall  find  it  more  bearable  than 

that  city. 
]  ,3  Woe  to  thee,  Khorazin  !     Woe  to  thee,  Bethsaida  ! 

For  had  the  miracles  wrought  in  you  been  wrought  in  Tyre  and 

Sidon, 
They  had  repented  long  ago,  sitting  in  sackcloth  and  ashes. 

14  Yet  I  tell  you,  Tyre  and  Sidon  shall  find  it  more  bearable  in  the 

judgment  than  you. 

15  And  thou,  Kapharnahum,  .s7(rtZ<  f/ioit  be  raised  to  the  sky?  tliou  shalt 

he  thrust  doivn  to  Hades  ! 

1  Omitting  [[»«']].  -  Adding  l-jo  (as  in  ver.  17). 


10^^-*°]  LUKE  387 

16  He  who  listens  to  you  listens  to  me, 

And  lie  who  rejects  you  rejects  me  : 

And  he  who  rejects  me  rejects  him  who  sent  me." 

17  Now  the  seventy-two  returned  with  joy,  saying,   "  Lord,  even  the 

18  daemons  are  suhject  to  us  in  thy  name  ! "  And  he  said  to  them,  "  I  saw 
Satan  like  lightning  fall  from  heaven. 

19  Lo,  I  have  given  you  the  power  of  treading  on  serpents  and  scorpions, 

and  over  all  the  enemy's  power. 
And  nothing  shall  injure  you  at  all. 

20  Yet  joy  not  over  this,  that  the  spirits  are  subject  to  you, 

But  joy  that  your  names  are  enrolled  in  the  heavens." 

21  At  the  same  hour  Jesus  rejoiced  in  the  holy  Spirit,  and  said, 

"  I  praise  thee.  Father,  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth. 

That  thou  didst  conceal  these  things  from  wise  and  clever  men, 

revealing  them  to  babes. 
Even  so,  Father  !  — 
That  thus  it  pleased  thee. 

22  All  things  have  been  delivered  to  me  by  my  Father, 

And  no  one  knows  who  the  Son  is,  but  the  Father, 
And  who  the  Father  is,  but  the  Son,  and  he  to  whom  the  Son  may 
choose  to  reveal  him." 

23  Then  turning  to  the  disciples  he  said  privately, 

"  Happy  the  eyes  that  see  what  you  see  ! 

24  For  I  tell  you,  many  prophets  and  kings  desired  to  see  what  you 

see,  yet  they  saw  not ; 
And  to  hear  what  you  hear,  yet  they  heard  not." 

25  And  behold,  a  lawyer  stood  up  to  make  trial  of  him.     "  Teacher," 

26  said  he,  "  What  shall  I  do  to  inherit  life  eternal  1 "     He  said  to  him, 

27  "  What  is  written  in  the  law  1  How  readest  thou  1 "  He  replied,  "  Thou 
shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  thy  whole  heart,  with  thy  whole  soul, 
with  thy  whole  strength,  with  thy  whole  mind ;  also  thy  neighbour  as  thyself." 

28  And  he  said  to  him,  "  Thou  hast  answered  correctly.     Do  this  and  thoiu 

29  shalt  live."     But  as  he  wished  to  put  himself  in  the  right,  he  said   to 

30  Jesus,  "And  who  is  my  neighbour  ?"  Jesus  said  in  reply:  "A  certain 
man  was  going  down  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho  ;  and  he  fell  in  with 
robbers,  who  actually  stripped  him,  and  after  showering  stripes  on  him 

31  went  off,  leaving  him  half-dead.  Now  it  so  happened  that  a  priest  was 
going  down  by  that  road  ;  but  on  seeing  him  he  went  past,  upon  the 

32  opposite  side.  "  Similarly  too  a  Levite,  on  coming  up  to  the  spot  and  seeing 

33  him,  went  past  upon  the  opposite  side.     But  a  Samaritan  traveller  came 

34  to  where  he  was,  and  on  seeing  him  was  moved  with  compassion  ;  and 
going  to  him,  he  bound  up  his  wounds,  pouring  on  them  oil  and  wine. 
And  mounting  him  on  his  own  beast,  he  brought  him  to  an  inn  and  took 

35  care  of  hirti.  And  on  the  following  day  he  took  out  two  shillings  and 
gave  them  to  the  inn-keeper,  saying,  '  Take  care  of  him  ;  and  any  extra 

36  expense  I  will  refund  thee  on  my  way  back.'  Which  of  these  three, 
thinkest  thou,  proved  himself  a  neighbour  to  him  who  fell  among  the 

37  robbers  ? "  He  said,  "  The  man  who  dealt  mercifully  with  him."  Jesus 
said  to  him,  "  Go  thou  also,  do  likewise." 

38  Now  in  the  course  of  their  journey  he  entered  a  village  ;  and  a  woman 

39  named  Martha  welcomed  him  to  her  house.  And  she  had  a  sister 
called  Mary,  who  for  her  part  seated  herself  at  the    Lord's  feet  and 

40  listened  to  his  talk.  But  Martha  was  distracted  with  serving  busily, 
and  she  came  up  and  said,  "  Lord,  carest  thou  not  that  my  sister  has  left 


388  HISTORICAL  NEW   TESTAMENT  [lO^^-ll^o 

41  me  to  serve  all   by  myself?     Come,  tell   lier  to  lielp  me."     The  Lord 
answered  and  said  to  lier,  "  Martha,  Martha,  thou  art  anxious  and  restless 

42  about  many  things,  yet  few  things  are  needed— few  or  only  one.^     Mary 
has  chosen  the  good  portion,  and  it  shall  not  be  taken  away  from  her." 

Ill        And  it  came  to  pass  while  he  was  at  a  certain  place  praying,  when  he 
ceased,  one  of  his  disciples  said  to  him,  "  Lord,  teach  us  to  pray,  just  as 

2  John  also  taught  his  disciples."    He  said  to  them,  "  When  you  pray,  say  : 

Father,  thy  name  be  hallowed. 
Thy  reign  come  I 

3  Our  bread  for  the  morrow  give  us  day  l)y  day. 

4  And  forgive  us  our  sins. 

For  we  also  forgive  every  debtor  of  ours. 
And  lead  us  not  into  temptation." 

5  And  he  said  to  them,  "  Which  of  you  shall  have  a  friend,  and  shall  go 
to  him  at  midnight  and  say  to  him,    '  Friend,  lend  me  three  loaves  ; 

6  for  a  friend  of  mine  has  arrived  at  my  house  from  a  journey,  and  I  have 

7  nothing  to  set  before  him ' ; — and  he  inside  shall  answer  and  say, 
'  Disturb  me  not :  the  door  is  shut  by  this  time,  and  my  children  are  in 

8  bed  with  me.  I  cannot  get  up  and  give  thee  anything '  ?  I  tell  you, 
though  he  will  not  get  up  and  give  him  anything  because  he  is  a  friend 
of  his,  yet  on  account  of  his  friend's  persistence  he  will  rise  and  give  him 

9  all  that  he  requires.     And  I  tell  you. 

Ask  and  it  shall  be  given  you. 
Seek  and  you  shall  find. 

Knock  and  it  shall  be  opened  to  you  : 

10  For  everyone  who  asks  receives, 

And  he  who  seeks  finds. 

And  to  him  who  knocks  it  shall  be  opened. 

11  Xow  what  father  of  you,^  if  his  son  asks  a  fish,  will  hand  him 

instead  of  a  fish,  a  serpent '( 

12  Or  if  an  egg,  will  hand  him  a  scorpion  ? 

13  If  you  then,  niggardly  as  you  are,  know  how  to  give  good  gifts  to 

your  children. 
How  much  more  shall  your  Father  give  from  heaven  the  holy 
Sjjirit  to  those  who  ask  him  ?" 
11        And  he  was  casting  out  a  dumb  daemon  ;  and  it  came  to  pass,  M'hen 
tlie  daemon  had  gone  out,  that  the  dumb  man  spoke.     And  tlie  crowds 

15  marvelled,  but  some  of  them  said,  "  It  is  with  the  help  of  Beelzebub  the 

16  ruler  of  the  daemons,  that  he  is  casting  out  the  daemons  " ;  while  others — 

17  to  make  trial  of  him — required  from  liim  a  sign  from  the  sky.  And 
aware  of  what  they  thought,  he  said  to  them  : 

"Any  realm  divided  against  itself  comes  to  ruin. 
And  house  falls  ujjon  house. 

18  Also,  if  Satan  is  divided  against  himself. 

How  shall  his  realm  stand  1 
(Because  you  say,  it  is  with  the  help  of  Beelzebub  that  T  am  casting  out 
tlie  daemons.) 

19  If  I  am  casting  out  the  dtcmous  witli  the  lielp  of  Bei'lzel)uli,  with 

whose  help  do  your  sons  cast  tluni  out  ? 
Therefore  shall  they  be  your  judges. 

20  Bui  if  I  am  casting  out  the  daemons  with  the  linger  of  Odd, 

TIk'u  God's  reign  has  already  reached  you. 

1  Reading  iXiym  H  la-nv  XP^'"^  'i  '"Of • 

-  Ooiitting  ciprovj  fir,  XiOov  tnSuirii  ocunu  ;   fi  xai. 


1121-40]  LUKE  389 

21  When  the  mighty  man,  clad  in  full  armour,  is  guarding  his  own 

homestead. 
His  goods  are  undisturbed  : 

22  But  when  a  mightier  man  attacks  him  and  conquers  him. 

He  seizes  his  full  armour  on  which  he  relied,  and  divides  up  his 
spoils. 

23  Whoever  is  not  with  me  is  against  me  ; 

And  whoever  gathers  not  with  me,  is  scattering. 

24  When  the  unclean  spiiit  leaves  a  man, 

It  passes  through  waterless  places  in  search  of  rest, 
And  unable  to  find  any,  it  says,  '  I  will  turn  back  to  my  house 
that  I  left'; 

25  And  on  coming  finds  it  swept  clean  and  in  order  : 

26  Then  it  goes  and  fetches  other  sj)irits  more  hurtful  than  itself,  whole 

seven  of  them. 
And    entering    there   they   dwell — and    that    man's    last   state 
becomes  worse  than  his  first." 

27  Now  it  came  to  pass,  while  he  was  saying  this,  that  a  woman  raised 
her  voice  out  of   the  crowd  and  said  to  him,  "  Happy  the  womb  that 

28  bore  thee !  and  the  breasts  that  thou  didst  suck !  "    And  he  said,  "Happy, 

29  rather,  those  who  hear  the  word  of  God  and  observe  it ! "  Now 
as  the  crowds  thronged  together,  he  began  to  say  : 

"  This  generation  is  an  evil  generation — it  requires  a  sign, 
Yet  no  sign  shall  be  given  it,  save  the  sign  of  Jonah : 

30  For  as  Jonah  proved  a  sign  to  the  Ninevites, 

So  too  shall  the  Son  of  man  be  to  this  generation. 

31  The  queen  of  the  South  shall  rise  up  at  the  judgment  along  with 

the  men  of  this  generation  and  condemn  them  ; 
For  she  came  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  hear  the  wisdom  of 
Solomon — 
And  lo,  a  greater  than  Solomon  is  here  ! 

32  The  men  of  Nineveh  shall  stand  up  at  the  judgment  along  with  this 

generation  and  condemn  it ; 
For  they  repented  at  the  preaching  of  Jonah — 
And  io,  a  greater  than  Jonah  is  here  ! 

33  No  man,  after  "setting  light  to  a  lamp,  puts  it  in  a  cellar  or  under 

the  bushel. 
But  on  the  lampstand,  that  those  who  enter  may  see  the  light. 

34  The  lamp  of  the  body  is  thine  eye. 

When  thine  eye  is  sound,  then  thy  whole  body  is  lit  up  : 
But  so  soon  as  it  is  diseased,  then  thy  whole  body  is  darkened. 

35  See  to  it  then,  lest  the  light  that  is  in  thee  be  not  darkness. 

36  If  then  thy  whole  body  be  lit  up,  with  no  part  darkened,  it  shall 

be  wholly  lit  up. 
As  when  the  lamp  lights  thee  with  its  gleam." 

37  Now  after  he  had  spoken,  a  Pharisee  asked  him  to  dine  with  him  ;  so 

38  he  went   in  and   lay  down.     And  when  the  Pharisee   saw  it,  he  was 

39  astonished  that  he  had  not  first  washed  before  dinner.     But  the  Lord  said 
to  him, 

"  Here  now  !  you  Pharisees  cleanse  the  outside  of  the  cup  and  the 
dish, 

40  But  your  inside  is  filled  with  plunder  and  malice. 

Senseless  men  !  did  not  he  who  made  the  outside  make  tlie  inside 
also  1 


390  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [ll*^-12^ 

41  [Only,  give  the  contents  as  alms — and  lo,  all  tilings  are  clean 

to  you  !] 

42  But  woe  to  you  Pharisees  ! 

For  you  tithe  mint  and  rue  and  every  vegetable, 
And  disregard  justice  and  the  love  of  God  : 

Now  these  you  ought  to  have  practised — without  neglecting  the 
former. 

43  Woe  to  you  Pharisees  !  for  you  like  the  chief  seat  in  the  synagogues 

and  the  salutations  in  the  marketplaces. 

44  Woe  to  you  !  for  you  are  like  unsuspected  tombs, 

And  people  who  walk  over  them  are  unaware  of  it." 

45  One  of  the  lawyers  says  to  him  in  reply,  "  Teacher,  in  saying  this  thou 

46  art  insulting  even  us  !  "     He  said  : 

"  Woe  even  to  you  lawyers  !  for  you  load  men  with  irksome  burdens. 
Yet  you  touch  not  the  burdens  with  one  of  your  own  fingers. 

47  Woe  to  j-ou  !  for  you  build  the  toniljs  of  the  prophets, 

Yet  your  fathers  killed  them. 

48  So  then  to  j'our  fathers'  deeds  you  bear  witness  and  consent  : 

For  they  killed  them, 
While  you  build  their  tombs  ! 

49  Wherefore  the  Wisdom  of  God  also  said,   'I  will  send  to  them 

jirojalicts  and  apostles  : 
And  some  of  them  shall  they  kill  and  persecute — 

50  That  the  blood  of  all  the  proj)*hets  shed  from  the  foundation  of  the 

world  may  be  e.xacted  from  this  generation, 

51  From  the  blood  of  Abel  down  to  the  blood  of  Zachariah,  who 

perished  between  the  altar  and  the  House ' : 
Yes,  I  tell  you,  from  this  generation  shall  it  be  exacted. 

52  Woe  to  you  lawyers !  for  you  have  taken  away  the  key  of  know- 

ledge : 
You  have  not  entered  yourselves,  and  you  have  hindered  those 
who  were  entering." 

53  And  after  he  had  gone  away  from  here,  the  scribes  and  the  Pharisees 
began  to  press  him  keenly  and  to  cross-examine  him  on  many  subjects, 

54  lying  in  ambush  to  catch  some  word  out  of  his  lips. 

12  ]         :Meanwhile,  as  the  crowd  was  gathering  in  its  thousands,  so  that  they 
were  trampling  on  one  another,  he  began  to  say  to  his  disciples  first  of  all : 
"Take  heed  to  yourselves  and  avoid  the  leaven  of  the  Pharisees, 
It  is  hypocrisy. 

2  Nothing  is  covered  up  that  shall  not  be  disclosed. 

Or  hidden  that  shall  not  l)e  known  : 

3  Since  all  that  you  have  said  in  tlie  darkness  shall  l)e  tauglit  in  the 

light, 
And  what  you  have  whispered  in  tlie  inner  chaml>ers  shall  Ije 
proclaimed  upon  the  housetops. 

4  I  tell  you,  my  friends. 

Fear  not  those  who  kill  the  body, 
And  after  that  can  do  nothing  further. 

5  I  will  let  you  know  whom  to  fear  : 
Fear  him  who,  after  he  has  killed, 
Has  power  to  throw  into  Gehenna — 

Yes,  I  tell  you,  fear  liim. 

6  Are  not  five  sparrows  sold  for  twojicnce  1 

Yet  not  one  of  them  is  forgotten  in  the  sight  of  God. 


12^-2'^]  LUKE  391 

7  Nay,  even  the  hairs  of  your  head  are  all  iiuiiibered  : 

Fear  not,  you  are  worth  more  than  many  sparrows. 

8  I  tell  you, 

JEveryone  who  confesses  me  before  men, 

The  Son  of  man  also  shall  confess  him  before  the  angels  of  God  : 

9  But  he  who  disowns  me  in  the  sight  of  men, 

Shall  be  disowned  in  the  sight  of  the  angels  of  God. 

10  Everyone  also  who  speaks  a  word  against  the  Son  of  man, 

Shall  be  forgiven  : 
But  for  him  who  blasphemes  against  the  holy  Spirit, 
There  shall  be  no  forgiveness. 

11  Now  when  they  bring  you  before  the  synagogues  and  the  magistrates  and 
the  authorities. 

Be  not  anxious  how  or  what  shall  be  your  defence,  or  what  you 
shall  say  : 

12  For  in  that  very  hour  the  holy  Spirit  shall  teach  you  what  you 

ought  to  say." 

13  And  a  man  out  of  the  crowd  said  to  him,  "  Teacher,  tell  my  brother 

14  to  share  the  inheritance  with  me."    But  he  said  to  him,  "  Man,  who  made 

15  me  a  judge  or  arbitrator  over  you  ? "     And  he  said  to  tliem  : 

"  See  and  keep  yourselves  clear  of  every  form  of  covetousness  ; 
For  it  is  not  in  a  man's  wealth — in  his  goods — that  his  life  consists." 

16  And  he   told  them  a  parable,  saying,   "A  certain  rich   man's   ground 

17  bore  fertile  crops.     And  he  began  to  argue  to  himself, '  What  am  I  to  do  ? 

18  I  have  no  room  to  store  my  crops  ! '     And  he  said,  '  I  will  do  this.     I  will 
pull  down  my  granaries  and  build  larger  ones  ;  so  shall  I  store  all  my 

19  produce  and  my  goods.     Then  I  will  say  to  my  soul,  "  Soul,  thou  hast 
many  goods  laid  up  for  many  a  year  ;   take  a  rest,  eat,  drink,  and  be 

20  merry." '     But  God  said  to  him,  '  Senseless  man  !  this  very  night  thy  life 
is  demanded  from  thee ;  and  who  will  get  all  that  thou  hast  prepared  ? ' 

21  So  it  is  with  the  man  who  stores  treasure  for  himself,  instead  of  being 
rich  toward  God." 

22  And  he  said  to  his  disciples  :  "  Therefore  I  tell  you. 

Be  not  anxious  for  the  life,  about  what  you  are  to  eat, 
Nor  yet  for  the  body,  about  what  you  are  to  wear  : 

23  For  life  is  more  than  food. 

And  the  body  than  raiment. 

24  ]\Iark  the  lavens  : 

They  neither  sow  nor  reap. 
Nor  have  they  storehouse  or  granary, 
Yet  God  feeds  them. 
How  much  more  are  you  worth  than  birds  ! 

25  Which  of  you  can  add  an  ell  to  his  stature  by  anxiety  ? 

26  If  then  you  are  unable  even  for  a  trifle,  why  be  anxious  about  the 

rest? 

27  Mark  how  the  lilies  grow  !  they  toil  not,  neither  do  they  spin  : 

Yet  I  tell  you,  even  Solomon  in  all  his  grandeur  was  not  robed 
like  one  of  these. 

28  Now  if  God  thus  arrays  the  grass  in  the  field,  which  lives  to-day 

and  is  thrown  to-morrow  into  the  oven, 
O  men  of  little  faith,  how  much  more  shall  he  array  you  ? 

29  Seek  not  then  what  to  eat  and  what  to  drink,  tossed  with  discj^uiet. 

30  For  these  things  crave  all  the  nations  of  the  world  ; 
And  your  Father  knows  that  you  require  these  things. 


392  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [12=^^-^^ 

31  Nay,  seek  his  I'eign, 

And  you  shall  have  these  things  added  besides. 

32  Fear  not,  little  Hock  : 

For  it  is  your  Father's  good  jjleasure  to  grant  you  the  Reign. 

33  Sell  your  goods  and  give  alms  ; 

Make  yourselves  jDurses  that  will  not  wear  out. 
Treasure  unfailing  in  the  heavens. 

Where  no  thief  draws  near  and  no  moth  destroys. 

34  For  where  your  treasure  is, 

There  shall  your  heart  be  also. 

35  Let  your  loins  be  ready  girt  and  your  lamps  burning  ; 

36  And  be  you  like  men  waiting  for  their  lord's  return   from  the 

marriage-feast ; 
That   when   he   comes    and    knocks,   they   may    open    to    him 
at  once. 

37  Happy  those   slaves  whom   the   lord,  when   he  comes,  shall    find 

watching ! 
I  tell  you  truly,  he  shall  gird  himself  and  make  them  lie  down 
and  come  forward  to  serve  them. 

38  Be  it  in  the  second,  he  it  in  the  third  watch,  that  he  comes  and  finds 

them  thus, 
Happy  are  they  ! 

39  Now  be  sure  of  this  ;  had  the  master  of  the  house  known  at  what 

hour  the  thief  was  coming. 
He  would  have  been  on  the  alert,  and  would  not  have  let  his 
house  be  broken  into. 

40  Be  you  also  ready  ; 

For  in  an  unexpected  hour  the  Son  of  man  is  coming." 

41  Peter  said,   "  Lord,  is  it  for  us  thou  art  speaking  this  parable,  or  for 

42  all  men  besides  ? "  And  the  Lord  said,  "  Well,  who  is  the  faithful, 
shrewd  steward,  whom  his  owner  shall  appoint  over  his  establishment 

43  to  give  out  the  supplies  in  due  season  ?     Happy  that  slave  whom  his 

44  owner  shall  find  so  doing  when  he  comes  !     I  tell  you  distinctly,  he  will 

45  appoint  him  over  all  he  has.  But  if  that  slave  says  in  his  heart,  '  My 
owner  delays  to  come,'  and  shall  start  to  beat  the  slaves  and  the  maid- 

46  servants,  and  to  eat  and  drink  and  get  drunk,  the  owner  of  that  slave 
shall  come  in  a  day  when  he  does  not  look  for  him,  and  in  an  hour  when 
he  does  not  know,  and  shall  cut  him  in  two,  and  assign  his  part  among 
the  faithless. 

47  That  slave  who  knew  his  owner's  will,  yet  did  not  make  ready  or  do 

as  he  willed. 
Shall  be  flogged  with  many  lashes  : 

48  But  he  who  did  not  know  and  did  what  deserves  stripes, 

Shall  be  flogi;ed  with  few  lashes. 
Everyone  who  has  much  given  him 

Shall  have  much  required  from  him  : 
And  he  to  whom  men  have  entrusted  much. 

From  him  shall  they  demand  the  more. 

49  I  came  to  throw  fire  upon  the  earth. 

And  how  I  wish  it  were  already  kindled ! 

50  I  have  a  ba])tisni  to  undergo. 

And  what  distiess  I  suffer  till  it  be  accomplished! 

51  Do  you  sup])ose  1  am  here  to  give  peace  on  earth? 

Nay,  1  tell  you,  nothing  but  dissension. 


1252_i3i5]  LUKE  393 

52  For  from  tliis  time  there  shall  be  five  in  one  household  divided, 

Three  against  two  and  two  against  three  shall  be  divided, 

53  Father  against  son,  and  son  against  father, 

Mother  against  daughter,  and  daughter  against  mother, 
Mother-in-law    against  ^    daughter-in-law,    and    daughter -in- km 
against  mother-in-latv." 

54  He  said  also  to  the  crowds, 

"  When  you  see  a  cloud  rise  in  the  west,  you  say  at  once,  '  A  shower 
is  coming,'  and  so  it  is  : 

55  And  when  you  see  the  south  wind  blow,  you  say,  '  It  will  be 

scorching  heat,'  and  heat  it  is. 

56  Hypocrites  !  you  can  read  the  appearance  of  the  earth  and  of  the 

sky, 
But  how  is  it  you  know  not  the  way  to  read  the  present  time  ?  .  .  . 

57  And  why  not  decide  what  is  right,  even  by  yourselves  ? 

58  Aye,  as  thou  goest  with  thine  opponent  before  the  magistrate,  try 

hard  to  get  quit  of  him  on  the  road. 
Lest  he  drag  thee  to  the  judge  ;  then  the  judge  will  deliver  thee  to 
the  jailer,  and  the  jailer  will  throw  thee  into  prison  : 

59  I  tell  thee,  thou  shalt  not  leave  that  place,  till  thou  hast  paid  the 

very  last  farthing." 
13  1         Now  at  that  very  time  some  people  had  come  and  told  him  about  the 

2  Galilaeans  whose  blood  Pilate  had  mixed  with  their  sacrifices.  And  he 
answered  and  said  to  them, 

"  Do  you  think  those  Galilaeans  are  shown  to  have  been  sinners  bej'ond 
all  the  Galilaeans,  because  they  have  suffered  thus  ? 

3  Not  so,  I  tell  you. 

Nay,  unless  you  repent,  you  shall  all  perish  likewise. 

4  Or  those  eighteen  men  whom  the  tower  at  Siloam  fell  upon  and 

killed? 
Do  you  think  they  are  shown  to  have  been  debtors  beyond  all  the 
men  dwelling  in  Jerusalem  ? 

5  Not  so,  I  tell  you. 

Nay,  unless  you  repent,-  you  shall  all  perish  in  like  manner." 
G  And  he  spoke  this  parable  :  "  A  certain  man  had  a  fig-tree  jjlanted  in 

7  his  vineyard  ;  and  he  came  in  search  of  fruit  on  it,  but  found  none.  So 
he  said  to  the  vinedresser,  '  Here  have  I  come  three  years  in  search  of 
fruit  on  this  fig-tree  and  found  none  !     Cut  it  down.     Why  should  it 

8  cumber  the  ground  at  all  1 '     He  says  to  him  in  reply,  '  Sir,  leave  it  alone 

9  for  this  year  as  well,  until  I  dig  round  it  and  put  in  manure.  Then  if 
it  bears  fruit  next  season,  all  right.  Otherwise,  thou  shalt  have  it  cut 
down.'" 

10  Now  he  was  teaching  in  one  of  the  synagogues  on  the  sabbath-day. 

11  And  behold,  there  was  a  woman  with  a  spirit  of  debility  for  eighteen 
years  ;   indeed  she  was  bent  double  and  quite  unable  to  raise  herself. 

12  When  Jesus  saw  her,  he  addressed  her  and  said,   "Woman,  thou  art 

13  released  from  thy  debility."     Then  he  laid  his   hands  upon  her,  and 

14  instantly  she  was  straightened  and  began  to  magnify  God.  Now  the 
president  of  the  synagogue  was  indignant  that  Jesus  had  healed  on  the 
sabbath  ;  and  in  reply  he  proceeded  to  say  to  the  crowd,  "  There  are  six 
days  on  which  work  ought  to  be  done  ;  come  therefore  and  get  healed  on 

15  them,  instead  of  on  the  sabbath-day."  But  the  Lord  answered  him  and 
said,  "  Hypocrites  !  does  not  each  of  you  on  the  sabbath  loose  his  ox  or 

1  Omitting  alr'^.f.  -  Eeadiug  ^etkvo-^te. 


394  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [l3^^-14^ 

16  ;iss  from  the  stall,  and  lead  it  away  to  drink  1  This  woman,  a  daughter 
of  Abraham,  whom  Satan  has  bound  for  these  eigliteen  years,  ought  she 

17  not  to  have  been  loosed  from  this  bond  on  the  sabbath-day  V  And  as  he 
said  this,  all  his  adversaries  were  put  to  shame  ;  l)ut  all  the  crowd  rejoiced 

18  at   all   the   splendid   things  he   did.  So  he  went  on  to  say : 

19  "  What  is  God's  reign  like  ?  And  to  what  shall  I  comijare  it  ?  It  is  like 
a  grain  of  mustard-seed,  which  a  man  took  and  put  into  his  garden  ;  then 
it  grew  up  and  became  a  tree,  and  the  birds  of  the  air  rested  in  its  brandies." 

20,  21  And  again  he  said,  "To  what  shall  I  compare  God's  reign?  It  is  like 
leaven,  which  a  woman  took  and  hid  in  three  pecks  of  wheaten  flour,  till 
the  whole  was  leavened." 

22  And   he  passed  through  the  cities  and  villages  one  after  another, 

23  teaclung,  as  he  made  his  way  to  Jerusalem.  Now  a  certain  man  said  to 
him,  "  Lord,  are  the  saved  few  ? "     And  he  said  to  them, 

24  "  Strive  hard  to  enter  by  the  narrow  gate  : 

For  many,  I  tell  you,  will  seek  to  enter  and  be  powerless. 

25  When  once  the  master  of  the  house  has  risen  up  and  shut  fast  the 

door, 
And  you  begin  to  stand  outside  and  knock  at  the  door,  saying, 
'  Open  to  us.  Lord ! ' 
He  shall  answer  and  say   to  yon,  '  I  know  not  where  you  come 
from.' 

26  Then  shall  you  begin  to  say,  '  We  ate  and  drank  in  thy  presence, 

and  thou  hast  taught  in  our  streets  ! ' 

27  And  he  sliall  say,  "  I  tell  you,  I  know  not  where  you  come  from  : 

depart  from  me,  all  ye  workers  of  iniquity. 

28  There  shall  the  weeping  be,  and  the  gnashing  of  teeth. 

When  you  see  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob  and  all  the  prophets 
in  God's  realm. 
And  yourselves  thrown  outside. 

29  Yea,  they  shall  come  from  east  and  west  and  from  north  and  south, 

And  recline  in  God's  realm. 

30  And  lo,  there  are  last  who  shall  be  first. 

And  there  are  first  who  shall  be  last." 

31  At  that  very  lumr  soim^  riiariscc^  cainc,  and  said  to  him,  "  Awav,leave 

32  this  place!  for'H.-rml  ii,t,,„ls  lo  kill  iluv."  But  he  said  to  them,  "Go 
and  tell  that  fo.x,  'Ix'hdM,  I  I'usi  dul,  (lacinous  and  perform  cures  to-day  and 

33  to-morrow,  and  on  the  third  day  I  am  perfected  ! '  But  to-day  and 
to-moiTow  and  the  day  following  1  must  go  upon  my  way  ;  for  it  cannot 
be  that  a  prophet  perish  outside  Jerusalem. 

34  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem  !  slayer  of  the  prophets  and  stoner  of  those  sent 

to  her  ! 
How  often  would  I  liavc  i;alh(Mv.l  ihy  children  togetlier. 

Even  as  a  fowl  li.'i-  l.i- 1  l.tinii  h  her  wings— and  you  would  not ! 

35  Lo,  your  House  is  nhtnnlDiird  tn  ijimrsdres! 

I  tell  ^  you,  you  shall  not  see  me  till  ^  you  say, 
'  Blessed  is  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.' " 
14  1        And  it  came  to  pass  when  he  went  into  the  house  of  one  of  the  rulers 
of  tlie  Pharisees  to  take  a  meal  on  a  sabbath,  that  they  watched  him 

2  narrowly.     And  l^ehold,  there  was  in  front  of  him  a  man  witli  drojisy. 

3  And  Jesus  addressed  the  lawyers  and  Pharisees,  saying,  "Is  it  right  to 

4  heal  on  tlie  saliliatli,  or  not  V     They  held  their  peace.     Then  Jesus  took 

5  hold  of  him,  cured  him,  and  sent  him  away.     And  he  said  to  them, 

1  Oiuittiiig  {[hi]].  •-'  Omitting  [[^;=-  ««]]. 


u'^-^n  T^UKE  395 

"  Which  of  you,  when  a  son  or  an  ox  has  fallen  into  a  well,  will  not 

6  immediately  draw  him  ujd  on  a  sabbath-day  ? "     And  they  could  not 

7  dispute  this.  Now  he  went  on  to  speak  this  parable  to  those  who 
had  been  invited,  when  he  oliserved  how  they  selected  the  chief  seats  ;  he 
said  to  them, 

8  "  When  thou  art  invited  by  anyone  to  a  marriage-feast, 

Do  not  recline  in  the  chief  seat,  lest  perhaps  he  has  invited  some 
one  of  higher  rank  than  thyself ; 

9  Then  he  who  invited  you  both  shall  come  and  say  to  thee, 

'  Make  room  for  this  man,' 
And  then  thou  shalt  start  with  shame  to  take  the  lowest  place. 

10  Nay,  when  thou  art  invited. 

Go  and  lie  down  in  the  lowest  j^lace  ; 

That  when  he  who  has  invited  thee  comes,  he  may  say  to  thee, 
'  Friend,  come  higher  np ' — 
Then   shalt  thou  have  honour  in  the  presence  of  all  thy 
fellow-guests. 

11  For  everyone  who  raises  himself  shall  be  humbled, 

And  he  who  humbles  himself  shall  be  raised." 

12  He  also  went  on  to  say  to  the  man  who  had  invited  him, 

"  When  thou  givest  a  dinner  or  a  supper, 

Bid  not  thy  friends  or  thy  brothers  or  thy  kinsfolk  or  thy  rich 
neighbours  ; 
Lest  perhaps  they  too  invite  thee  in  return. 
And  so  thou  be  repaid. 

13  Nay,  when  thou  givest  a  banquet, 

invite  the  poor,  the  maimed,  the  lame,  the  blind, 

14  And  thou  shalt  be  happy.     For  they  are  unable  to  repay  thee  ; 

Thou  shalt  be  repaid  at  the  resurrection  of  the  just." 

15  Now  on  hearing  this,  one  of  his  fellow-guests  said  to  him,  "  Hapjjy  the 

16  man  who  takes  his  meal  in  the  realm  of  God  !  "  But  he  said  to  him, 
"  A  certain  man  was  giving  a   large   supjDer,    and   had  invited  many 

17  people.     And  at  the  hour  for  the  supper,  he  despatched  his  slave  to  bid 

18  those  who  had  been  invited,  'Come,  for  things  are  ready  now.'  Tlien  all 
alike  started  to  decline.  The  first  said  to  him,  '  I  have  bought  a  field, 
and  I  require  to  go  and  look  at  it.     I  pray  thee  to  consider  me  excused.' 

19  And  another  said,  '  I  have  bought  five  pair  of  oxen,  and  I  am  on  my  way 

20  to  try  them.     I  pray  thee  to  consider  me  excused.'    And  another  said,  '  I 

21  have  married  a  wife,  and  therefore  I  cannot  come.'  So  the  slave  went 
and  reported  this  to  his  owner.  Then  in  anger  the  master  of  the  house 
said  to  liis  slave,  '  Go  out  quickly  into  the  streets  and  thoroughfares  of 
the  city,  and  bring  in  here  the  poor  and  disabled  and  blind  and  lame.' 

22  And  the  slave  said,  'Sir,  thy  order  has  been  carried  out ;  yet  still  there  is 

23  room.'    And  the  owner  said  to  the  slave,  '  Go  out  to  the  roads  and  hedges, 

24  and  compel  people  to  come  in  ;  that  my  house  may  be  filled.  For  I  tell 
you,  not  one  of  those  men  who  were  invited  shall  taste  my  supjier.' " 

25  Now  large  crowds  were  journeying  along  with  him  ;  and  he  turned 
and  said  to  them, 

26  "  If  anyone  comes  to  me  and  hates  not  his  father  and  mother  and 

wife  and  children  and  brothers  and  sisters,  yes  and  his  own 
life  also, 
He  cannot  be  my  disciple. 

27  And  he  who  does  not  carry  his  own  cross  and  come  after  me, 

Cannot  be  my  disciple. 


396  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [li^^-lb^^ 

28  For  which  of  you,  wishing  to  build  a  tower,  does  not  sit  down  first 

and  count  up  the  expense. 
To  see  if  he  has  money  to  complete  it  ? — 

29  In  case,  after  he  has  laid  the  foundation  and  lacked  means  to  finish, 

30  all  the  spectators  begin  to  mock  him,  saying, 

'  This  man  began  to  build,  but  he  lacked  means  to  finish.' 

31  Or  what  king,  on  starting  to  encounter  another  king  in   battle, 

will  not  sit  down  first  and  deliberate 
Whether  he  is  able  with  ten  thousand  men  to  meet  him  who  is 
coming  against  him  with  twenty  thousand  ? 

32  And  if  not — when  the  other  is  still  far  away. 

He  sends  an  embassy  and  negotiates  ^  for  peace. 

33  So  then  everyone  of  you  who  does  not  part  with  all  his  goods, 

Cannot  be  my  disciple. 

34  Yes,  salt  is  a  capital  thing. 

But  if  even  salt  has  lost  its  savoui". 
Wherewith  shall  it  be  seasoned  1 

35  It  is  fit  neither  for  the  land  nor  for  the  dunghill  : 

Men  throw  it  out. 
He  who  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  hear." 
15  1        Now  all  the  tax-gatherers  and  the  sinners  were  drawing  near  him  to 

2  listen   to  him.     But  the  Pharisees  and  the  scribes  were  complaining, 

3  "  This  man  is  receiving  sinners  and  eating  along  with  them  ! "  So  he  told 
them  this  parable  : 

4  "  What  man  of  you,"  said  he,  "  who  has  a  hundred  sheep  and  has 

lost  one  of  them, 
Does  not  leave  the  ninety-nine  in  the  wilderness  and  go  after  the 
lost  one  till  he  finds  it  ? 

5  And  after  finding  it,  he  lays  it  on  his  shoulders  rejoicing  ; 

6  And  on  coming  home  he  calls  his  friends  and  neighbours  together, 

saying  to  them, 
'  Rejoice  with  me,  for  I  have  found  my  lost  sheep.' 

7  I  tell  you,  so  shall  there  be  joy  in  heaven  over  one  sinner  who 

repents. 
More  than  over  ninety-nine  upright  people  who  have  no  need  of 
rejjentance. 

8  Or,  what  woman  with  ten  drachmae — if  she  has  lost  one  drachma. 

Does  not  set  light  to  a  lamp  and  sweep  the  house  clean  and  search 
diligently  until  she  finds  it  ? 

9  And  after  finding  it,  she  calls  her  women-friends  and  neighbours 

together,  saying, 
'  Rejoice  with  me,  for  I  have  found  the  drachma  which  I  lost.' 
10  So,  I  tell  you,  joy  rises  in  the  presence  of  the  angels  of  God  over 

one  sinner  who  rejients." 
11,1  2  And  he  said,  "A  certain  man  had  two  sons.     And  the  younger  of  them 
said  to  his  father,  '  Father,  give  me  that  portion  of  the  property  which 

13  falls  to  me.'  So  he  divided  his  livelihood  for  them.  And  not  many  days 
afterwards  the  younger  son  sold  off  everything  and  went  abroad  to  a 
distant  country,  where  he  squandered  his  property  by  a  profiigate  life. 

14  Now  when  he  had  spent  everything,  a  severe  famine  set  in  throughout 

15  that  country  ;  and  he  began  to  feel  in  want.  And  he  went  and  attached 
himself  to  one  of  tlie  citizens  of  tliat  country,  who  sent  him  into  his  fields 

16  to  feed  swine.    And  fain  would  he  have  filled  himself  with  the  bean-pods 

1  Oniittiu-  ri. 


15^ '-16^-]  LUKE  397 

17  that  the  swine  were  eating  ;  yet  no  one  gave  him  anything.    So  on  coming 
to  himself  he  said,  '  How  many  of  my  father's  hired  servants  have  bread 

18  enough  and  to  spare,  while  I  am  perishing  here  with  hunger  !    I  will  rise 
and  go  to  my  father  and  say  to  him,  "  Father,  I  have  sinned  against  heaven 

19  and  before  thee.     I  am  no  longer  worthy  to  be  called  thy  son  :  make  me 

20  like  one  of  thy  hired  servants." '     And  he  rose  and  went  to  his  father. 
Now,  while  he  was  still  far  away,  his  father  saw  him  ;  and  moved  with 

21  compassion,  he  ran,  fell  upon  his  neck,  and  kissed  him  fondly.     But  the 
son  said  to  him,  '  Father,  I  have  sinned  against  heaven  and  before  thee. 

22  I  am  no  longer  worthy  to  be  called  thy  son.'     And  the  father  said  to  hh 
slaves,  '  Quick,  bring  the  best  robe  and  put  it  on  him  !     And  give  him  a 

23  ring  for  his  hand  and  sandals  for  his  feet !     And  bring  the  fattened  calf, 

24  kill  it,  and  let  us  eat  and  make  merr}' !     For  my  son  here  was  dead  and 
has  come  back  to  life,  was  lost  and  has  been  found.'     And  they  l»egan  to 

25  make  merry.     Now  his  elder  son  was  in  the  field.     And  when  he  came 

26  and  drew  near  to  the  house,  he  heard  music  and  dancing ;  and  summoning 

27  one  of  the  servants  he  enquired  what  was  the  meaning  of  this.     And  he 
said  to  him,  '  Thy  brother  has  come  ;  and  thy  father  has  killed  the  fattened 

28  calf,  because  he  has  got  him  back  safe  and  sound.'     Now  he  got  angry 
and  would  not  go  in.     And  his  father  went  out  and  sought  to  aj^pease 

29  him.     But  he  answered  and  said  :  '  Look  at  all  the  years  I  have  served 
thee,  and  never  disregarded  a  command  of  thine  !     Yet  thou  hast  never 

30  given  me  a  kid,  that  I  might  make  merry  with  my  friends.     But  when 
thy  son  has  come — this  fellow  who  has  wasted  thy  livelihood  with  harlots 

31  — thou  hast  killed  the  fattened  calf  for  him  ! '     He  said  to  him,  '  My 

32  son,  thou  art  always  v/ith  me,  and  all  that  is  mine  is  thine.     It  behoved 
us  to  make  merry  and  rejoice,  for  thy  brother  here  was  dead  and  has 

16  1  become  alive ;  though  lost,  he  has  been  found.' "  And  he  went 

on  also  to  say  to  his  disciples  :  "  There  was  a  rich  man  who  had  a  steward, 

2  and  this  steward  was  accused  to  him  of  squandering  his  goods.  So  he 
called  him  and  said  to  him,  '  What  is  this  1  hear  about  thee  ?  Give  in  the 
statement  of  thy  stewardship,  for  thou  canst  not  be  steward  any  longer.' 

3  Now  the  steward  said  to  himself, '  What  am  I  to  do,  seeing  that  my  owner 
is  taking  the  stewardship  away  from  me  ?     To  dig  I  have  no  strength,  to 

4  beg  I  am  ashamed. — I  know  what  I  will  do,  so  that,  when  I  am  deposed 

5  from  the  stewardship,  people  may  admit  me  to  their  houses  ! '  Then 
summoning  every  single  one  of  his  owner's  debtors,  he  proceeded  to  say  to 

6  the  first,  '  How  much  art  thou  owing  to  my  owner  ? '  and  he  said,  '  A 
hundred  barrels  of  oil.'     And  he  said  to  him,  'Here,  take  thy  bond,  sit 

7  down  at  once  and  write  fifty  instead.'  Then  he  said  to  another,  '  And 
how  much  art  thou  owing  1 '  And  he  said,  '  A  hundred  quarters  of 
wheat.'     He  says  to  him,  '  Here,  take  thy  bond  and  write  eighty  instead.' 

8  And  the  owner  praised  the  dishonest  steward  because  he  had  acted 
shrewdly  ; — for  the  sons  of  this  world  are  more  shrewd  in  dealing  with 

9  their  own  generation  than  are  the  sons  of  the  light.     And  I  tell  you. 

Make  friends  for  yourselves  with  the  mammon  of  dishonesty  ; 
So  that  when  it  fails,  they  may  admit  you  to  the  eternal  tents. 

10  He  who  is  faithful  in  what  is  least,  is  faithful  also  in  what  is  great ; 

And  he  who  is  honest  in  what  is  least,  is  dishonest  also  in  what 
is  great. 

11  If  then  you  have  not  proved  faithful  in  the  dishonest  mammon, 

Who  will  trust  you  with  the  true  1 

12  And  if  you  have  not  proved  faithful  in  what  is  another's. 

Who  will  give  you  what  is  your  own  ? 


398  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [16^^-17^ 

13  No  servant  can  serve  two  masters  : 

For  either  he  will  hate  the  one  and  love  the  other, 
Or  else  he  will  hold  to  one  and  despise  the  other. 
You  cannot  serve  God  and  Mammon." 

14  Now  the  Pharisees,  who  were  money-lovers,  were  listening  to  all  this 

15  and  sneering  at  him.     So  he  said  to  them, 

"  You  are  the  people  who  justify  themselves  in  the  sight  of  men. 

But  God  knows  your  hearts  : 
For  what  is  high  in  human  view. 

Is  in  the  sight  of  God  abomination.  .  .  . 

16  The  law  and  the  prophets  lasted  until  John  ; 

From  that  time  the  glad  tidings  of  God's  reign  are  preached, 
And  everyone  storms  his  way  in.  .  .  . 

17  But  it  is  easier  for  sky  and  earth  to  pass  away, 

Than  for  one  upstroke  of  a  letter  in  the  law  to  fail.  .  .  . 

18  Everyone   who   divorces  his   wife   and   marries   another   commits 

adultery, 
And  he  who  marries  a  woman  divorced  from  her  husband  commits 
adultery.  .  .  . 

19  Now  there  was  a  rich  man,  and  he  was  clothed  in  purple  and  fine 

20  linen,  enjoying  a  sumptuous  life  from  day  to  day.     And   a   poor  man 

21  named  Lazarus  lay  at  his  gateway  :  he  was  a  mass  of  ulcers,  and  fain  to 
fill  himself  with  what  fell  from  the  rich  man's  table  ;  yes,  even  the  dogs 

22  used  to  come  and  lick  his  ulcers.  Now  it  came  to  pass  that  the  poor  man 
died  and  was  carried  away  by  the  angels  into  the  bosom  of  Abraham, 

23  The  rich  man  also  died,  and  was  buried.  And  in  Hades  he  lifted  up  his 
eyes,  tormented  as  he  was,  and  sees  Abraham  far  off  with  Lazarus  in  his 

24  bosom.  And  he  cried  aloud  and  said,  '  Father  Abraham,  have  pity  on 
me,  and  send  Lazarus  to  dip  his  finger-tip  in  water  and  cool  my  tongue, 

25  for  I  am  in  anguish  in  this  flame  ! '  But  Abraham  said,  '  My  son, 
remember  thou  didst  get  all  thy  good  in  thy  lifetime,  and  Lazarus  like- 
wise his  evil  : 

Now  he  is  in  comfort  here,  and  thou  in  anguish. 

26  And  besides  all  this,  between  us  and  you  a  great  chasm  is  fixed. 

So  that  those  who  would  pass  from  here  to  you  may  not  be  able, 
Nor  may  any  ^  cross  from  there  to  us.' 

27  And    he    said,    'Then    I    pray    thee,    father,  send  him  to  my  father's 

28  house — for  I  have  five  brothers — that  he  may  bear  testimony  to  them,  so 

29  that  they  may  not  come  to  this  place  of  torment  too.'  But  Abraham 
says,    '  They  have   Moses  and  the  prophets,    let  them  listen  to  them.' 

30  '  Nay,  father  Abraham,'  says  he,  '  but  if  some  one  were  to  go  to  them 

31  from  the  dead,  they  would  repeut.'     But  he  said  to  him, 

'  If  tliey  do  not  listen  to  Moses  and  the  prophets, 
Tliey  will  not  be  persuaded,  not  even  were  one  to  rise  from  the  dead.' " 
17  1        And  he  said  to  his  disciples, 

"  It  is  inevitable  that  hindrances  should  come, 
But  woe  to  him  through  whom  they  come  ! 

2  It  would  be  gain  for  him  were  a  millstone  fastened  round  his 

neck,  and  were  he  tossed  into  the  sea, 
Rather  than  be  a  hindrance  to  one  of  these  little  ones  ! 

3  Take  heed  to  yourselves. 

If  thy  brother  sins,  rebuke  him  : 
And  if  he  repents,  forgive  him. 

1  Omitting  [[i.]]. 


1T*-S]  LUKE  899 

4  And  if  lie  sins  against  thee  seven  times  in  the  day, 

And  turns  back  to  thee  seven  times,  saying,  '  I  repent,' 
Thou  shalt  forgive  him." 
5,  6  And  the  apostles  said  to  the  Lord,  "  Give   us   more   faith."      Said  the 
Lord, 

"  Had  you  faith  like  a  grain  of  mustard-seed, 

You  had  said  to  this  mulberry-tree,  '  Be  rooted  wp  and  planted  in 
the  sea,' 
And  it  would  have  obeyed  you ! 

7  Now  which  of  you  is  there  who  has  a  slave  ploughing  or  shepherding, 
and  will  say  to  him  when  he  comes  from  the  field,   '  Come  forward  at 

8  once  ;  lie  down  and  eat '  ?     Will  he  not  rather  say  to  him,   '  Get  some- 
thing ready  for  my  supper,  and  gird  thyself  and  wait  upon  me  while  I 

9  eat  and  drink ;  then  after  that  thou  shalt  eat  and  drink  thyself ' '?     Does 

10  he  give  thanks  to  the  slave  for  doing  as  he  was  instructed  1     So  too  with 
yourselves — 

When   you   have  done  all  as  you  were  instructed,  say,    '  We  arc 
useless  slaves, 
We  have  merely  done  what  we  were  bound  to  do.' " 

11  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  journey  to  Jerusalem  that  he   passed 

12  between  Samaria  and  Galilee.     And  as  he  entered  a  certain  village,  there 

13  came  to  meet  him  ten  lepers,  who  stood  at  a  distance  and  lifted  up  their 

14  voice,  saying,  "  Jesus,  chief,  have  pity  on  us  !  "     And  on  seeing  them  he 
said  to  them,  "  Go  and  sJww  yourselves  to  the  imestsy     And  it  came  to 

15  pass,  while  they  were  on  the  way,  they  were  made  clean.     Now  one  of 
them,  on  seeing  he  was  cured,  returned,  magnifying  God  with  a  loud 

16  voice  ;  and  he  fell  on  his  face  at  his  feet  giving  him  thanks.     And  he 

17  was  a  Samaritan.     Jesus  answered  and  said,  "Were  the  ten  not  made 

18  clean  ?     Where  ^  are  the  nine  ?    Is  there  no  one  to  return  and  do  honour 

19  to  God  except  this  foreigner  ?"     And  he  said  to  him,  "  Kise  and  go  :  thy 
faith  has  restored  thee." 

20  Now,  on  being  questioned  by  the  Pharisees  when  God's  reign  was  to 
come,  he  answered  them  and  said  : 

"  God's  reign  comes  not  by  way  of  observation, 

21  Nor  shall  men  say,  '  Lo,  liere  it  is  ! '  or  '  There  1 ' 

Why,  here  is  God's  reign  among  you  !  " 

22  And  he  said  to  his  disciples  : 

"  Days  will  come  when  you  would  fain  see  one  of  the  days  of  the 
Son  of  man, 
Yet  you  shall  not  see  it. 

23  And  men  will  say  to  you,  '  Lo,  here  it  is  ! '  or  '  Lo,  there  it  is  !  ' — 
Go  not  after  them,  nor  follow  them. 

24  For  as  the  lightning  shoots  and  gleams  from  one  side  of  the  sky 

to  the  other, 
So  shall  the  Son  of  man  be^. 

25  (But  first  he  must  suffer  much  and  be  rejected  by  this  generation.) 

26  And  even  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Noah, 

So  shall  it  be  also  in  the  days  of  the  Son  of  man  : 

27  They  were  eating,  drinking,  marrying,  giving  in  marriage, 

Up  to  the  day  that  Noah  entered  the  ark, 
Then  came  the  deluge  and  destroyed  them  all. 

28  Likewise,  even  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Lot  : 

1  Omittiug  [[is]].  "  Omitting  Jv  r-?  iu!p«.  <y.LroZ. 


400  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [l7-^-18^^ 

They  were  eating,  driukiug,  buying,  selling,  planting,  building, 

29  But  on  the  day  when  Lot  went  out  of  Sodom, 

It  rained  fire  and  brimstone  from  the  sky  and  destroyed  them  all  ; 

30  In  tlie"  same  way  shall  it  be  on  the  day  when  the  Son  of  man 

is  revealed. 

31  On  that  day  let  not  him  who  is  on  the  housetop,  with  his  goods  inside 

the  house,  go  down  to  get  them  ; 

32  And  likewise  let  not  him  who  is  in  the  field  turn  back.      (Remember 

Lot's  wife.) 

33  Whoever  shall  seek  to  possess  his  life, 

Shall  lose  it, 
And  whoever  shall  lose  it. 
Shall  preserve  it. 
31  I  tell  you,  two  men  shall  be  in  one  bed  upon  that  night, 

The  one  shall  be  taken  and  the  other  shall  be  left  : 
35  Two  women  shall  be  grinding  together. 

The  one  shall  be  taken  and  the  other  .shall  be  left." 
37  Then  they  answer  and  say  to  him,  "  Where,  Lord  ?"     He  said  to  them, 
'  "  Where  the  body  lies, 
The  vultures  also  will  Ije  gathered  there." 
18  1        And  he  spoke  a  parable  to  them  upon  the  need  of  always  praying  and 

2  never  losing  heart.    "  There  was  a  judge  in  a  certain  city,"  he  said,  "  who 

3  had  no  fear  of  God  or  reverence  for  man.  And  in  that  city  there  was 
a  widow  ;  and  she  used  to  come  to  him,  saying,  '  Grant  me  protection 

4  from  my  opponent.'  Yet  for  some  time  he  would  not.  Afterwards, 
however,  he  said  to  himself,  '  Although  I  have  no  fear  of  God  nor  even 

5  reverence  for  man,  yet  since  this  widow  disturbs  me  I  will  give  her  pro- 

6  tection — that  she  may  not  plague  me  by  for  ever  coming.'  "  And  the  Lord 
said,  "  Listen  to  what  the  unjust  judge  says  ! 

7  Now,  shall  not  God  vindicate  his  chosen  ones  who  cry  to  him  day  and  night, 

Though  to  their  foes  he  is  longsufFering '? 

8  I  tell  you,  he  will  vindicate  them  speedily — 

Yet,  when  the  Son  of  man  comes,  shall  he  find  faith  upon  earth  ? " 

9  He  also  told  this  parable  to  some  who  were  confident  of  their  own 

10  uprightness  and  despised  all  other  people.     "  Two  men  went  up  to  the 

11  temple  to  pray  ;  one  was  a  Pharisee,  and  the  other  a  tax-gatherer.  The 
Pharisee  stood  and  began  to  pray  by  himself,  as  follows  :  '  0  God,  I  give 
thanks  to  thee  that  I  am  not  like  the  rest  of  men— extortioners,  unjust, 

12  adulterers — or  even  like  this  tax-gatherer  :  I  fast  twice  a  week,  I  pay 

13  tithes  upon  all  my  income.'  But  the  tax-gatherer  stood  far  ott'  and  would 
not  even  lift  up  his  eyes  to  heaven,  but  kept  beating  his  breast,  saying, 

14  '  0  God,  be  gracious  to  nie  the  sinner  ! '  I  tell  you,  this  man  went  down 
to  his  house  justified  more  than  the  other  man  ; 

For  every  one  who  raises  himself  shall  be  humbled. 
But  he  who  humbles  himself  shall  be  raised." 

15  Now  people  were  bringing  him   even   their  infants  that   he   might 
IG  touch  them.     On  seeing  it  the  disciples  kept  rebuking  them,  but  Jesus 

called  them  to  him,  saying, 

"  Let  the  little  children  come  to  me,  and  forbid  them  not, 
for  of  such  is  the  reign  of  God. 

17  I  tell  you  truly,  whoever  shall  not  receive  the  reign  of  God  like  a 

'  little  child, 
shall  not  enter  it." 

18  And  a  certain  president  questioned  him,  saying,  "  Good  teacher,  what 


1819-19^0]  LUKE  401 

19  shall  I  do  to  inherit  life  eternal?"     Jesus  said  to  him,  "Why  call  nie 

20  '  good  '  ?  No  one  is  good,  except  God  ^  alone.  Thou  knowest  the  coni- 
niandments  :  Do  not  commit  adultery,  do  not  murder,  do  not  steal,  do  not 

21  hear  false  witness,  honour  thy  father   and  onotlier."     He  said,  "All  these 

22  have  I  observed  from  youth."  Now  on  hearing  this  Jesus  said  to  him, 
"One  thing  thou  lackest.  Sell  all  that  ever  thou  liast  and  distribute 
to  poor  people  ;  so  shalt  thou  have  treasure  in  the  heavens.     Then  come, 

23  follow  me."     But  when  he  heard  this  he  grew  very  sorrowful  ;  for  he  was 

24  enormously  rich.  So  looking  at  him,  Jesus  said,  "  With  what  difficulty 
shall  the  wealthy  enter  God's  reign  ! 

25  It  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  enter  through  a  needle's  eye, 

Than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  God's  reign." 
26,  27  And   those   who   heard  him  said,  "  Then  who  can   be   saved  ? "     Jesus 

28  said,  "  Wliat  is  im^Dossible  with  men  is  possible  with  God."     Said  Peter, 

29  "  Lo,  we  have  left  what  belonged  to  us  and  followed  thee!"  And 
he  said  to  them,  "  I  tell  you  truly  ;  there  is  no  man  who  leaves  house 
or  wife  or  brothers  or  parents  or  children  for  the  sake  of  God's  reign, 

30  who  shall  not  get  back  in  this  time  manifold  more  ;  and  in  the  age  to 
come,  life  eternal." 

31  Then  he  took  the  twelve  aside  and  said  to  them,  "  Lo,  we  are  going  up 
to  Jerusalem,  and  all  that  has  been  written  for  the  Son  of  man  through 

32  the  larophets  shall  be  a(((iiii]ilislied  ;    for  he  shall  be  delivered  to  the 

33  Gentiles,  mocked,  ill-trrjilcil,  spil,  upon  ;  they  shall  scourge  him  and  kill 

34  him.  Yet  on  the  third  day  lie  shall  rise  again."  But  of  this  they  under- 
stood nothing  ;  indeed  this  saying  was  hidden  from  them,  and  they  did 
not  know  what  was  said. 

35  Now  it  came  to  pass,  while  he  was  drawing  near  to  Jericho,  a  blind 

36  man  sat  by  the  roadside,  begging.     And  as  he  heard  a  crowd  passing 

37  along  he  began  to  enc^uire  what  was  the  matter.     So  they  told  him  that 

38  Jesus  the  Nazarene  was  passing.     Then  he  cried,  saying,  "  Jesus,  son  of 

39  David,  have  pity  on  me  !  "  And  those  who  were  walking  in  front 
admonislied  him  to  keep  silence,  but  he  cried  out  all  the  more,  "  Son  of 

40  David,  have  pity  on  me  !  "     So  Jesus  stood  still  and  oi^dered  him  to  be 

41  brought  to  him.  When  he  came  near,  he  questioned  him,  "  What  wilt 
thou  have  me  do  to  thee  ? "     "  Lord,"  he  said,  "  let  me  regain  my  sight." 

42,  43  Then  Jesus  said  to  him,  "  Thy  faith  has  restored  thee."     And  instantly 

he  regained  his  sight  and  followed  him,  magnifying  God.     And  all  the 

people  gave  praise  to  God  when  they  saw  it. 

19  1,2        And  he  entered  and  went  on  his  way  through  Jericho.     And  behold, 

there  was  a  man  called  by  the  name  of  Zacchaeus  ;  he  was  head  of  the 

3  tax-gatherers,  and  a  rich  man.     And  he  sought  to  see  who  Jesus  was,  but 

4  could  not  for  the  crowd,  because  he  was  small  of  stature.  So  running  on  in 
front  of  him,  he  climbed  up  into  a  sycamore-tree  to  see  him  ;  because  he 

5  was  to  pass  that  way.  And  when  Jesus  came  to  the  sjDot,  he  looked  uj) 
and  said  to  him,  "  Zacchaeus,  make  haste  and  come  down  ;  I  must  stay  at 

6  thy  house  to-day."     Then  he  made  haste  and  came  down  and  welcomed 

7  him  with  joy.     And  on  seeing  it,  everyone  began  to  complain,  "  He  has 

8  gone  in  to  lodge  with  a  sinner  !  "  But  Zacchaeus  stood  and  said  to  the 
Lord,  "  Behold,  1  will  give  the  half  of  my  goods  to  the  poor.  Lord  ;  and 
whatever  I  have  defrauded  anyone  of,  by  a  false  charge,  I  will  give  it  back 

9  fourfold  !  "     Jesus  said  to  him,  "  Salvation  has  come  to  this  house  to-day, 
10  seeing  that  he  also  is  a  son  of  Abraham.     For  the  Son  of  man  came  to 

seek  and  save  what  has  been  lost." 

1  Omitting  [[«]]. 
26 


402  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [19^^-*'' 

11  Now  as  they  listened  to  this  he  went  on  to  tell  a  jjarable,  since  he  was 
near  Jerusalem,  and  since  they  imagined  God's  reign  was  to  be  instantly 

12  made  visible.  So  he  said,  "  A  certain  man  of  high  birth  journeyed  to 
a  distant  country  to   obtain  royal  power  for  himself  and  then  return. 

13  So  he  called  ten  of  his  slaves,  gave  them  forty  pounds,  and  said  to  them, 

14  '  Trade  till  I  come  back.'  Now  his  citizens  hated  him  ;  and  they  sent 
an  embassy  after  him  to  say,  '  We  will  not  have  this  fellow  to  reign  over 

15  us.'  And  it  came  to  pass  when  he  came  back  again  after  obtaining  the 
royal  power,  he  bade  those  slaves  be  called  to  him,  who  had  been  given 

16  the  money,  that  he  might  ascertain  what  business  they  had  done.  The 
first  came  uj),  saying, '  Sir,  thy  four  pounds  have  earned  fort}-  pounds  more.' 

17  And  he  said  to  him,  '  Good  slave,  capital !    because  thou   hast   proved 

18  faithful  in  a  small  matter,  receive  authority  over  ten  cities.'     Then  came 

19  the  second,  saying, '  Thy  four  pounds,  sir,  have  made  twenty  pounds.'    And 

20  he  said  to  this  man  also,  '  Be  thou  promoted  also  over  five  cities.'  And 
the  other  came,  saying,  '  There  are  thy  four  pounds,  sir.     I  kept  them 

21  laid  away  in  a  napkin.  For  I  was  afraid  of  thee,  because  thou  art  an 
exacting  man — thou  dost  lift  what  thou  hast  not  laid  down,  and  reapest 

22  what  thou  hast  not  sown.'  He  says  to  him,  '  Out  of  thine  own  lips  I 
will  judge  thee,  0  wicked  slave.  Thou  didst  know  that  I  was  an  exact- 
ing man,  lifting  what  I  have  not  laid  down,  and  reaping  what  I  have  not 

23  sowed  !     Then  why  didst  thou  not  put  my  money  into  the  bank  ? — and 

24  then  I  could  have  gone  and  claimed  it  with  interest.'  And  he  said  to 
the  bystanders,  '  Take  the  four  pounds  from  him,  and  give  them  to  him 

25  who  has  the  forty  pounds.'     And  they  said  to  him,  '  Lord,  he  has  forty 

26  pounds  already  ! '     'I  tell  you, 

To  every  one  who  has. 

Shall  be  given  ; 
But  from  him  who  has  not. 

Even  what  he  has  shall  be  taken. 

27  But,  as  for  those  enemies  of  mine  who  would  not  have  me  to  reign 

over  them, 
Bring  them  here  and  slaughter  them  before  me.' " 
28,  29        And  saying  this  he  went  forward  on  his  way  up  to  Jerusalem.     And 
it  came  to  pass  when  he  drew  nigh  Bethphage  and  Bethany,  at  the  hill 

30  called  "the  olive  orchard,"  he  despatched  two  of  his  disciples,  saying,  "  Go 
into  the  village  opposite.  On  entering  you  shall  find  tied  in  it  a  colt  on 
which  no  man  has  yet  sat ;  then,  after  you  have  untied  it,  bring  it  here. 

31  And  if  anyone  asks  you,  '  Why  are  you  untying  it?'  you  shall  say  this, 

32  '  The  Lord  needs  it.'     So  the  messengers  went  off  and  found  exactly  as 

33  ho  had  told  them.     As  they  were  untying  the  colt,  its  owners  said  to 

34  them,  "  Why  are  you  untying  the  colt  ?  "     They  saicl,  "  The  Lord  needs 

35  it."    Then  they  brought  it  to  Jesus,  and  after  throwing  their  garments  on 

36  the  colt,  they  mounted  Jesus  upon  it.    Now  as  he  went  along,  people  spread 

37  their  garments  beneath  him  on  the  road.  And  when  he  was  now  close 
to  the  descent  of  the  hill  of  Olives,  all  the  multitude  of  the  disciples 
began  to  extol  God  joyfully  with  a  loud  voice,  for  all  the  miracles  they 

38  had  seen  ;  saying, 

"  Blessed  is  he  ivho  comes 

As  king  in  the  name  of  Vie  Lord ! 
Peace  in  heaven. 

And  honour  in  the  highest  !  " 

39  And  some  of  the  Pharisees  said   to    him    from    the    crowd,    "Teacher, 

40  rebuke  thy  disciples."     But  in  reply  he  said,  "  I  tell  you,  if  they  keep 


1941_2q20J  LUKE  403 

41  silence,  the  very  stones  will  shout."  And  when  he  drew  nigh, 

42  he  saw  the  city,  and  wept  over  it,  saying, 

"  O  that  thou  hadst  known  what   makes  for  peace  ! — Even  thou, 
even  at  this  day  ! 
— But,  ah,  it  is  hidden  from  thine  eyes — • 

43  For  days  will  come  upon  thee, 

When  thine  enemies  will  throw  up  an  earthwork  round  thee,  and 
encircle  thee,  and  besiege  thee  on  every  side, 

44  When  they  will  raze  thee  and  thy  children  within  thee  to  the  ground, 
When  they  shall  not  leave  one  stone  upon  another  within  thee, 

Because  thou  knewest  not  the  time  of  thy  visitation." 
45,  46  Then  he  entered  the  temple  and  started  to  drive  out  the  sellers,  saying 
to  them,  "It  is  written, 

And  my  house  shall  be  a  house  of  frayer ; 
But  you  have  made  it  a  den  of  robbers!" 

47  And  day  Ijy  day  he  taught  in  the  temple.  The  higli  priestsand  the  scribes 

48  and  the  leading  men  of  the  people  made  efforts  to  destroy  him;  yet  they  could 
not  discover  what  was  to  be  done,  for  the  jjeople  all  hung  ujoon  his  lips. 

20  1        And  it  came  to  pass  one  day  as  he  was  teaching  the  people  in  the 
temple  and  preaching  the  glad  tidings,  the  high  j^riests  and  the  scribes 

2  accompanied  by  the  elders  came  wp  to  him.  "  Tell  us,"  they  said  to  him, 
"  by  what  sort  of  authority  art  thou  acting  thus  ?     Or  who  is  it  that  gave 

3  thee  this  authority  ? "     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  I  will  ask  you 

4  a  question  myself  ;  tell  me  now.  Was  the  baptism  of  John  from  heaven  or 

5  from  men  1 "    And  they  reasoned  to  themselves :  "If  we  say,  'From  heaven,' 

6  he  will  say  to  us,  '  Why  did  you  not  believe  him  ? '  But  if  we  say,  '  From 
men,'  the  people  will  all  stone  us  ;  for  they  are  persuaded  that  John  was  a 

7  prophet."     So  they  replied  that  they  did  not  know  where  it  was  from. 

8  Then  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  Neither  do  I  tell  you  by  what  sort  of  authority 

9  I  am  acting  thus."  And  he  started  to  speak  this  jmrable  to  the 
peo23le  :  "  A  man  flanted  a  vineyard,  and  after  leasing  it  to  vinedressers 

10  he  went  abroad  for  a  considerable  time.  And  in  due  season  he  despatched 
a  slave  to  the  vinedressers  that  they  might  give  him  some  of  the  fruit  of  the 
vineyard;  but  the  vinedressers  flogged  him  and  dismissed  him  empty- 

11  handed.     Then  he  proceeded  to  send  another  slave;  but  him  also  they 

12  flogged,  insulted,   and   dismissed   empty-handed.      Then   he   proceeded 

13  to  send  a  third  ;  but  this  one  also  they  wounded  and  threw  out.  So  the 
owner  of  the  vineyard  said,  'What  am  I  to  do ?     I  will  send  my  beloved 

14  son  ;  probably  they  will  reverence  him.'  But  when  the  vinedressers  saw 
him,  they  argued  one  with  another,  saying,  '  This  is  the  heir  ;  let  us  kill 

15  him,  to  get  the  inheritance.'  So  they  threw  him  outside  the  vineyard  and 
killed  him.     What  therefore  will  the  owner  of  the  vineyard  do  to  them  ? 

16  He  will  come  and  destroy  these  vinedressers,  and  give  the  vineyard  to 

17  others."  And  when  they  heard  it,  they  said,  "  God  forbid  ! "  He  looked 
at  them  and  said,  "  Then  what  is  this  that  has  been  Avritten — 

The  stone  which  the  builders  rejected, 
This  is  made  head  of  the  corner? 

18  Everyone  who  falls  upon  that  stone  shall  be  shattered. 

And  it  shall  crush  to  pieces  whomsoever  it  falls  upon." 

19  And  at  that  very  hour  the  scribes  and  the  high  priests  tried  to  lay 
hands  on  him  (yet  they  feared  the  people),  for  they  knew  it  was  against 

20  them  that  he  had  told  his  parable.  So  watching  their  chance,  they 
despatched  spies,  who  posed  as  upright  men,  to  lay  hold  of  what  he  said  ; 
so  that  they  could  deliver  him  up  to  the  magistrate  and  to  the  authority  of 


404  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [SO^^-SI^ 

21  the  ijrocurator.     And  they  questioned  him,  saying,  "  Teacher,  we  know 
thou  speakest  and  teachest  correctly,  and  regardest  not  the  person  of  any- 

22  one,  but  teachest  the  way  of  God  with  truth.     Is  it  right  for  lis  to  pay 

23  tribute  to  Caesar,  or  not  ? "     But  lie  marked  their  craftiness,  and  said  to 

24  them,  "  Show  me  a  denarius.     Whose  likeness  and  inscription  does  it 

25  bear?"  "Caesar's,"  they  said.  "Then,"  said  he  to  them,  "render  to 
Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesar's,  and  to  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 

26  And  they  were  unable  to  lay  hold  of  the  saying  before  the  people ;  so, 
marvelling  at  his  answer,  they  kept  silence. 

27  Now  some  of  the  Sadducees  approached — those  who  say  there  is  no 

28  resurrection— and  questioned  him,  saying,  "  Teacher,  Moses  wrote  for  us, 
If  a  man's  brother  die  married  and  leave  no  children,  his  brother  is  to  take  his 

29  widow  and  raise  iq?   offs])ring  for  his   brother.      Well,  there  were  seven 

30  brothers.     So  the  first  took  a  wife,  and  died  childless.     Then  the  second 

31  and  the  third  took  her,  and  likewise  also  the  seven  ;  they  left  no  children 
32,  33  when  they  died.     Last  of  all  the  woman  died  also.     At  the  resurrection, 

then,  whose  wife  will  she  be?     For  the  seven  of  tliem  had  her  as  wife." 

34  And  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  The  sons  of  this  age  marry  and  are  given  in  marriage  : 

35  But  those  who  are  held  worthy  of  attaining  to  tliat  age  and  to 

the  resurrection  from  the  dead,  neither  marry  nor  are  given  in 
marriage ; 

36  Nor  can  they  die  any  more,  for  they  are  equal  to  the  angels. 

And  being  sons  of  the  resurrection  they  are  sons  of  God. 

37  And,  that  the  dead  are  raised,  even  Moses  intimated  at  the  i)lace  of 
'  the  Bush,'  when  he  calls  the  Lord  '  God  of  Abraham,  and  God  of  Isaac, 

38  and  God  of  Jacob.'     Now  God  is  God  not  of  the  dead  but  of  the  living  ; 

39  for  him  they  all  live."     And  some  of  the  scribes   answered  and  said, 

40  "  Teacher,  thou  hast  spoken  ably "  ;  for  they  no  longer  dared  question 

41  him  at  all.  And  he  said  to  them,  "How  is  it  that  they  say 

42  the  Christ  is  David's  son  1  For  David  himself  says  in  the  book  of 
psalms, 

Tlie  Lord  said  to  my  Lord,  '  Sit  at  my  right  hand, 

43  Till  I  make  thine  enemies  a  footstool  for  thy  feet.' 

44  David  therefore  calls  him  '  Lord.'     Then  how  is  he  his  son  ? " 

45,  46        And  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  people  he  said  to  the  disciples,  "  Beware 

of  the  scribes,  who  are  fond  of  walking  in  long  robes  and  like  salutations 

in  the  marketplaces  and  chief  seats  in  the  synagogues  and  chief  jjlaces  at 

47  the  suppers — men  who  devour  widows'  jn-operties,  and  make  long  prayers 

21  1  for  a  ]n-etext.    These  men  shall  be  more  heavily  sentenced."  Now 

on  looking  up  he  saw  rich  people  putting  their  gifts  into  the  treasury. 

2,  3  Also,  he  saw  a  destitute  widow  putting  in  two  farthings  ;  and  he  said,  "  I 

4  tell  you  distinctly,  this  poor  widow  has  put  in  more  than  all  of  them.  For 
all  these  peoi)le  i)ut  in  a  contrilnition  out  of  their  wealth  ;  but  out  of  her 
want,  she  has  put  in  all  the  livelihood  she  possessed." 

5  And  as  some  were  siteaking  of  the  temple  with  its  adornment  of 

6  splendid  stones  and  votive  offerings,  he  said,  "As  for  these  things  that 
you  behold,  days  will  come  in  which  not  one  stone  shall  be  left  here  u]ion 

7  another,  that  sliall  not  be  thi'own  down."  And  they  qiiestioned  him, 
saying,  "Teacher,  when  shall  tliese  things  be,  then?     Also,  what  is  the 

8  sign  when  these  tilings  are  to  come  to  pass  ? "     So  he  said, 

"  Take  care  tliat  you  are  not  led  astray  : 

For  many  shall  come  relying  on  my  name,  saying,  '  1  am  he,'  and 
'The  time  is  near' — go  not  after  them. 


21^-31]  LUKE  405 

9  And  when  you  hear  of  wars  and  tumults,  be  not  startled ; 

For  these  things  must  come  to  jxiss  first,  but  the  end  is  not  im- 
mediately." 

10  Then  lie  said  to  them, 

^^  Nation  shall  rise  against  nation,  and  realm  against  realm, 

11  Great  earthquakes  shall  there  be,  with  famines  and  pestilences  in 

place  after  place, 
Alarms  there  shall  be,  and  great  signs  from  the  sky. 

12  But   ere   all  this   they   shall   lay  their  hands  on   you  and  perse- 

cute you, 
Delivering  you  up  to  the  synagogues  and  prisons, 
To  drag  you  before  kings  and  governors  for  my  name's  sake  : 

13  It  will  turn  out  a  witness  for  you. 

14  Eesolve  in  your  hearts  then,  not  to  draw  up  your  defence  before- 

hand, 

15  For   I   myself  will   give   you   words  and   wisdom   which   your 

adversaries  one  and  all  shall  be  unable  to  withstand  or  to 
gainsay. 

16  You  shall  be  delivered  up  even  by  parents  and  brothers  and  kins- 

men and  friends, 
And  they  shall  have  some  of  you  put  to  death  ; 

1 7  And  you  shall  be  hated  by  all  men  for  my  name's  sake. 

18  Yet  not  a  hair  from  your  head  shall  perish  : 

19  You  shall  win  your  souls  as  you  endure. 

20  But  when  you  see  Jerusalem  being  surrounded  by  armies, 

Then  know  that  her  desolation  is  near. 

21  Then  let  those  who  are  in  Judaea  flee  to  the  hills. 
And  let  those  who  are  in  the  midst  of  her  take  flight. 
And  let  not  those  who  are  in  the  country  enter  her : 

22  For  these  are  days  of  Vengeance,  for  the  fulfilment  of  all  that  is 

written. 

23  Woe  to  women  with  child  and  to  women  who  give  suck  in  those  days ! 

For  there  shall  be  great  trouble  on  the  earth,  and  for  this  people 
Wrath  ; 

24  They  shall  faU  by  the  edge  of  the  sword  and  be  led  captive  among  all 

the  nations, 

25  And  Jerusalem,  shall  be  trampled  on  hj  the  Gentiles  until  the  times 

of  the  Gentiles  be  fulfilled. 
And  there  shall  be  signs  in  sun  and  moon  and  stars. 

And  upon  the  earth  misery  of  nations  in  perplexity  at  the  sound  of 
sea  and  leaves, 

26  Men  swooning  away  from  fear  and  foreboding  of  what  is  to  befall  the 

world ; 
For  the  imwers  of  the  heavens  shall  be  shaJcen. 

27  And  then  shall  they  see  the  Son  of  man  coming  in  a  cloud  with  power 

and  great  majesty. 

28  But  when  these  things  begin  to  come  to  pass,  be  elated  and  raise 

your  lieads  ;  for  your  release  draws  near." 

29  And  he  told  them  a  parable  : 

30  "Look  at  the  lig-tree  and  indeed  all  the  trees- as  soon  as  they 

shoot  out. 
You  see  and  know  for  yourselves  that  summer  now  is  near  ; 

31  So  also,  when  you  see  this  come  to  pass, 

You  know  that  God's  reign  is  near. 


406  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [21^^-22-^ 

32  I  tell  you  truly,  this  generation  shall  not  pass  away 

Till  all  come  to  pass  ; 

33  Sky  and  earth  shall  pass  away, 

But  shall  never  my  words  pass  away. 

34  Now  take  heed  to  yourselves,  lest  your  hearts  be  overpowered  with 

debauch  and  drunkenness  and  anxieties  of  this  life. 
And  that  Day  come  upon  you  suddenly  like  a  snare  ; 

35  For  come  it  will  upon  all  the  inhabitants  over  the  surface  of  all  the  earth. 

36  Be  wakeful  and  i^ray  at  every  season, 

That  you  may  succeed  in  escaping  all  this  that  shall  come  to  pass, 
And  stand  before  the  Son  of  man." 

37  Now  during  the  day  he  used  to  teach  in  the  temple,  but  at  night  he 
went  out  and  passed  the  night  on  the  hill  which  is  called  "  the  olive- 
orchard."  And  early  in  the  morning  all  the  people  used  to  resort  to  him 
in  the  temple  to  listen  to  him. 

22  1        Now  the  festival  of  unleavened  bread  drew  near,  which  is  called  "  the 

2  passover";   and  the  high  priests  and  the  scril)es  sought  how  they  could 

3  slay  him  (for  they  feared  the  people).  Then  Satan  entered  Judas 

4  who  was  called  "  Iskariot,"  one  of  the  twelve  ;  and  he  went  off  and  con- 
ferred with  the  high  priests  and  commanders  about  how  he  could  betray 

5  him  to  them.      And  they  were  delighted,  and  consented  to  pay  him 

6  money.     So  he  agreed  and  sought  an  opportune  moment  for  betraying 
him  in  the  absence  of  the  crowd. 

7  Now  the  day  of  unleavened  bread  came,  on  which  the  passover  lamb 

8  had  to  be  sacrificed  ;  and  he  despatched  Peter  and  John,  saying,  "  Go  and 

9  make  ready  the  paschal  lamb  that  we  may  eat  it."     They  said  to  him, 

10  "Where  wilt  thou  have  us  make  ready?"  He  said  to  them,  "Behold, 
when  you  enter  the  city,  a  man  shall  meet  you  carrying  a  pitcher  of 

11  water;  follow  him  into  the  house  that  he  enters.  And  you  shall  say  to 
the  master  of  the  house,  '  The  teacher  says  to  thee,  "  Where  is  the  guest- 

12  chamber  where  I  may  eat  the  paschal  lamb  with  my  disciples?"'  And 
he   will   show   you   a  large   upper  room,   spread   with   couches  ;    make 

13  ready  there."     So  they  went  away  and  found  it  was  exactly  as  he  had 

14  told   them  ;   and   they   made   ready   the  passover.  And  when 

15  the  hour  came  he  lay  down,  and  the  apostles  with  him.  And  he  said 
to  them, 

"  Keenly  liave  I  desired  to  eat  this  passover  with  you  before  I 
suffer : 

16  For  I  tell  you,  I  shall  not  eat  it  until  it  be  fulfilled  in  God's  reign." 

17  And  on  receiving  a  cup,  he  gave  thanks  and  said, 

"  Take  this  and  distribute  it  among  yourselves  : 

18  For  I  tell  you  I  shall  not  drink  of  the  produce  of  the  vine  from  this 

moment,  till  God's  reign  come." 

19  Then  he  took  bread,  and  after  giving  thanks  he  broke  it  and  gave  to 
them,  saying,  "  This  is  my  body  [[which  is  given  for  you  :  do  this  in 

20  memory  of  me."     Likewise  also  the  cup  after  supper,  saying,  "  This  cup 

21  is  the  new  covenant  in  my  blood,  which  is  poured  out  for  you]].     But  lo, 

22  the  hand  of  my  betrayer  is  with  me  on  the  table  !  For  the  Son  of  man 
departs  as  it  has  been  determined  ;  but  woe  to  that  man  through  whom 

23  he  is  betrayed  !  "     And  they  began  to  discuss  with  themselves,  whicli  of 

24  them  it  could  l)e  who  was  about  to  do  this.  A  contention  also 
got  up  among  them,  as  to  which  of  them  was  looked  up  to  as  the  greatest. 

25  So  he  said  to  them, 

"  The  kings  of  the  Gentiles  lord  it  over  them, 


2226-52]  LUKE  407 

And  those  wlio  exercise   authority  over  them  take  the  name  of 
'  benefactors ' : 

26  Not  so  with  you. 

Nay,  let  him  who  is  greatest  among  you 

Be  as  the  youngest, 
And  he  who  is  chief 

As  one  who  serves. 

27  For  which  is  greater,  guest  or  servant  ? 

Is  it  not  the  guest  ? 
And  I  am  in  the  midst  of  you 
As  one  who  serves. 

28  You  are   the  men  who  have  remained  with   me  throughout  my 

trials  ; 

29  And  I  assign  you,  even  as  my  Father  has  assigned  me,  regal 

power, 

30  To  eat  and  drink  at  my  table  in  my  reign — 

And  you  shall  sit  upon  thrones,  governing  the  twelve  tribes  of 
Israel. 

31  Simon,  Simon  !  lo,  Satan  has  obtained  his  request  to  sift  you  like 

wheat ; 

32  But  I  have  prayed  for  thee,  that  thy  faith  fail  not. 

And   when   once   thou  hast    turned    back,   establish   thou   thy 
brothers." 

33  And  he  said  to  him,  "  Lord,  I  am  ready  to  go  with  thee,  even  to  prison 

34  and  to  death."  But  he  said,  "  I  tell  thee,  Peter,  the  cock  shall  not  crow 
to-day,  till  tliou  hast  three  times  denied  that  thou  knowest  me." 

35  And  he  said  to  them,  "  When  I  despatched  you  without  purse  and  wallet 

36  and  sandals,  did  you  lack  anything?"  And  they  said,  "Nothing."  And 
he  said  to  them,  "But  let  him  who  has  a  purse  take  it  now,  and  the  same 
with  a  wallet ;  and  let  him  who  has  no  sword  sell  his  cloak  and  buy  one. 

37  For  I  tell  you,  this  thing  that  is  written  must  be  fulfilled  in  me — And  he 
was  reckoned  among  the  ivicked.     For  indeed  all  that  concerns  me  is  being 

38  accomplished."  And  they  said,  "  Lord,  behold  here  are  two  swords ! "  He 
said  to  them,  "Enough!  Enough!" 

39  Then  he  went  out  as  usual  upon  his  way  to  the  hill  of  Olives,  followed 

40  also  by  the  disciples  ;  and  on  reaching  the  spot  he  said  to  them,  "  Pray  that 

41  you  may  not  enter  temptation."    And  he  withdrew  himself  about  a  stone's 

42  throw  from  them,  and  kneeling  down  he  continued  in  prayer,  saying, 
"  Father,  if  it  please  thee,  take  this  cup  away  from  me.     Nevertheless, 

43  not  my  will,  but  thine,  be  done."     [[Now  an  angel  from  heaven  appeared 

44  to  him  to  strengtlien  him  ;  and  agonised  with  terror  he  prayed  more 
earnestly  than  ever,  and  his  sweat  became  like  clots  of  blood,  dropping 

45  on  the  ground.]]     Then  rising  from  his  prayer  he  came  to  the  disciples 

46  and  found  them  asleep  for  sorrow  ;  and  he  said  to  them,  "  Why  sleep  ?  rise 

47  and  pray,  that  you  enter  not  into  temptation."  When  he  was 
still  speaking,  behold,  a  horde  came,  preceded  by  the  man  called  Judas  (one 

48  of  the  twelve).     And  he  came  near  Jesus  to  kiss  him.     But  Jesus  said  to 

49  him,  "  Judas  !  betray  the  Son  of  man  with  a  kiss  !  "  Now  when  his 
associates  saw  what  was  going  to  happen,  they  said,  "  Lord,  shall   we 

50  smite  with  the  sword  ? "     Indeed  one  of  them  did  smite  the  slave  of  the 

51  high  priest  and  cut  off  his  right  ear.     But  Jesus  spoke  out,  saying,  "Let 

52  me  do  this,  at  least "  ;  and  touching  his  ear,  he  cured  him.  Then  said 
Jesus  to  the  high  priests  and  the  commanders  of  the  temple  and  the  elders 
who  had  appeared  against  him,  "  Did  you  come  out  as  against  a  robber,  with 


I 

408  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [22^^-23^^  1 

53  swords  and  clubs  ?  Wlieu  I  was  beside  you  day  by  day  in  the  temple, 
you  did  not  stretch  out  your  hands  against  me.     But  this  is  your  hour  ; 

this  is  the  power  of  darkness  !  "  I 

54  Now  after  arresting  him,  they  took  and  brought  him  into  the  house  i 

55  of  the  high  priest.     Peter  followed  at  a  distance;  and  when  they  kindled  j 
a  fire  in  the  middle  of  the  court-yard  and  sat  down  together,  Peter  i 

56  seated  himself  among  them.     Now  a  maidservant  saw  him  sitting  by  the  ' 
firelight,  and  fixing  her  eyes  on  him,  she  said,  "  This  fellow  was  'with 

57,  58  him  too."  But  he  denied  it,  saying,  "  Woman,  I  know  him  not."  Then 
shortly  afterwards  another  person — a  man — saw  him,  and  said,  "  Thou 

59  art  one  of  them  too."  Said  Peter,  "  Man,  I  am  not."  Then  after  an 
interval  of  about  an  hour,  some  one  else  stoutly  declared,  "  Quite  true, 

CO  this  fellow  Avas  along  with  him  too  !  Why,  he  is  a  Galilean  ! "  Said 
Peter.  "  Man,  I  know  not  what  thou  meanest."     Then  instantly,  while  he 

61  was  still  speaking,  the  cock  crowed.  And  the  Lord  turned  and  looked 
at  Peter;  then  Peter  remembered  the  word  of  the  Lord,  how  he  had 
said  to  him,  "  Before  the  cock  crows  to-day,  thou  shalt  three  times  deny 

62  me."     And  he  went  out,  and  bitterly  he  wept. 

63  And  the  men   who   held    Jesus   kept   mocking  and  flogging  him  ; 

64  and    after    blindfolding  him   they   plied   him   with   questions,   saying, 

65  "  Prophesy,  wlio  was  it  that  struck  thee  ? "  And  much  more  abuse  they 
uttered  against  him. 

66  And  as  soon  as  day  broke,  the  assembly  of  the  elders  of  the  people  I 
met,   both  high   priests  and   scribes,   and   brought  ^  him   before    their  | 

67  Sanhedrin,  saying,  "  If  thou  art  the  Christ,  tell  us."     He  said   to  them,  I 
68,  69  "You  will  not  believe,  if  I  tell  you  ;  nor  will  you  answer,  if  T  ask.     But 

ivom  this  time  the  Son  of  man  shall  be  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  God's 

70  power."     And  they  all  said,  "  Art  thou  the  Son  of  God,  then  ? "     And  lie 

71  said  to  them,  "Certainly,  I  am."  So  they  said,  "What  further  evidence 
do  we  need?     We  have  heard  it  ourselves  from  his  own  lips." 

23  1,  2  Then  all  the  multitude  rose  up  and  led  him  to  Pilate.  And  they  began 
to  accuse  him,  saying,  "We  found  this  fellow  perverting  our  nation,  for- 
bidding people  to  pay  tribute  to  Caesar,  and  declaring  himself  to  be  '  Christ,' 

3  a  king."  Pilate  asked  him,  "  Art  thou  the  King  of  the  Jews  ? "  And  in  reply 

4  to  him  he  said,   "  Certainly."     Said  Pilate  to  the  high  priests  and  the 

5  crowds,  "  I  find  nothing  criminal  in  this  man."  But  they  persisted  in 
alleging,  "  He  stirs  up  the  people  by  teaching  throughout'  the  whole  of 

6  Judaea,   starting  from  Galilee  and  coming   even  here."     Hearing  this, 

7  Pilate  asked  them,  "  Is  the  man  a  Galilean  ? "  And  when  he  ascertained 
that  he  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Herod,  he  remitted  him  to  Herod, 

8  as  he  too  was  at  Jerusalem  during  these  days.  Now  when  Herod  saw 
Jesus  he  was  exceedingly  delighted,  for  he  had  long  had  a  desire  to  see 
him,  owing  to  what  he  had  heard  of  him  ;  besides,  he  was  in  hopes  of 

9  seeing  some  sign  performed  by  him.     So  he  questioned  him  with  many  a 

10  word  ;  but  he  did  not  answer  him  at  all.     Meanwhile  the  high  priests 

11  and  the  scril)es  stood  and  accused  him  with  might  and  main.  And  after 
Herod,  along  with  his  troops,  had  scoffed  at  him  and  mocked  him,  he 

12  arrayed  him  in  bright  raiment  and  sent  him  liack  to  Pilate.  On  tliat 
day  Herod  and  Pilate  became  friends  together  ;  for  previously  they  had 

13  been  at  enmity  with  one  another.  Now  after  Pilate' had  called 

14  together  the  high  priests  and  the  rulers  and  the  people,  he  said  to  them, 
"You  brought  me  this  man  as  a  seducer  of  the  peo])le  ;  yet  here  have  I 
examined  him  before  you,  and  found  nothing  criminal  in  him,  for  all 

1  Reading  avr.ya.yov. 


23^^-^^]  LUKE  409 

15  your  accusations  against  liim.     No,  nor  even  has  Herod,  for  lie  remitted 

16  him   to  us.      Behold,  he   has  done    nothing  to   deserve   death.      I  will 

18  chastise  him  then,  and  release  him."     But  one  and  all  they  shrieked,  "  Off 

19  with  him  I     Release  for  us  Bar- Abbas  "  (a  man  who  had  been  thrown 
into  prison  on  account  of  a  riot  which  had  taken  j^lace  in  the  city,  as  well 

20  as  on  a  charge  of  murder).     Pilate  once  more   addressed   them,  in   his 

21  desire  to  release  Jesus;  but  they  kept  roaring  out,  "Crucify!  Crucify 

22  him  ! "     For  the  third  time  he  said  to  them,  "  Why,  what  evil  has  this 
man  done  ?     I  have  found  nothing  criminal  in  him — no  capital  offence. 

23  I  will  chastise  him  then,  and  release  him."     But  they  loudly  pressed 
their  demand  to  have  him  crucified  ;  and  their  voices  carried"  the  day. 

24,  25  So  Pilate  gave  sentence  that  their  request  was  to  be  granted.  He  released 
the  man  they  requested,  who  had  been  thrown  into  prison  for  riot  and 
murder  ;  and  he  delivered  up  Jesus  to  their  pleasure. 

26  And  as  they  led  him  away,  the\^  laid  hold  of  Simon,  a  Cyrenian, 
who  was  on  his  way  from  the  country,  and  put  the  cross  upon  him  to 

27  bear  it  after  Jesus.     Now  he  was  followed  by  a  large  multitude  of  the 

28  people,  and  of  women  who  beat  their  breasts  and  lamented  him.     But 
Jesus  turned  to  them  and  said, 

"  Daughters  of  Jerusalem  !  weep  not  for  me, 
But  weep  for  yourselves  and  for  your  children  : 

29  For  behold  !  days  are  coming  when  it  shall  be  said, 

'  Happy  the  barren — the  wombs  that  have  not  Ijorne,  the  breasts 
that  have  not  given  suck  ! ' 

30  Then  shall  they  begin  to  say  to  the  mountains,  '  Fall  on  us,' 

And  to  the  mounds,  '  Cover  us' ; 

31  For  if  they  do  this  in  the  green  tree. 

What  shall  be  done  in  the  dry  ?  " 

32  There  were  also  two  other  criminals  led  along  with  him  to  be  put  to 

33  death.     So  when  they  came  to  the  place  which  is  called  "The  Skull," 
they  crucified  him  there  along  with  the  criminals,  one  on  the  right  hand 

34  and  one  on  the  left.     [[And  Jesus  ke^^t  saying,  "Father,  forgive  them  — 
they  know  not  what  they  are  doing."]]     Then  distrihutimj  his  garments 

35  among  them,  they  cast  lots.    And  the  people  stood  and  looked.    But  ^  the  rulers 
sneered  at  him,  saying,  "  Others  he  saved  ;  let  him  save  himself,  if  he  is 

36  the  chosen  Christ  of  God  !  "     The  soldiers  also  mocked  him  by  coming  up 

37  and  handing  him  vinegar,  and  saving,  "If  thou  art  the  King  of  the  Jews, 

38  save  thyself."     (There  was  also  a"  title  over  him,  THIS  IS  THE  KING 

39  OF  THE  JEWS.)    And  one  of  the  criminals  who  had  been  hung,  heaped 
abuse  on  him,  saying,  "  Art  thou  not  the  Christ  ?     Save  thyself  and  us." 

40  But  the  other  in  reply  rebuked  him,  saying,  "  Hast  thou  not  even  fear  of 

41  God,   seeing   that  thou  art  under  the   same   condemnation?     And    we 
indeed  justly,  for  we  get  what  our  deeds  deserve  ;  but  this  man  has  done 

42  no  harm."     And  he  said,  "  Remember  me,  Jesus,  when  thou  comest  in  thy 

43  royal  power."     And  he  said  to  him,  "  I  tell  thee  truly,  thou  shalt  be  in 
paradise  with  me  to-day." 

44  By  this  time  it  was  about  the  sixth  hour,  and  a  darkness  covered  the 

45  whole  land  till  the  ninth  hour,  owing  to  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  ;  also,  the 

46  veil  in  the  middle  of  the  sanctuary  was  torn.     Then  Jesus  cried  with  a 
loud  voice,  and  said,  "  Father,  into  thy  hands  I  trust  my  spirit."     And  on 

47  saying  this,  he  expired.     Now  when  the  centurion  saw  what  had  taken 

48  place,  he  magnified  God,  saying,  "  This  man  was  really  innocent."     And 
when  all  the  crowds  who  had  collected  for  this  spectacle,  observed  what 

1  OmittiiiR  xxi. 


410  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [23^^-242^ 

49  had  taken  place,  they  went  away  back,  smiting  their  breasts.  But  all  his 
acquaintances  stood  at  a  distance  and  saw  this,  along  with  the  women  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  Galilee. 

50  And  behold,  there  was  a  man  named  Joseph,  who  was  a  councillor, 

51  a  good  and  upright  man — he  had  not  voted  for  their  scheme  and  deed. 
He  belonged  to  Arimathaea,  a  city  of  the  Jews  ;  and  he  was  waiting  for 

52  the  reign  of  God.     He  Avent  to  Pilate  and  asked  for  the  body  of  Jesus. 

53  Then  he  took  it  down,  wrapped  it  up  in  a  linen  cloth,  and  laid  it  in  a  tomb 

54  cut  out  of  stone,  where  no  one  had  ever  yet  been  buried.  It  was  the 
day  of  Preparation,  and  the  sabbath-day  was  just  dawning. 

55  Now  the  women  who  had  come  with  him  from  Galilee  followed  behind, 

56  and  after  noting  the  tomb  and  how  his  body  was  laid,  they  returned  and 
got  ready  spices  and  ointments. 

And  on  the  sabbath  they  did  nothing,  according  to  the  command- 
24  1  ment ;  but  at  early  dawn  on  the  tirst  day  of  the  week  they  went  to  the 

2  tomb,  bringing  the  spices  they  had  got  ready.     They  found  the  stone 

3  rolled  away  from  the  tomb,  but  when  they  went  in  they  did  not  find  the 

4  body  [[of   the   Lord   Jesus]].     And   it  came   to   pass,  while   they  were 
puzzling   over   this,   behold,    two   men   came    upon    them    in   dazzling 

5  raiment.     And  as  they  grew  terrified  and  bent  their  faces  to  the  ground, 

6  they  said  to  them,  "  Why  seek  the  living  among  the  dead  ?  [[He  is  not 
here  :  he  has  risen.]]     Remember  how  he  spoke  to  you  when  he  was 

7  still  in  Galilee,  saying,  '  The  Son  of  man  must  be  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  sinful  men,  and  be  crucified,  and  on  the  third  day  rise  again.' " 

8,  9  Then  they  remembered  his  words,  and  returning  from  the  tomb  they 

10  brought  word  of  all  this  to  the  eleven  and  to  all  the  others.  (It  was 
the  Mary  who  belonged  to  Magdala,  and  Joanna  and  Mary  the  mother  of 

11  JaTues  who,  with  the  rest  of  the  women,  told  tliis  to  the  apostles.)  Yet 
these  words  appeared  in  their  view  to  be  nonsense,  and  they  dislielieved 

12  the  women.  [[Peter,  however,  rose  up  and  ran  to  the  toml);  yet  on 
gazing  in,  he  sees  only  the  linen  bandages.  So  he  went  away  home, 
wondering  at  what  had  taken  place.]] 

13  And  behold,  two  of  them  were  journeying  on  that  very  day  to  a 
village  named  Emmaus,  six  and  a  half  miles  distant  from  Jerusalem  ; 

14,  15  and  they  were  conversing  together  about  all  these  events.     And  it  came 

to  2)ass  during  tlieir  converse  and  discussion  that  Jesus  himself  drew 

10  near  and  journeyed  along  with  them.     (But  they  were  prevented  from 

17  recognising  him.)  And  he  said  to  them,  "What  words  are  these  that 
are  passing  between  you  as  you  walk  ? "     And  they  stood  still,  dejected. 

18  Ancl  one  of  them,  Gleopas  by  name,  answered  and  said  to  him,  "Art  thou 
the  solitary  inhabitant  of  Jerusalem — to  be  ignorant  of  what  has  taken 

19  jilace  in  it  during  these  days?"  And  he  said  to  them,  "What?"  They 
.said  to  him,  "All  al)Out  Jesus  of  X.i/.aret,  who  proved  himself  a  proj^het 

20  mighty  in  deed  and  word  before  ( lod  ami  all  the  people  :  and  about  how 
the  high  priests  and  our  rulers  dclivncd  liim  up  to  be  condemned  to 

21  death,  and  crucified  him.  Now  we  had  hoped  he  was  to  be  the  redeemer 
of  Israel  ;  yet  for  all  that,  three  days  have  passed  since  this  took  jjlace. 

22  Still,  at  the  same  time,  some  women  of  our  number  have  amazed  us. 

23  They  reached  the  tomb  early  and  could  not  find  his  body ;  yet  they  came  to 
tell  us  that  they  had  actually  seen  a  vision  of  angels,  who  said  he  was  living. 

24  And  some  of  our  companions  went  away  to  the  tomb.    They  found  it  was 

25  exactly  as  the  women  had  said  ;  but  him  they  saw  not."  And  lie  said  to 
them,    "0  foolish  and  slow   of  heart  in   believing,  after  all  that   the 

2G  prophets  have  uttered  !     Was  it  not  necessary  for  the  Christ  to  suller  thus 


2427-53]  LUKE  411 

27  and   enter   liis   majesty  ? "      And   beginning  witli   Moses   and    all    the 
jaropliets,  he  interpreted  to  them  what  referred  to  himself  throughout  all 

28  the  scriptures.     And  they  drew  near  the  village  to   which  they  were 

29  journeying.      He  pretended  he  was   going  further  on  ;   but  they  urged 
him,  saying,  "  Stay  with  us,  for  it  is  towards  evening,  and  the  day  has 

30  now  declined."     So  he  went  in  to  stay  with  them.     And  it  came  to  pass 
while  he  was  reclining  at  table  with  them  he  took  the  bread  and,  after  the 

31  blessing,  broke  it,  and  proceeded  to  hand  it  to  them.     So  their  eyes  were 

32  opened,  and  they  recognised  him  ;  but  he  vanished  from  their  sight.    And 
they  said  to  one  another,  "  Did  not  our  heart  glow  within  us  while  he 

33  talked  to  us  on  the  road,  while  he  opened  the  scriptures  to  us  1 "     And 
they  rose  up  that  very  hour  and  returned  to  Jerusalem,  where  they  found 

34  the  eleven  and  their  companions  all  mustered,  saying,  "  The  Lord  has 

35  really  risen,  and  lie  has  appeared  to  Simon!"    Then  they  recounted  what 
had  taken  place  on  the  road,  and  how  they  knew  him  by  the  breaking  of 

36  the  bread.  Now  as  they  were  thus  talking,  he  stood  in  the 

37  midst  of  them  [[and  says  to  them,  "  Peace  to  you  !  "]].     But  startled  and 

38  terrified,  they  supposed  they  saw  a  spirit.     And  he  said  to  them,  "Why 
are  you  troubled,  and  why   do   questionings  start  up   in   your   heart? 

39  Look  at  my  hands  and  my  feet ;  it  is  I  !     Handle  me  and  see  ;   for  a 

40  spirit  has  not  flesh  and  bones,  as  you  see  that  I  have."     [[And  saying 

41  this,  he  showed  them  his  hands  and  his  feet.]]     Now  as  they  still  dis- 
believed for  joy  and  wondered,  he  said  to  them,  "  Have  you  any  food 

42,  43  here  ?  So  they  handed  him  a  piece  of  broiled  fish.  And  he  took  and  ate 
44  it  before  them.  And  he  said  to  them,  "  These  are  my  words  that 

I  spoke  to  you  when  I  was  still  with  you — that  everything  written  in  the 

law  of  Moses  and  in  the  prophets  and  psalms  concerning  me,  must  be 
45,  46  fulfilled."     Then  he  opened  their  mind  to  understand  the  scriptures,  and 

said  to  them,  "  Thus  it  is  written  :  the  Christ  is  to  suft'er  and  rise  again 
47  from  the  dead  on  the  third  day,  and  repentance  for  the  remission  of  sins 

is  to  be  preached  in  his  name  to  all  the  nations — starting  from  Jerusalem. 
48,  49  You  are  witnesses  of  these  things.     And  lo  !  I  send  forth  upon  you  what 

my  Father  has  promised.     But  do  you  settle  in  the  city,  until  j'ou  are 

clothed  with  power  from  on  high." 

50  And  he  led  them  out  as  far  as  to  Bethany;  then  lifting  up  his  hands, 

51  he  blessed  them.     And  it  came  to  pass  while  he  blessed  them,  he  parted 

52  from  them  [[and  was  carried  up  into  heaven]].     Then  they  [[did  him 

53  reverence  and]]  returned  to  Jerusalem  with  great  joy  ;  and  they  were  con- 
stantly within  the  temple,  blessing  God. 


ACTS 

The  unmistakable  care  bestowed  in  tlic  tliircl  gospel  upon  the  associa- 
tion of  the  evangelic  history  with  the  events  of  the  larger  Empire  is 
accentuated  in  its  sequel,  which  definitely  sympathises  with  the  feelings 
and  hopes  of  Christianity  in  its  consciousness  of  peril  under  Domitian. 
The  new  faith  was  not  yet  legally  proscribed.  Suspicion  had  to  be 
averted  from  it,  if  possible  ;  and  an  imijlicit  defence  could  still  be  offered 
on  its  behalf,  Ijy  "  a  temperate  and  solemn  record  ...  of  the  real  facts 
regarding  the  formation  of  the  church,  its  steady  and  unswerving  loyalty 
in  the  past,  its  firm  resolve  to  accept  the  facts  of  Imperial  government, 
its  friendly  reception  by  many  Romans."  ^  Acts  is  thus  an  appeal  for, 
because  it  is  a  series  of  reminiscences  -  of.  Imperial  respect  and  con- 
sideration. But  this  feature  of  the  book  is  subordinate.  Its  primary 
function  is  to  edify  the  contemporary  church  by  a  true  account  of  how 
Judaism  had  been  slowly  and  painfully  supplanted  in  the  course  of 
Providence  by  the  Christian  church.  Besides  the  interest  in  apostolic 
teaching  and  travels,  one  remarkable  feature  of  the  book  consists  in  its 
reflection   of   Christianity   as  constituting  already  an  extensive  pheno- 

1  Ramsay,  SPT,  pp.  22,  309,  387 f.  On  this  "apologetic"  element  in  Acts,  op. 
Zeller-Overbeck  (Eng.  tr.),  i.  p.  23f.,  ii.  161  f.  ;  Weizsaoker,  AA,  ii.  pp.  122-124; 
Renan,  Les  Apotres,  Introd. ;  Ptieiderer,  6Vc.pp.  .'544-614  ;  Holtzmanu, ^C,  ii.  2,  Einl. ; 
McGiffert,  A  A,  pp.  345-348  ;  Bartlet,  .4^1,  p.  168  f.,  409  f. ;  and  especially  J.  Weiss, 
Ahsicht,  pp.  56-60.  In  Luke  the  Roman  attitude  towards  Christianity  is  exhibited 
in  a  favourable  light  (Lk  23i'  '^-).  In  Acts,  cp.  the  conduct  of  the  proconsuls 
(1312  1812^  etc.)  and  the  Asiarchs  (19"i).  Paul  is  never  formally  condemned  by  the 
authorities,  and  it  is  easy  to  understand  Luke's  silence  upon  his  final  condemnation, 
as  upon  the  three  occasions  when  he  had  been  flogged  by  lictors  (2  Co  W-^). 
Aberle  [Tab.  Thenl.  Quartalschr.  1863,  pp.  84-134)  in  an  exaggerated  way  seems 
to  have  considered  Acts  as  a  document  designed  to  be  put  in  at  Paul's  trial,  with 
a  view  of  vindicating  his  political  iuoffensiveness ;  just  as  he  had  previously  {ihid. 
1859,  pp.  567-588)  viewed  Matthew  as  a  reply  to  some  antichristian  circular  letter 
issued  by  the  Jewish  Sanhedrin.  The  activity  of  historical  composition 

among  the  Jews  of  this  period  seems  to  have  been  concentrated  upon  the  Roman 
campaign  under  Vespasian  which  culminated  in  the  overthrow  of  Jerusalem.  This 
subject  was  treated  by  numerous  writers  of  more  or  less  reliability  (Josephus,  pre- 
face to  Wars  of  Jews).     Justus  of  Tiberias  is  the  best  known  of  them. 

For  the  guess  that  Acts  formed  the  second  (Ac  1^)  part  of  a  historical  work  whose 
third  volume  was  never  written,  cp.  Ramsay,  SPT,  pp.  23,  27,  28,  309,  and  Zahn, 
Einl.  ii.  pp.  371  f.,  389.     The  hint  was  originally  thrown  out  by  Bengel. 

-  We  have  hardly  any  means  of  knowing  what  information  the  readers  possessed 
on  such  matters,  and  how  far  they  had  the  power  of  checking  an  incorrect  state- 
ment in  tlieir  author.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  be  suspicious  of  the  narrative  at  these 
points  ;  even  although  they  are  not  complete,  they  may  be  true  as  far  as  tlicy  go. 
Tendency,  either  here  or  in  the  gospels,  is  not  correlative  necessarily  with  indiffcr- 
ence  to  fact  or  licence  of  imagination.  The  presence  of  a  conciliatory  motive  in 
Acts  does  not  ipsofado  throw  doubts  upon  the  historicity  of  the  facts  adduced.  On 
the  contrary,  prejudice  would  be  averted  most  eflectively  by  a  "plain  unvarnished 
tale  "  of  what  really  happened.  The  strength  of  the  Apuloijia  would  consist  largely 
in  the  indisputable  ami  notorious  evidence  of  facts,  and  so  far  as  these  are  brought 
foiward,  it  is  likely  that  upon  the  whole  they  are  reliable  in  most  essential  points. 
412 


ACTS  413 

menon.  Numberless  traces  point  to  the  hold  which  the  new  religion  i  was 
taking  of  the  Emi^ire  at  the  time  when  this  book  was  written,  as  well  as 
to  the  evident  sympathy  with  which  the  author  viewed  that  extension. 
Apart  from  minor  expressions  like  1^  (ew?  eaxdrov  Tfjs  y^s^lS'*'',  from 
Isa  49«  LXX)  9^^  102«-20  lo-^o  1344.45  1427  2215.21  2311  26i'- 1^  the  whole 
narrative  2  of  chapter  2  is  dominated  by  the  conception  of  the  church 
as  initially  catholic  (2''  *•),  inaugurated  for  universal  ends  and  destined 
from  the  start  to  expand  beyond  purely  national  bounds.  The  enumera- 
tion of  the  audience,  swee|)ing  from  East  to  West  (2^"ii),  the  conscious 
scheme  "  from  Jerusalem  through  Syrian  Antioch  to  Eome "  which 
underlies  the  whole  book,  the  introduction  of  narratives  like  8^"i^  10, 
ll^'-'f-  15,  18^^-,  the  cosmopolitan  outlook  on  the  religious  history  of 
the  world  (14'5-i'  17-^f=r-Ro  32^),  and  the  dramatic  finale  (2825  £)  3 
Avith  the  characteristic  words  put  into  the  mouth  of  Paul,  rols  i'dvea-iv 
OTreo-roAj;  tovto  to  cra>TTji}i.ov  tov  deov'  alrol  kol  nKovaovrai, — these  and 
Other  lines  of  evidence  betray  a  fine  religious  pragmatism,  by  which  the 
mission  to  the  Gentiles  was  conceived  as  a  natural,  legitimate,  and  provi- 
dential development.  The  author  in  fact  read  back  the  developed  hopes 
and  feelings  of  his  own  age  into  these  sketches  of  nascent  Christianity, 
because  he  heartily  believed  that  catholicity  of  spirit  was  an  essential 
part  of  the  iaith  produced  by  the  historical  Jesus.  These  two  ideas,  (a) 
the  catholicity  and  freedom,  and  (b)  the  spread  of  the  Christian  faith,  are 
correlative.  Inherent  in  the  original  teaching  of  Jesus,  and  substantially 
reproduced  in  the  apostolic  mind,  they  came  to  be  understood  and  exj^ressed 
with  special  emphasis  in  this  literature  of  the  last  quarter  of  the  century. 
Compare  the  close  of  the  third  gospel  (2452-  53)  ^nd  the  close  of  Acts  (28''i), 
with  their  similar  note  of  unrestrained  vigour,  also  the  patent  universalism 
of  the  gospel  with  its  characteristic  touches  like  IQi"  (rj'Kdev  yap  6  vl6s  tov 
dvOpiOTTov  ^TjTrjcraL  Koi  amaai  to  dnoXcoXos),  7''^''"50^  r^j^,^  j^ii-is^  g^(,_  'pjjg  note 
of  the  age  (75-100),  so  far  as  Christianity's  relation  to  Judaism  is  con- 
cerned, may  be  fairly  summed  up  in  the  antithesis :  Judaism  as  a  religion  is 
identical  with  and  consummated  in  Christianity,  Judaism  as  a  nationality 
has  become  completely  antagonistic  to  Christianity  (Holtzmann). 

The  relative  date  of  this  book  is  easily  determined.  If,  as  is  almost 
unanimously  held  (cji.  the  arguments  marshalled  in  Overbeck-Zeller,  ii.  jj. 
213f.,  and  Friedrich,  Das  Lukasevangelium  U7id  die  Ajigeschichte  iverke  dessd- 
hen  Verfassers,  1890),  it  is  by  the  author  of  the  third  gospel,  then  the 
composition  of  Acts  (^evrepos  Xoyos)  falls  into  a  more  or  less  subsequent 
period.  The  time  elapsing  between  the  two  has  been  variously  reckoned 
(about  nine  or  ten  years,  Renan),  but  is  generally  held  to  have  been 
appreciable,  chiefly  owing  to  the  difference  of  tradition  *  in  Lk  23,  24 

1  True  to  his  historical  function,  the  writer  did  not  represent  the  early  organisation, 
however,  as  a  mature  and  official  system.  It  is  impossible  to  make  sense  of  DB,  i.  32 
(last  two  sentences),  and  the  remark  upon  the  next  page — "  No  object  could  be  gained  by 
the  representation  which  is  given  of  its  form  aud  character" — betrays  a  deficient  grasp 
of  historical  criticism.     Consult  Seufert,  Ursp.  u.  Bedeut.  d.  Apostolates,  pp.  77-95. 

2  As  even  Blass  admits  in  ver.  5  (as  on  839) ;  quae  sequuntur  etiam  niagis  quam 
priora  rrpof/iTtxu;  narrata  sunt,  non  lirropixHs.  On  the  moral  apologues  and  sus- 
piciously uuhistorical  elements  in  Ac  1-5,  cp.  Holtzmann,  HC,  i.  pp.  310-3-10, 
and  Ramsay,  SPT,  pp.  367-372 :  generally,  Clemen,  Chron.  pp.  17-28,  with 
the  authorities  there  cited,  and  McGilfert's  sensible  and  masterly  treatment. 

3  After  ax-uXuTus  D  adds  the  needless  but  congenial  words,  xiyav  'in  oiroV  Ifr-ny 
0  xpiirTos  0  vli;  toZ  OioZ,  II  oZ  fj-i/jM  ^'i-i  (<>x«f)  o  ziiTfuii  zpivioSxi.  "  Victoria  verbi  Dei, 
Paulus  Romae,  apex  evaugelii  "  (Bengel). 

■^  Acts  1  represents  a  fuller  and  later  developmeut  of  the  resurrection-  and 
ascension-stories,  which  apparently  did  not  come  into  the  writer's  hands  until  the 


414  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

and  Ac  1.  However,  we  do  not  possess  any  evidence  wliicli  enables  a 
calculation  like  this  to  be  made  with  much  accuracy.  At  any  rate,  80-85 
A.D.  is  the  terminus  a  quo.  After  that  jjcriod  Acts  was  finally  composed. 
The  main  considerations  which  indicate  its  period  are  twofold,  (a)  One 
is  the  incipient  "  Catholicism  "  ^  of  the  ideas  and  institutions  in  the 
Avriting,  as  in  Clem.  Rom.  Acts  stands  little  nearer  to  the  events  which 
it  records,  than  the  third  gospel  to  the  life  of  Jesus.  The  writer,  a 
Gentile  Christian,  is  at  some  distance  from  them,  viewing  retrospectively 
the  earlier  conflicts  which  have  subsided  into  the  more  settled  state  of 
agreement  and  consolidation  by  which  he  is  surrounded.  This  would 
naturally  point  to  the  closing  decades  of  the  century.  A  growth  lies 
behind  the  author,  and  with  the  help  of  written  sources  he  sets  himself  to 
trace  that  growth  for  the  purpose  of  edifying  his  contemporaries  and 
throwing  light  upon  the  status  quo.  (b)  The  other  feature  is,  as  already 
noted,  the  tone  and  feeling  of  the  church  toward  the  State,  which  has  been 
rightly  held  to  be  incompatilde  with  a  date  much  posterior  to  the  Flavian 
regime.  On  the  ground  of  this  evident  endeavour  -  to  exhibit  Chris- 
tianity in  association  with  the  Empire,  and  to  indicate  it  as  an  innocent 
religious  movement,  Ramsay  argues  with  great  force  that  the  third 
gospel  was  composed  before  (and  finished  in)  79-81,  immediately  after 
which  the  Acts  was  written.  This  is,  however,  to  be  too  precise,  and 
there  is  no  ground  for  his  further  suggestion  that  the  book  was  left 
incomplete  owing  to  Luke's  martvrdom  under  Domitian  {SPT,  pp.  23, 
386  f. ;  so,  for  ditterent  reasons,  Spitta).  After  Hilgenfeld  (95-100  a.d.), 
Mangold  (-Bleek)  selected  the  beginning  of  the  last  decade  of  the 
century,  Reuss  (pp.  296-310)  its  last  quarter  ;  Keim  chose  a  slightly 
earlier  period,  80-90  a.d.  (i.  63),  but  Wendt  (-Meyer)  has  recently 
gone  back  to  95-100.  Bleek  and  Renan,'^  followed  Ijy  Dr.  Sanday,  come 
down  even  as  far  as  c.  80 (so  Adeney,  i?/,  p.  345,  and  Bartlet,  yl^,pp.  511), 
Headlam  {DB,  i.  pp.  29,  30)  and  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  424-439)  to  c.  75, 
or  to  "  a  period  shortly  after  70." 

It  is  impossible  to  believe  the  preposterous  idea  (Euseb.  HE,  ii.  22) 
that  the  book  was  written  contemj)oraneously  with  or  just  after  {vide 
Blass,  Proleg.  §  2)  the  events  recorded  at  its  close.*  Those  only  who 
find  the  author's  silence  upon  Paul's  death  unaccountable   if  he  wrote 

gospel  was  published.  Otherwise  the  iueonsistencies  are  quite  incredible.  Sir  John 
Hawkins  (Horae  Synopt.  pp.  140-161)  infers  that  a  considerable  interval  elapsed 
between  the  two  books,  on  account  of  the  differences  in  vocabulary  and  phraseology. 

1  "Nicht  Paulus  wird  judaisirt,  nicht  Petrus  paulinisirt,  sondern  Paulus  iind 
Petrus  lucanisirt  d.  h.  katholisirt  "  (Jiilicher) :  "  Der  Verfasser  hat  nicht  tendenziiis 
den  Petrus  paulinisiertuud  den  Paulus  petrinisiert ;  er  hat  vielniehr  beiden  Aposteln 
seine  eigene  chri.stlichen  Gedanken,  die  Auschauungen  des  Heidenchristenthums 
der  nach-apostolischen  Zeit  geliehen  "  (Wendt). 

2  So  Schiifer:  "Die  Apgeschichte  ist  keine  Geschiclite  d.  app.  sondern  eine 
Apologiedes  Kirche"  (1890). 

3  So  Les  Apotres,  pp.  xi.  f.,  but  op.  Le.i  ^vangiles,  chap,  xix.,  for  a  later  date,  c.  100. 

4  So  L.  Seliultze  {Ilandhuch  der  theolog.  Wissenschaften,  Band  i.  Abth.  2, 
p.  74 f.),  Rendall  {Acts,  1897),  Barde  [Comm.  sur  les  ylc^e.?,"pp.  508-583),  and  R.  B. 
Rackham  {.ITS,  Oct.  1899,  pp.  76-87).  That  Acts  could  have  Ijeen  written 
at  the  close  of  the  two  years'  imprisonment  of  the  apostle  (Ac  28'")  is  a  pre- 
critical  tlieory  which  rests  on  sentimental  or  subjective  grounds,  and  is  only  ten- 
able when  the  phenomena  both  of  Acts  and  of  the  third  gospel  are  ignored  (as 
by  Schiifer,  Einl.  p.  290  f.),  or  minimised.  At  this  time  of  day  one  must  be 
excused  from  disc\issing  the  merits  of  a  hypothesis  which  involves  the  composition 
of  the  third  gospel  some  nine  or  ten  years  before  (!)  the  crisis  of  a.d.  70.  Knowling 
seems  to  incline  to  Blass's  ]iosition  [KxOT,  ii.  34-36),  in  a  learned  and  candid  edition 
which  retiects  the  conservative  standpoint. 


ACTS  415 

after  that  event,  are  obliged  to  take  up  a  position  which  does  violence  to 
all  considerations  of  its  standpoint  and  literary  relations.  Hardly 
more  ground  exists  for  a  deep  second-century  date.  The  older  Tiibinfjen 
school  en  masse,  al^sorbed  in  the  idea  of  ])ragmatic  tendencies,  jDut  the 
Acts  under  Trajan  or  Hadrian  (so  Zeller-Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  267-284,  and 
Hausrath).  Pfleiderer,  like  S.  Davidson  {INT.  ii.  pp.  76-176),  still  is 
unable  to  find  its  period  of  composition  earlier  than  110-120  a.d.  {Urc. 
pp.  613-614),  and  he  is  followed  as  usual  by  Martineau  (Seat  of  Authority, 
p.  257).  But  this  is  scarcely  justified,  though  Rovers  (Nieuiv-test  Letter- 
kunde,  1888,  pp.  205,  206)  and  Schmiedel  still  (EBi,  i.  pp.  49,  50)  hold 
to  105  (110)-130  A.D.  Jiilicher,  while  he  rejects  the  Lucan  authorship 
(Eiyil.  p.  262  f.)  of  this  "  ideal  church  history,"  will  not  go  further  down 
than  100-105  a.d.  Similarly,  in  the  main,  Holtzmann  (HC,  i.  p.  5)  and 
Weizsiicker  ;  while,  like  Gf rorer,  Schleiermacher,  and  Keim,  McGiffert 
(A A,  pp.  348  f.,  437  f.)  places  the  book  in  Domitian's  reign,  as  do  Loning 
(Genieinde-Verfassung,  p.  62)  and  J.  Reville  (Les  origines  de  Ve'piscopat,  i. 
pp.  43,  44  :  dating  it  previous  to  the  pastoral  epistles).  The  epistle  of  Clem. 
Rom.  is  sometimes  taken  as  a  terminus  ad  quern  ;  but  while  the  resem- 
blances are  striking  (cp.  the  similar  use  of  Ps  89-^  LXX  in  Ac  13-^  and 
OR  181,  Ac  2035  =  CR  21,  Ac  1"  =  CR  5^- '),  they  do  not  decisively  prove 
dependence  either  way.  So  far  as  later  literary  connections  are  con- 
cerned, the  question  of  the  date  of  Acts  is  left  practically  open. 

From  the  standpoint  of  modern  realism  it  would  no  doubt  be  more 
satisfactory  to  have  had  Acts  rounded  off  with  an  account  of  Paul's 
martyr  death.  But  to  expect  such  a  finale  is  to  mistake  the  whole 
current  of  the  book.  The  author's  silence  upon  Paul's  death  almost 
certainly  means  that  the  apostle  was  condemned  by  the  Roman 
authorities,  or  that  the  Christian  church  had— by  the  end  of  the  first 
century — lost  all  definite  knowledge  of  how  and  when  he  died  ;  a  con- 
clusion which  is  corroborated  by  the  vague  allusions  in  Clem.  Rom. 
Yet  even  had  he  known  the  details  of  the  apostle's  death,  there  is  no 
reason  why  this  writer  should  have  added  them.  Tlie  taste  for  details 
of  Christian  martyrdom  was  a  later  growth.  Besides,  Acts  is  not  a 
biograiDhy  of  Paul,  but  a  sketch  of  the  early  church  in  its  development 
through  the  jars  and  problems  and  energies  of  the  early  apostles  to 
its  culminating  hold  upon  Rome.  And  as  the  author  does  not  give  even 
a  full  sketch  of  Paul's  previous  career,  it  is  not  uncharacteristic  of  him  to 
stop  short  of  that  tragic  event  which  followed  the  two  years'  residence 
in  Rome.  As  writer  and  readers  probably  were  aware  of  the  general  fact 
of  Paul's  death,  the  former  had  as  little  interest  in  telling  it  as  in  suji- 
pressing  it,  jjarticularly  as  it  contradicted  the  general  purport  of  his 
volume.  Possibly,  too,  Nero's  treatment  of  Paul  was  silently  omitted 
as  a  deplorable  exception  to  the  normal  policy  of  the  State.  As  for  the 
apostle's  career  at  the  close,  it  is  clear  that  in  the  belief  of  the  author  of 
Acts  (20-5),  Paul  never  revisited  Asia  Minor— a  proposition  wliich  is 
irreconcilable  with  the  tradition  underlying  the  "pastoral"  letters. 
Zahn's  attem^^t  to  prove  that  ouKeVt  is  not  equivalent  to  ov  Tj-dXiv,  and 
that  the  parting  was  for  long,  but  not  necessarily  for  ever,  is  a  bit  of 
special  pleading  (Einl.  i.  pp.  444,  445)  which  evades  the  plain  force  of 
this  passage,  just  as  the  conventional  ecclesiastical  exegesis  shrinks  from 
Mt  1-5.  The  usage  of  ouKfVt  in  Jo  16i°- 1^  is  no  parallel,  as  there  the 
context  carefully  explains  the  meaning.  Ac  20^^  ig  more  than  a  pre- 
sentiment of  the  speaker.  It  is  obviously  a  tragic  fact,  solemnly  ratified 
by  the  historian  (20^^). 


416  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

For  the  recent  liypotlieses  on  the  composite  origin  of  the  book,  cp.  below 
in  the  Appendix.  These  do  not  seriously  affect  the  question  of  its  date  as 
a  literary  unity  ;  nor  does  the  ingenious  theory  of  Blass,  according  to 
which  our  Codex  Bezae  (in  Acts)  was  a  first  rough  draft  (R)  of  the 
work  whose  later  and  revised  form  (A)  is  extant  in  our  present  Acts. 
The  latter  text  is  condensed,  the  Western  text  much  fuller.  The  reason 
of  this  is,  in  Blass's  view,  that  Luke,  l^eiiig  a  poor  man,  would  be  obliged 
to  do  his  own  copying  ;  and  in  writing  out  a  copy  of  his  work  for 
Theophilus  he  would  naturally  feel  the  tendency,  common  to  such 
situations,  to  abbreviate,  or  to  omit  here  and  there  clauses  and  para- 
graphs. JEven  if  this  were  so,  the  double  recension  would  be  practically 
synchronous. 

Broadly  speaking,  the  relative  position  of  Acts  in  the  series  of  NT 
documents  lies  Ijetween  Luke's  gospel  and  the  fourth  gospel,  earlier 
at  any  rate  than  the  pastorals,  and  possibly  somewhere  in  the  last  quarter 
or  even  in  the  last  decade  of  the  iirst  century  a.d.  Harnack  {Chron. 
pp.  246-2.50)  inclines  to  the  ])eriod  80-93;  similarly,  but  with  hesitation, 
Lightfoot,  Smith's  Die.  IP  (1893),  i.  pp.  25-42.  At  all  events,  it  cannot  be 
earlier.  If  Josephus  ^  is  used  in  Acts,  the  latter's  date  would  be  of  course 
subsequent  to  93-94  a.d.  The  proofs  of  such  an  indebtedness,  however, 
are  not  convincing,  and  have  not  yet  been  established  with  certainty. 
Evidence  for  its  use  by  Clem.  Rom.  is  unfortunately  as  indecisive.  At  the 
other  extreme  there  is  even  less  evidence  to  supjjort  the  hypothesis  that  the 
book — like  the  8th  book  of  Thucydides — was  left  untinished  at  its  author's 
death,  or  that  the  book  ended  because  at  the  moment  of  its  completion  (c.  62) 
the  writer  had  no  more  to  tell.  This  is  a  pure  guess,  which  depends 
upon  the  further  hypothesis,  equally  incapable  of  proof,  that  the  author 
intended  to  write  a  full  account  of  Paul's  life  so  far  as  he  knew  it. 
Similarly,  the  failure  to  notice  Peter's  residence  at  Rome  (1  P  5^^),  sup- 
I^osing  that  his  letter  was  known  to  the  author  of  Acts,  is  explicable 
enough  when  we  remember  that  the  fact  probably  fell  outside  the  time- 
limits  of  the  history,  even  if  it  were  granted  that  he  would  have  cared  to 
mention  it  or  Peter's  death  at  all. 

Upon  the  other  side,  if  it  can  be  sliown  that  the  Pauline  letters  did 
not  form  a  source  for  Acts,  this  makes  an  argument  in  favour  of  a  first- 
century  date,as  after  90  a.d. — to  judge  from  the  sub-apostolic  literature — 
the  knowledge  of  these  letters  became  widespread.  The  point  is  still  in 
dispute.  But  upon  the  whole  Acts  does  not  show  any  definite  traces  of 
the  Pauline  epistles  such  as  are  plentiful  in  Barnabas,  Ignatius,  etc. 
The  main  reason  for  adhering  to  this  position  is  the  total  silence  of 
Acts  upon  the  Pauline  epistles,  even  at  points  where  their  mention 
would  have  been  natural,  or  where  the  slightest  ac(iuaintance  with  their 
contents  would  have  either  prevented  the  historian  from  misconceiving-  the 
situation,  or  given  him  a  fuller  narrative  (see  the  ample  evidence  collected 
by  Zahn,  ]£inl.  ii.  p.  408  f.).      The  autlior  of  Acts  might  indeed  have 

1  On  the  relation  of  Josephus  to  the  NT  generally  and  Acts  in  particular,  cp.  above, 
]i.  271,  and  Clemen's  full  note  (Chron.  pp.  66-69).  Like  Wendt,  the  latter  is  disposed 
to  a-ssume  that  the  editor  of  Acts  was  actiuainted  with  Josephus  (cp.  also  SK,  1895, 
p.  339  f.).  On  the  other  hand,  Ramsay's  arguments  are  very  damaging  to  such  a 
theory  [Was  Christ  horn  nt  Betldehcni?  pp.  2.il-259),  and  Knowliug  has  some  acute 
objections  in  E.cGT,  ii.  pp.  30-34.     So  J.  A.  Cross,  Exp.  Ti.  xi.  pp.  538-.^)40. 

-  To  tlie  author  of  Acts  as  to  Justin  Martyr  it  seems  the  prerogative  of  the 
Twelve  to  be  the  primary  channel  for  God's  n'lission  to  the  world.  Botli  writers 
reproduce  this  conventional  idea,  though  the  original  Pauline  sources  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  former  must  have  pointed  to  a  rather  different  conception  of  affairs. 


ACTS  417 

known  Paul's  letters.  There  is  nothing  in  his  age  or  situation  that  we 
know  of,  to  have  prevented  such  an  acquaintance.  But,  so  far  as  the 
contents  of  Acts  permit  us  to  judge,  the  evidence  negative  and  positive 
alike  tells  against  any  serious  literary  use  of  the  ajiostle's  writings. 
Such  knowledge  of  Paul's  movements  as  the  book  contains  was  probably 
drawn  either  from  written  sources,  like  the  we-journal,  or  from  oral 
traditions ;  and  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  latter  may  have  included 
Paul's  own  reminiscences.  Harnack  (Chron.  p.  248  f.),  Zahn  {op.  cit.),  Weiss, 
Felten,  Schmidt,  Jiilicher,  McGift'ert,  Bartlet,  Knowling,  Wendt,  and 
Sabatier  (in  an  essay  published  in  the  Bibliotheque  de  VEcole  den  hautes  etudes, 
Sciences  religieuses,  I.  1889,  p.  202  f.),  besides  adherents  of  Steck's  theory 
(ZSchz,  1890,  153  f.),  substantially  take  up  this  position,  that  the  Pauline 
letters  do  not  form  a  source  for  Acts.  It  is  naturally  axiomatic  for  the 
recent  school  who  regard  the  latter  as  the  basis  for  the  former.  Other- 
wise, one  must  imagine  that  Acts  presupposes  and  is  meant  to  illuminate 
the  epistles  {e.g.  Ramsay,  SPT,  p.  385),  a  position  which  is  not  very  tenable 
in  face  of  recent  critical  developments.  In  fact,  when  the  aim  of  Acts  is 
rightly  conceived,  the  alternative  is  either  (i.)  to  sujipose  that  the  author 
knew  but  had  largely  forgotten  Paul's  epistles;  or  to  admit  (ii.)  that  the  book 
silently  contradicts  them,  going  upon  its  own  independent  and  erroneous 
road.  The  former  is  hardly  credible,  least  of  all  when  the  author  is  held  to 
be  Luke,  Paul's  companion  and  the  diligent  investigator  who  wrote  the 
third  gospel.  Nor  can  Overbeck's  intermediate  suggestion  be  accepted, 
that  the  author  knew  the  extant  Pauline  epistles,  but  never  employed 
them  as  sources  for  his  work.  Such  a  procedure  would  argue  a  far  from 
"  intense  interest  in  Paul  and  Paulinism "  (Overbeck  -  Zeller,  i.  64). 
More  logical  and  natural  would  be  (ii.)  the  latter  hypothesis,  which 
practically  formed  a  postulate  of  the  older  Tubingen  critics  (so  still 
Schmiedel,  EBi,  i.  pp.  42,  43),  and  is  still  held  by  several  {e.g.  Jacob- 
sen,  Clemen,  and  Spitta)  analysts  of  Acts,  as  well  as  by  others 
(Holtzmann,  Pfleiderer,  and  Weizsiicker  in  particular)  from  a  different 
standpoint.  Such  a  hypothesis  of  course  indefinitely  lowers  one's 
estimate  of  the  author's  historicity  and  trustworthiness,  but  at  any  rate 
it  does  more  justice  to  the  facts  of  all  the  writings  concerned  than  the 
"  supplementary  "  hypothesis  above  alluded  to  (cp.  Schulze,  SK,  1900, 
pp.  119-124,  on  Ac  20'**''i),  if  any  literary  relation  is  to  be  presupposed. 

The  recent  expansion  of  the  church  in  the  years  60-80  naturally 
produced  an  unwonted  and  growing  self-consciousness.  If  the  gospels 
witness  to  her  intense  practical  desire  for  possessing  some  historical 
basis  of  the  faith  in  the  life  and  sayings  of  Jesus,  the  book  of  Acts  afibrds 
evidence  that  this  reflective  and  retrospective  attitude  extended  to  the 
province  of  her  own  history  —  which  was  indeed  viewed  as  a  natural 
continuation  of  Christ's  activity  (Ac  1^-^).  In  the  last  quarter  of  the 
century  it  is  plain  that  this  interest  in  herself  had  deepened.  An 
eagerness  to  take  cognisance  of  the  past  was  abroad  throughout  the 
church.  The  book  of  Acts,  one  may  be  sure,  was  no  mere  jeu  d'esjxrit. 
Its  characteristics — even  the  pro-Roman  and  anti-Jewish  tendencies, 
as  the  gospel  of  Peter  indicates— are  not  those  of  an  isolated  thinker 
who  occupied  a  novel  or  independent  standpoint.  The  composition 
of  the  work  was  prompted,  just  as  its  character  was  largely  determined, 
by  the  spirit  of  the  age ;  and  that  spirit  included  the  tendency  to 
look  back  and  inquire  into  those  processes  and  crises  through  which 
the  church  had  reached  her  present  and  fairly  definite  condition,  into 
the  origin  of  her  organisation,  institutions,  and  doctrines,  her  relation 
27 


418  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

to  OT  prophecy  and  contemporary  Judaism,^  her  attitude  under  per- 
secutions and  towards  errors,  her  debt  to  the  twelve  apostles  -  and  early 
leaders,  and  in  general  the  bases  and  guarantees  which  the  status  quo 
towards  the  close  of  the  first  century  possessed,  in  the  acts  and 
authority  of  the  primitive  community.  To  the  feeling  of  historical 
sympathy  with  this  creative  and  heroic  age,  as  well  as  to  the  sources 
with  which  the  author  Avorked,  is  due  the  attractive  element  of  the  book. 
"  Les  Actes  des  Ajiotres,  expression  de  ce  premier  elan  de  la  conscience 
chretienne,  sont  un  livre  de  joie,  d'ardeur  sereine.  Depuis  les  poemes 
homerifpies,  on  n'avait  pas  vu  d'oeuvre  pleine  de  sensations  aussi  fraiches. 
Une  brise  matinale,  une  odeur  de  mer,  penetre  tout  le  livre.  Ce  fut  la 
seconde  poesie  du  christianisme.  Le  lac  de  Tiberiade  et  ses  barques  de 
pecheurs  avaient  fourni  la  premiere  "  (Renan). 

Gathering  up  the  various  traces  and  tendencies  Avhich  have  been 
already  indicated,  we  may  say  that  the  period  to  which  the  book  is  with 
great  probability  to  be  referred,  is  the  middle  period  of  Domitian's  reign. ^ 
The  history  then  becomes  an  implicit  apology  for  the  Christian  faith. 
The  author  intends  to  show  by  his  picture  of  early  church  history  the 
friendly  attitude  of  the  Roman  officials  to  the  Pauline  generation,  tlieir 
recognition  and  protection  of  Paul,  the  emancipation  of  Christianity 
from  its  primitive  Judaic  surroundings  (note  the  weighty  repetition, 
1346£  iQOt  29'.)^^  f^g  ^\-(j|i  as  its  imi^erial  aim.  It  is  written  in  view  of 
Imperial  interference  and  Judaistic  propaganda.  Against  both  of  these 
contemporary  currents  the  writer  seeks  to  vindicate  the  innocence,  in- 
dependence, and  superiority  of  the  Christian  faith.  Yet,  after  all,  the 
supreme  interest  in  his  mind  is  religious.  Writing  for  a  generation 
which  had  only  memories  of  the  great  apostles  who  had  laid  here  and 
there  the  foundations  of  their  church,  he  aimed  at  establishing  their  faith 
by  a  transcript  of  the  stages  through  which — as  it  ajjpeared  to  him — the 
living  spirit  of  Jesus  had  achieved  this  result.* 

1  Acts,  like  the  other  NT  writings  after  70  a.d.,  points  to  the  developing  self- 
consciousness  of  the  church  along  two  lines,  (i.)  The  detachment  of  the  Christian 
society  from  the  outward  and  ancestral  framework  of  Judaism  gave  a  new  sense  of 
freedom,  of  the  church's  right  and  need  of  self-government,  of  its  prospects  and  career 
as  God's  kingdom,  (ii.)  The  rivalry  of  Judaism  brought  to  light  with  increasing  clear- 
ness the  Divine  mission  of  the  church.  While  it  compelled  Christians  to  vindicate 
their  OT  prerogatives  and  right  of  succession,  it  opened  to  them  a  truer  insight  into  the 
eternal  purpose  of  God  which  was  to  find  its  fulfilment  through  Jesus  Christ  among 
Christians.  These  ideas  constitute  the  dominant  tendency  under  which  Acts 
Wivs  composed.  It  was  an  attempt  not  so  much  to  justify  the  Gentile  Christianity 
of  the  author  and  his  time,  which  was  already  on  the  way  to  Catholicism,  as  to  justify 
an  e.xisting  and  incipient  stage  of  Catholicism  which  was  practically  equivalent  to 
Gentile  Christianity. 

'■^  Harnack,  HI),  i.  pp.  158  f.,  213  f.  The  words  of  4^2  (toD  Ss  crXrMe  ■j-^'v  ^lo'nvirxvTav  ?v 
xapi!a  xtt.)  -i^ux-h  h^'ot) ' '  may  be  regarded  as  forming  a  motto  for  the  book  "  (Schmiedel). 
And  how  suggestive  is  the  mere  fact  that  the  author  of  a  gospel  wrote  as  its  natural 
sequel  an  apostolic  history  ! 

•^  On  the  recni(lcsc('iiii' of  persecution  under  the  "timid  and  inhuman  Domitian," 
cp.  Renan,  Li'^  Ei-'i ii'iil,'<,  rliaps.  xii.,  xiv.  ;  and  below,  j)p.  400,  4(51. 

•*  Hence,  e.ij.,  Iln-  ;iIi>Miiition  in  Paul  which  marks  the  latter  ])art  of  the  book.  It 
is  liis  arrivM.l,  not,  lli;ii  oi  iln>  i^'osjicl,  in  Rome  that  forms  the  apex  of  the  history. 
Christi!uiit>  linl  |iivr,.(i((l  liim  IIutc,  but  that  is  not  the  book's  concern.  To  the 
writer  (or  uiiliis)  dl  tlir  sinners,  (•s}iecially  of  the  we-journal,  Paul  was  interesting 
ns  a  iicrsnii.ilitv.  M. moiy  -mA  iitl.rtion  lu.mid  liini  lo'lhcm.  Hut  to  the  editor  of 
till-  lidok  I'liiil  w.is  rlii,  ily  ;i  l\|ic  ni  111,.  ('Iiristi;uiity  wliirli  exist.'.!  around  him  and 
his  rca.l.Ts.  Tlir  :i|iostl.'s  i,'|iivs.'iitril  tli.'ir  laitli  ill  its  oi'i^iiial  .Icwish  correctness, 
in  its  ultiiiiat,-  siiil.Ti.irity,  in  its  iTjJit  lul  viu.ii.  iition  li.Moiv  tli.^  Iloiiiaii  authorities, 
and  especially  in  its  Divine  sanction  and  impulse  lor  universal  dillusion. 


ACTS  419 

As  a  historical  document,  not  merely  for  the  period  ^  75-100  but  even 
for  some  points  in  the  age  of  which  it  treats,  Acts  is  a  most  serviceable  and 
invaluable  writing.  For  many  j)arts  of  the  apostolic  age  the  author 
apparently  possessed  no  sources  and  had  access  to  few  traditions.  The 
result  is  that  these  parts  are  omitted,  while  in  elaborating  others  he  seems 
again  to  present  a  record  at  variance  with  the  traits  preserved  in  Paul's 
epistle.?.  Yet  even  with  the  gaps,  deviations,  and  contradictions  of  this 
history,  it  serves  often  as  a  useful  outline  for  historical  research,  providing 
materials  for  the  reconstruction  of  events  and  ideas  which  otherwise 
would  remain  eveu  more  diui  than  tliey  now  are.  As  Resell,  I  think,  has 
somewhere  observed  with  considerable  truth,  apart  from  the  "  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,"  the  epistolary  literature  of  the  NT  would  be  like  a  book  sealed 
with  seven  seals.  One  may  well  admit  this,  without  denying  at  the  same 
time  that  in  the  history  of  early  Christianity  there  are  several  points 
where  the  narrative,  when  inferentially  gathered  from  the  Pauline  letters, 
gains  in  clearness  and  consistency  as  Acts  is  either  set  aside  or  regarded 
as  a  secondary  source. 

The  following  analysis  has  been  adopted  from  Mr.  C.  H.  Turner's 
article  (DIJ,  i.  pp.  412  f.,  "the  picture  is  cut  i;p,  as  it  were,  into  six  panels, 
each  labelled  with  a  general  summary  of  progress  "). 

1  Note  the  presence  of  such  elements  as  these  in  the  contemporary  situation : 
(i.)  a  conciliatory  tendency  towards  emphasis  upon  harmony  and  agreement  as  notes 
of  the  earlier  development  (cp.  Ephesians,  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Twelve  in  the 
Apocalypse,  where  Paul  is  absolutely  ignored,  even  in  his  famous  sphere  at  Ephesus) ; 
(ii. )  a  disposition  to^smooth  over  primitive  conflicts  in  the  interests  of  a  later  generation 
which  would  not  be  edified  by  their  recital  ;  (iii. )  the  existence  of  errorists  and  in- 
cipient officialism  {e.g.,  especially  Ac  2028-31  =  Pastorals  and  Apoc  2-3,  2i-9)  in  the 
Asiatic  communities;  (iv.)  the  blurred  reflection  (in  the  Pauline  speeches,  as  in 
1  Pet.)  of  Paul's  ideas  upon,  e.g.,  Christ's  redemption,  Israel's  destiny,  the  spiritual 
life,  the  charismata,  his  independent  apostolate,  etc.  ;  besides  (v.)  the  less  restrained 
handling  of  stories  such  as  those  told  in  Ac  lH'f-  etc.  On  the  latter  passage,  see  Prof. 
Rendel  Harris  {AJT.  July,  1900,  pp.  490-513),  who  attempts  to  show  that  behind 
it,  and  even  behind  the  corresponding  story  in  Mt  273''-,  there  lay  in  the  primitive 
tradition  a  legendary  account  of  the  death  of  Judas,  modelled  upon  the  tale  of  a 
similar  fate  suffered  by  Nadan,  the  traitorous  nephew  of  Ahikar.  The  taste  for  such 
heightened  anecdotes  naturally  rose  in  proportion  as  their  original  nucleus  receded 
iu  tradition.  It  is  more  noticeable  in  Acts  than  in  the  synoptic  gospels  (cp.  above, 
pp.  17-18  ;  also,  for  other  instances  of  naively  realistic  expressions  of  religious  truth 
iu  primitive  Christianity,  Gunkel's  die  Wirkungen  des  heiligen  Geistes,-  pp.  47-49) ; 
though,  even  in  the  pictured  pages  of  the  former  book,  few  sections  would  deserve  a 
verdict  as  severe  as  that  pronounced  by  Dr.  Harris  on  the  Judas-legends  :  "  in  any 
case,  the  value  of  the  early  Christian  traditions  with  regard  to  the  death  of  the 
traitor  is  reduced  almost  to  zero." 


It  is  et'itaiii  that  in  the  second  part  the  person  and  fortunes  of  Paul  are 
supremely  promiuent,  but  it  is  just  as  plain  that  upon  the  whole  "Acts"  is 
intended  to  describe  something  other  than  the  life  of  Paul.  The  author 
regards  Paul  as  the  rejiresentative  of  the  cause  which  he  himself  is  advocat- 
ing, namely,  the  Gentile  Christian  church  of  his  own  day,  and  he  wishes  to 
describe  how  this  church  came  to  spread  itself  over  the  whole  Empire, 
irresistibly.  In  his  representation  of  the  history,  he  has  no  animus  against 
Jewish  Christianity,  far  less  against  Peter  or  James.  What  he  is  absorbed  in 
is  the  breach  with  Judaism,  for  in  Judaism  he  sees  the  real  opponent  of 
Christianity.  I  cannot  understand  "Acts"  except  as  a  defence  of  the 

Christian  religion  before  the  Gentiles  against  the  denunciation  of  the  Jews, 
which  is  meant  to  show  how  Christianity,  with  its  mission  to  the  world,  has 
proved  to  be  the  annulling  of  Judaism.  That  the  author  of  this  apologetic 
treatise,  written  about  the  close  of  the  first  century,  chooses  to  put  his  leading 
ideas  in  narrative  rather  than  in  argumentative  form,  is  due  to  the  nature  of 
the  case.  He  was  in  no  sense  dealing  with  a  subject  that  was  generally  known, 
but  with  a  religion  just  in  the  bud.  Besides,  he  seems  to  have  held  the 
opinion  that  the  best  way  to  knoAV  things  is  to  know  their  origin  and  develop- 
ment. The  result  is,  that  the  general  view  of  Christianity  adopted  by  this 
author  brings  him  and  his  composition  really  nearer  to  the  apologists  than  to 
the  writings  of  Paul. — J.  Weiss. 


ACTS 


1^-6^     i.    Orig^in  of  church  at  Jerusalem: 

preaching  of  Peter. 

double  imprisonment  of  Peter 

and  John  : 
miracles  of  Peter : 
appointment  of  seven. 

6"^         Summary. 

g8_g30    j^     Extension   of   church   througrh 

Palestine  :  preaching  of  Peter 

and  Stephen  : 
persecution  of  church  : 
acts  of  Philip  :  Simon  Magus  : 
conversion  of  Saul. 
9'''  Summary. 

9^--12-^  iii.    Extension  of  church  to  Antioch: 

preaching  of  Peter  : 
acts  of  Peter  : 

church  founded  at  Antioch  : 
Herod's  persecution  :    Peter  in 
prison. 
12-^  Summary. 

12-'-16^   iv.    Extension    of  church   throug^h 

Asia     Minor:      preaching    of 

Paul  and  Barn  alms  : 
Cyprus  :  Elymas  : 
Asia  Minor  : 

Council  at  Jerusalem. 


Speech  of  Peter 


16^ 


19-« 


Summary. 

Extension  of  church  to  Europe  i 

preaching  of  Paul : 
acts  of  Paul : 
Macedonia  and  Achaia. 
Summary. 


^S'^*^   vi.    Extension  of  church  to  Rome  i 

preaching  of  Paul. 


Ephesus,    Macedonia,    Achaia, 

Asia  Minor : 
Paul     imprisoned  :     Jerusalem 

and  Caesarea  : 


Paul's  journey  to  Pi,ome. 


28^1         Summary. 


J 15-22 


214-36 
312-26 


529-32 

Gamaliel       535-39 


,,  Stephen 


,,   Peter  10''^-»s 


Paul  13i6-« 

1415-17 

Peter  IS''"" 

James  15^^"-' 


Paul 


17="-' 


Ephesian     19^=-^" 
State- 
secretary 

Paul  2018-25 

221-21 

Tertullus       24=-« 


Paul 


24io-2, 

262-23 

2721-26 

2817-20 


ACTS 

.   1  In  my  first  treatise,  0  Theoiihilus,  I  wrote  of  all  that  Jesus  began  both 

2  to  do  and  to  teach  until  the  day  that  he  was  taken  up,  after  giving  com- 

3  mands  through  the  holy  Spirit  to  the  apostles  whom  he  had  chosen,  to 
whom  also  he  presented  himself  alive  after  his  sulfering  by  many  sure 
proofs,  ai)pearing  to  them  during  forty  days  and  speaking  of  what  con- 

4  cerned  (iod's  i-eign.  Also,  as  he  ate  with  them,  he  charged  them  not  to 
withdraw  from  Jerusalem  but  to  await  what  the  Father  had  promised, 

5  about  which,  said  he,  "  I  have  taught  you  ;  for  John  baptized  Avith  water, 
but  you  shall  be  baptized  with  the  holy  Spirit  not  many  days  after  this." 

6  So  wdien  they  had  gathered  together,  they  asked  him,  saying, 
"  Lord,  is  this  the  time  when  thou  art  to  restore  the  royal  power  to  Israel  ? " 

7  He  said  to  them,  "  It  is  not  for  you  to  know  times  or  seasons  which  the 

8  Father  has  appointed  by  his  own  authority.  But  you  shall  receive  power 
when  the  holy  Spirit  comes  upon  you,  and  you  shall  be  my  witnesses  both 
in  Jerusalem  and  in  all  Judaea  and  Samaria  and  to  the  end  of  the  earth." 

9  And  on  saying  this  he  was  taken  up  while  they  looked  on,  and  a  cloud 

10  received  him  out  of  sight.  And  as  he  went,  their  eyes  were  fixed  on 
heaven  ;  meanwhile,  Ijehold,  there  stood  beside  them  two  men  dressed  in 

11  white,  who  also  said,  "Men  of  Galilee,  why  stand  looking  to  heaven? 
This  Jesus  who  was  taken  up  from  you  to  heaven,  shall  couie  just  in  the 

12  same  way  as  you  saw  him  go  to  heaven."  Then  they  turned  Ijack  to 
Jerusalem   from   the   hill   called  "the   olive  -  orchard,"   which   is    near 

13  Jerusalem,  at  the  distance  of  a  sabbath-day's  journey.  And  on  entering, 
they  went  up  into  the  upper  chamber  where  they  were  accustomed  to 
stay  :  both  Peter  and  John  and  James  and  Andrew,  Philip  and  Thomas, 
Bartholomew  and  Matthew,  James  (the  son  of  Aljihaeus)  and  Simon  (the 

14  zealot),  and  Judas  the  son  of  James.  All  these  men  wMi  one  accord  gave 
themselves  to  prayer,  along  with  some  women  and  with  jNIarv  the  mother 
of  Jesus  and  with  his  brothers. 

15  And  in  these  days  Peter  stood  up  in  the  midst  of  the  brothers  (there 
was  a  throng  of  persons  together,  about  a  hundred  and  twenty)  and  said  : 

16  "Men  and  lirolliers,  that  scripture  had  to  be  fulfilled  which  the  holy 
Spirit  s])(iki'  iHidichand  through  the  mouth  of  David,  with  regard  to  Judas 

17  who  acted  lis  -iiiilc  to  those  wlio  arrested  Jesus  ;  for  he  l)ecame  one  of  our 

18  number  and  was  allotted  a  share  in  this  ministry.  This  man  purchased 
a  piece  of  ground,  then,  with  the  wages  of  his  iniquity  ;  and  falling  face 
foremost,  he  burst  open  in  the  middle  and  all  his  bowels  poured  out. 

19  And  the  matter  became  known  to  all  the  residents  in  Jerusalem,  so  that 
in  their  language  that  ])iece  of  ground  was  called  Akeldamach  (that  is, 

20  (iround  of  Blood).     For  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  psahns, 

JJcsiibdc  he  liis  abode, 
And  Id  none  inhabit  it : 
also,       His  office  of  overseer  let  another  take. 

422 


121-2-1]  ACTS  423 

21  So  of  the  men  who  have  been  our  companions  [during  all   the  time 

22  that  the  Lord  Jesus  went  in  and  out  among  us,  beginning  from  the 
baptism  of  John  down  to  the  day  that  he  was  taken  up  from  us],  one 

23  of  these  must  become  a  witness  with  us  of  his  resurrection."  And  they 
brought  forward  two,  Joseph  called  Bar-Sabbas  (surnamed  Justus)  and 

24  Matthias  ;  and  they  prayed,  saying,  "  0  Lord,  who  knowest  all  hearts, 
do  thou  appoint  from  these  two  men  the  one  whom  thou  hast  chosen 

25  to  take  his  jilace  in  this  ministry  and  apostleship  from  which  Judas 

26  turned  away  to  go  to  his  own  place."  And  they  cast  lots  for  them,  and 
the  lot  fell  on  Matthias,  and  he  was  assigned  his  position  with  the  eleven 
apostles. 

2  1        And  in  the  course  of  the  day  of  Pentecost  thej^  were  all  gathered 

2  together.     And  suddenly  there  came  from  heaven  a  sound,  as  it  were  of  a 

3  rushing  violent  blast,  and  it  filled  the  whole  house  where  they  sat.     And 
there  appeared  to  them  tongues,  as  if  of  fire,  distributing  themselves  ; 

4  and  a  tongue  sat  on  each  one  of  them.     And  they  were  all  filled  with  the 
holy  Spirit,  and  began  to  talk  with  other  tongues  as  the  Spirit  granted 

5  them  utterance.  Now  there  were  Jews  residing  in  Jerusalem, 

6  devout  men  from  every  nation  under  the  sky.     And  when  this  sound  was 
heard,  the  multitude  gathered  and  was  confounded,  for  each  man  heard 

7  theui  talking  in  his  own  language.    And  they  were  amazed  and  astonished, 
saying,  "  Look  !  are  they  not  all  Galileans,  those  men  who  are  talking  ? 

8  Then  how  is  it  that  each  one  of  us  hears  them  in  his  own  native  language  1 

9  Parthians  and  Medes  and  Elamites,  and  the  residents  in  Mesopotamia,  in 

10  Judaea  and  Kappadocia,  in  Pontus  and  Asia,  in  Phrygia  and  Pamphylia, 
in  Egypt  and  the  districts  of  Libya  aljout  Gyrene,  besides  visitors  from 

1 1  Rome,  Jews  as  well  as  proselytes,  Gretans  and  Aral)ians,  we  hear  these 

12  men  talking  in  our  tongues  of  the  grandeurs  of  God."  And  they  were  all 
amazed  and  completely  bewildered,  saying  one  to  another,  "What  can 

13  this  mean?"     Others  said  with  a  sneer,  "They  are  filled  full  of  sweet 

14  wine."  But  Peter  stood  up  with  the  eleven  and  raised  his  voice 
in  utterance  to  them  : 

"  Men  of  Judaea  and  all  ye  residents  in  Jerusalem,  be  this  known  to 

15  you,  and  attend  to  my  words  :  these  men  are  not,  as  you  suppose,  drunk. 

16  it  is  only  the  third  hour  of  the  day  !  No,  this  is  what  has  been  spoken 
through  the  j)rophet  Joel : 

17  And  it  shall' be  in  the  last  days,  saith  God, 

I  ivill  2)oitr  out  of  my  Sjnrit  on  all  flesh, 
And  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  frojihesy, 
Your  young  men  shall  see  visions, 
Your  old  men  shall  dream  dreams  : 

18  Yea,  on  my  slaves  and  on  my  handmaids  in  those  days 

I  tvill  pour  out  of  my  Spirit, 
And  they  shall  prophesy . 

19  And  I  will  shoio  wonders  in  the  sky  above 
And  signs  on  the  earth  below, 

Blood  and  fire  and  vapour  of  smoke  : 

20  The  sun  shall  be  changed  into  darkness, 
And  the  moon  into  blood, 

Ere  the  Lord's  great  day  come.''- 

21  And  it  shall  be  that  whoever  shall  call  upon  the  Lord's  name  shall  be 

1  OmittiDg  xcc'l  l-rlfxtij. 


424  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2---3^ 

22  Men  of  Israel,  listen  to  these  words : — Jesus  the  Nazarene,  a  man 
accredited  to  you  from  God  by  miracles  and  wonders  and  signs  which 
God  performed  by  him  in  your  midst,  even  as  you  yourselves  know  : 

23  this  man,  who  was  betrayed  in  the  deliberate  jiurpose  and  foreknowledge 

24  of  God,  you  nailed  up  and  slew  by  the  hand  of  wicked  men.  But  God 
raised  him  by  loosening  the  pangs  of  death,  because  it  was  not  possible 

25  for  him  to  be  confined  by  it.     For  David  says  in  reference  to  liim  : 

1  saiij  the  Lord  before  my  face  always. 

For  he  is  at  my  right  hand  that  I  be  not  sliaken. 

26  Therefore  my  heart  is  glad, 

And  my  tongue  rejoices, 
Yea,  and  my  flesh  shall  rest  in  hope : 
For  thou  vnlt  not  forsake  my  soul  in  Hades, 

27  A^or  suff'  r  thy  holy  one  to  see  corrtqjtion- 

28  Tliou  ln-i^t  1,1, III,  Liioirn  to  me  the  vxiys  of  life, 

Thoti  .-ih II It  Jill  me  with  delight  in  thy  presence. 

29  Men  and  brothers,  1  can  speak  to  you  frankly  about  the  jDatriarch  David  : 

30  he  died  and  was  buried,  and  his  tomb  is  Avith  us  to  this  day.  Well,  as  he 
was  a  prophet,  and  knew  that  God  had  sioorn  to  him  by  oath  that  from  the 

31  fruit  of  his  loins  he  would  seat  someone  upon  his  throne,  he  spoke  with 
foresight  of  the  resurrection  of  the  Christ,  declaring  that  he  ivas  not  for- 

32  saken  in  Hades  nor  did  his  flesh  see  corruption.     This  Jesus,  God  raised  ;  a 

33  fact  of  which  we  are  all  witnesses.  Uplifted  then  by  God's  right  hand, 
and  having  received  from  the  Father  the  promised  holy  Spirit,  he  has 

34  poured  this  out,  as  you  see  and  hear.  For  David  did  not  go  up  into  the 
heavens  ;  he  says  himself, 

TJie  Lord  said  to  my  Lord :  '  Sit  at  my  righ  t  hand, 
3.")  Till  I  make  thine  enemies  a  footstool  for  thy  feet. ^ 

36  Let  all  the  house  of  Israel  know  then  for  a  certainty  that  God  has  made 
him    both    Lord    and    Christ,   this  very  Jesus  whom   you   crucified." 

37  Now  on  hearing  this  they  were  pierced  to  the  heart ;  so  they 
said  to  Peter  and  the  rest  of  the  apostles,  "  What  are  we  to  do,  men  and 

38  brothers  ? "  Peter  said  to  them,  "  Repent  and  get  baptized  every  one  of 
you  upon  ^  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  for  the  remission  of  your  sins  ;  and 

39  you  shall  receive  the  free  gift  of  the  holy  Spirit.  For  the  promise  belongs 
to  you  and  to  your  children  and  to  all  who  are  far  off,  even  all  ichom  the 

40  Lord  our  God  shall  call  to  him."  With  many  other  words  likewise  he 
solemnly   charged   and   exhorted    them,   saying,    "Be   saved   from    this 

41  crooked  generation."    So  then,  those  who  accepted  his  word  were  baptized, 

42  and  about  three  thousand  souls  were  added  on  that  day.  And  they  gave 
themselves  to  the  instruction  and  the  fellowship  of  the  apostles,  to  the 

43  breaking  of  bread  and  the  prayers.  [And  every  soul  was  in  fear. 

44  And  many  wonders  and  signs  were  done  through  the  apostles.     Also,  all 

45  who  Ijelieved  kejjt  together  ;  they  had  everything  in  common,  and  used  to 
sell  their  possessions  and  goods  and  distribute  them  to  all,  just  as  any  one 

46  came  to  be  in  need.  Day  l^y  day,  staying  with  one  accord  in  the  temple 
and  breaking  bread  at  home,  they  took  their  food  with  rejoicing  and 

47  with  ingenuous  heart,  extolling  God  and  being  in  favour  with  the  whole 
people.     And  day  Ijy  day  the  Lord  added  the  saved  to  their  numljer.] 

3  1        Now  Peter  and  John  were  on  their  way  uj)  to  the  temple  for  the  hour 
2  of  prayer,  the  ninth  hour  ;  and  a  man  lame  from  his  mother's  womb  was 
being  carried  along,  who  was  laid  day  by  day  at  that  door  of  the  temple 
1  Heading  jt/. 


3=^-4^]  ACTS  425 

wliicli   is   called    Beautiful,  to   ask   alms  from  those  who   entered   the 

3  temple.     Seeing  Peter  and  John  on  the  point  of  entering  the  temple, 

4  he  begged  to  receive  alms.     Peter,  however,  along  with  John,  fixed  his 

5  eyes   on   him   and   said,    "  Look   at   us ! "     And    lie  attended   to   them, 

6  expecting  to  get  something  from  them.  But  Peter  said,  "  No  silver  and  no 
gold  are  mine,  but  I  give  thee  what  I  have.     In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ 

7  the  Nazarene,  walk  !  "     Then  catching  him  by  the  right  hand,  he  raised 

8  him.  Instantly  his  feet  and  ankles  were  strengthened,  and  leaping  up 
he  stood  and  began  to  walk  ;   and  he  went  along  with  them  into  the 

9  temple,  walking  and  leaping  and  extolling  God.     And  all  the  people  saw 

10  him  walking  and  extolling  God,  and  recognised  that  this  was  the  man 
who  had  sat  for  alms  at  the  Beautiful  gate  of  the  temple.  And  they 
Avere  filled  with  astonishment  and  amazement  at  what  had  happened  to 

11  him.  While  he  kept  hold  of  Peter  and  John,  all  the  people  hurriedly 
gathered  to  join  them  in  the  portico  which  is  called  Solomon's,  in  utter 

1 2  wonder.  But  when  Peter  saw  it,  he  addressed  the  i:)eople  :  "  Men  of 
Israel,  why  wonder  at  this  man  1  or  why  fix  your  eyes  on  us,  as  if  we  had 

13  made  him  walk  l>y  our  own  j^ower  or  piety?  The  God  of  Abraham  and 
Isaac  and  Jacob,  the  God  of  owr  fathers,  has  exalted  his  servant  Jesus,  whom 
you  delivered  up  and  refused  l:)efore  Pilate.     Pilate  had  determined  to 

1 4  release  him,  but  you  refused  the  holy  and  upright  one  and  asked  for  a 

15  murderer  to  be  given  up  to  you  ;  you  killed  the  leader  of  Life,  whom 
IG  God   raised  from   the  dead — a   fact  of  wliich  we  are  witnesses.     (And 

his  name  has  strengthened  this  man  whom  you  see  and  know,  thanks  to 
faith  in  his  name ;  yes,  it  is  the  faith  which  comes  through  him  that  has 

17  made  this  man  sound  and  whole  in  the  sight  of  you  all.)     And  now, 

18  brothers,  I  know  you  did  it,  like  your  rulers,  in  ignorance  ;  yet  God 
thus  fulfilled  what  he  had  announced  beforehand  through  the  lips  of  all 

19  the  prophets,  that  his  Christ  should  suffer.  Repent  then  and  turn,  for 
your  sins  to  he  blotted  out,  so  that  seasons  of  revival  may  come  from  the 

20  Lord's  presence,  and  that  he  may  send  Jesus,  the  Christ  appointed  for 

21  you,  whom  heaven  must  receive  until  the  times  when  all  things  are 
restored — times  of  which  God  has  spoken  through  the  lips  of  his  holy 

22  prophets  from  of  old.     Moses  said  : 

A  prophet  shall  the  Lord  our  God  raise  up  for  you  from  among  your 
brothers,  as  he  raised  me  : 
To  him  you  shall  listen,  whatsoever  he  may  say  to  you. 

23  And  it  shall  be  that  every  soul  lohich  shall  not  listen  to  that  p)rophet 

shall  be  exterminated  from  the  people. 

24  And  moreover,  all   the  prophets  who   spoke,  from   Samuel   and    those 

25  after  him,  ]Droclaimed  those  days.  You  are  the  sons  of  the  prophets  and 
of  the  covenant  which  God  made  with  your  fathers,  saying  to  Abraham  : 

26  And  in  thy  offspring  all  the  families  of  the  earth  shall  be  blessed.  God 
raised  up  his  servant  and  sent  him  first  to  you,  to  bless  you  as  you  turn, 
each  of  you,  from  his  iniquities." 

4  1        Now   as   they   were   speaking    to    the    people,   the  priests    and  the 

2  commander  of  the  temple  and  the  Sadducees  came  up  to  them,  sorely 
annoj'ed  because  they  taught  the  people  and   proclaimed  in  Jesus  the 

3  resurrection  from  the  dead.  And  they  laid  hands  on  them  and  placed 
them  in  custody  till  the  next  day.     For  by  this  time  it  was  evening. 

4  [But  many  of  those  Avho  heard  the  word  believed,  and  the  number  of  the 

5  men  amounted  to  ^  five  thousand.]  Now  it  came  to  pass  on  the  next 
day  that  a  gathering  was  held  of  their  rulers  and  elders  and  scribes  in 

1  Omitting  [[««]]. 


426  HISTORICAL    NEW    TP^STAMENT  [4^"^^ 

6  Jerusalem,  along  with  Annas  the  high  priest  and  Kaiaphas  and  John  and 

7  Alexander  and   all  who  l^elonged  to  the   high  jiriest's   kindred.     And 
placing  them  in  the  middle,  they  inquired,  "  By  what  sort  of  power  or  in 

8  what  sort  of  name  have  people  like  you  done  thisi"     Then  Peter  was 
filled  with  the  holy  Spirit  and  said  to  them  :  "  Rulers  of  the  people  and 

9  elders,  if  we  are  being  cross-questioned  to-day  about  a  benefit  conferred 

10  on  an  infirm  man,  about  tlie  means  of  this  man's  healing — be  it  known  to 
you  all  and  to  all  the  people  of  Israel  that  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ 
the  Nazarene,  whom  you  crucified,  whom  God  raised  from  the  dead,  in 

11  this  Name  he  stands  hei'C  before  you,  cured.     He  is  the  stone  despised  by 

12  you  builders,  who  is  made  head  of  the  corner.  And  in  none  else  salvation 
lies,  for  indeed  there  is  not  under  the  sky  another  Name  appointed  among 

13  men  wherein'  you  ^  must  1)e  saved."  Now  when  they  saw  the  confidence 
of  Peter  and  John  and  found  that  they  were  unlettered  and  uneducated, 

14  they  marvelled  and  recognised  them  as  having  been  with  Jesus.  At 
the  same  time,  as  they  saw  the   man  who   had   been  healed   standing 

15  beside  them,  they  were  unable  to  gainsay  anything.  After  ordering 
them,  however,  to  withdraw  from  the  Sanhedrin,  they  proceeded  to  confer 

16  with  one  another,  saying:  "What  are  we  to  do  to  these  men?  It  is 
obvious  to  all  the  residents  in  Jerusalem  that  an  acknowledged  sign  has 

17  taken  place  by  means  of  them,  and  we  cannot  deny  it.  Still,  to  prevent 
it  from  spreading  more  widely  among  the  people,  let  us  forbid  them  with 

18  threats  to  speak  to  any  man  after  this  about  this  Name."  So  they 
summoned  them  and  charged  them  to  neither  speak  nor  teach  at  all  about 

19  the  name  of  Jesus.  But  Peter  and  John  answered  and  said  to  them, 
"Whetlier  it  is  right  before  God  to  listen  to  you  rather  than  to  God, 

20  judge   for   yourselves:    we  cannot  but  speak  what  we  have  seen  and 

21  heard."  And  after  further  threats  they  released  them,  as  owing  to  the 
people  they  could  not  find  any  means  of  punishing  them  ;  since  all  men 

22  were  magnifying  God  for  what  had  taken  place.  (For  the  man  in  whose 
case  this  sign  of  a  cure  had  taken  place,  was  more  than  forty  years  old.) 

23  Now  on  being  released  they  went  to  their  own  company,  and 

24  related  all  that  the  high  priests  and  elders  had  said  to  them.  And  on 
hearing  it  they  with  one  accord  lifted  up  their  voice  to  God  and  said  : 

"  Master,  Ihou  art  he  who  made  the  sky,  the  earth,  the  sea,  and  all  that 
in  them,  is: 

25  He  wlio  said  to  our  fathers  ^  through  •''  the  lips  of  David  thy 

servant. 
Why  did  the  Gentiles  rnrje 
And  the  peofles  vaiiiJii  pinf  f 

26  The  kings  of  the  earth  sh.,,,!  r<  •i,i,i^ 
And  the  rulers  musfrral  tmirllii  r, 

Afjainst  the  Lord  and  against  his  Christ. 

27  For  they  actually  mustered  within  this  city 

Against  thy  holy  servant  Jesus  whom  thoxi  didst  anoint. 
Both  Herod  and  Pontius  Pilate 
Along  with  the  Gentiles  and  the  peoples  of  Israel, 

28  To  do  all  that  thy  hand  and'*  purjjose  ai)pointed  Ijeforehand  to 

take  place. 

29  And  now.  Lord,  look  on  their  threats  : 

And  grant  that  thy  slaves  may  speak  ihy  word  with  perfect  con- 
fidence, 

1  Reading  vfj-ii.  =  Reading  To'i;  ^aTpKcnv. 

'  Omitting  !T»8i,aaT«f  ij-Zou.  ■»  Omitting  c-ov. 


4^^-5-1]  ACTS  427 

30  While  thy  hand  is  reached  out  to  cure  and  to  work  signs  and 

wonders  through  the  name  of  thy  holy  servant  Jesus." 

31  And  after  their  prayer,  the  place  in  which  they  were  gathered  was 
shaken  ;  and  they  were  all  filled  with  the  holy  Spirit  and  spoke  the  word 
of  God  with  confidence. 

32  Now  the  multitude  of  the  believers  were  of  one  heart  and  soul,  and 
not  a  single  one  of  them  considered  any  of  his  goods  his  own  ;  they  had  all 

33  things  in  common.  And  the  apostles  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rendered  their 
witness  of  the  resurrection  with  great  power,  and  great  grace  was  uj^on 

34  them  all.  Neither  was  there  among  them  any  needy  person  ;  for  all  who 
were  owners  of  land  or  houses  used  to  sell  them  and  bring  the  proceeds 

35  of   the   sale  and  lay  them  at  the  apostles'  feet ;  and  distribution  was 
3G  made  to  each  just  as  anyone  came  to  be  in  need.  Now  Joseph, 

who  was   surnamed   by  the   apostle   Barnabas  (which   when  translated 

37  means  "son  of  exhortation"),  a  Levite,  a  Cypriote  by  race,  sold  a  field 

which  he  had,  and  brought  the  money  and  laid  it  at  tlie  apostles'  feet. 

5  1  But  a  man  named  Ananias,  with  his  wife  Sapphira,  sold  a  possession, 

2  and   after   embezzling  part   of   the   price,    with  the   knowledge   of   his 

3  wife,  he  brought  a  part  and  laid  it  at  tlie  apostles'  feet.  Peter  said, 
"Ananias,  why  has  Satan  tilled  thy  heart  to  cheat  the  holy  Spirit  and  to 

4  embezzle  part  of  the  price  of  the  land  ?  While  it  remained  unsold,  did 
it  not  remain  thine  ?  And  when  sold,  was  it  not  at  thine  own  disposal  ? 
How  is  it  thou  didst  harljour  this  design?     Thou  hast  lied  not  to  men 

5  so  much  as  to  God."     On  hearing  these  words  Ananias  droj^ped  down 

6  and  expired.  And  great  fear  fell  upon  all  who  heard  it.  But  the 
younger  men  rose,  wrapped  him  round,  and  carried  him  out  to  burial. 

7  Now  it  came  to  pass,  after  an  interval  of  about  three  hours, 

8  that  his  wife  came  in,  unconscious  of  what  had  taken  place.  And  Peter 
addressed  her,  "  Tell  me,  did  you  sell  the  land  for  such  and  such  a  sum  1 " 

9  Slie  said,"  Yes,  for  such  and  such  a  sum."  Peter  said  to  her,  "How  is  it 
that  j'ou  have  agreed  to  make  trial  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  ?  Look,  the 
feet  of  those  who  have  buried  thy  husband  are  at  tlie  door,  and  they  shall 

10  carry  thee  out !  "  Instantly  she  dropped  down  at  his  I'eet  and  expired, 
and  the  young  men  came  in  to  find  her  dead  ;  then  they  carried  her  out 

11  and  buried  her  beside  her  husband.  And  great  fear  fell  upon  the  whole 
Community  and  upon  all  who  heard  this. 

12  Now  many  signs  and  wonders  were  done  among  the  people  by  the 
agency   of   the   apostles.     And   they  were   all  with    one  accord  in  the 

13  portico  of  Solomon.     No  one  of  the  rest  dared  join  himself  to  them,  but 

14  the  people  magnified  them.     [And  still  more  believed  and  were  added 

15  to  the  Lord,  multitudes  both  of  men  and  women.]  So  that  they  even 
carried  the  infirm  out  into  the  streets  and  laid  them  on  beds  and  pallets  ; 
that,  when  Peter  came,  his  shadow  at  least  might  overshadow  some  of 

16  them.  Even  from  the  towns  round  about  Jerusalem  the  multitude 
gathered,  bringing  infirm  people  and  those  vexed  with  unclean  spirits ; 
and  they  were  all  healed. 

17  But  the  high  priest  rose  up  with  all  his  associates  (that  is,  the  party 

18  of   the   Sadducees),   and  filled   with  jealousy  they   laid   hands   on   the 

19  apostles  and  put  them  into  public  custody.  During  the  night,  however, 
an  angel  of  the  Lord  opened  the  doors  of  the  prison,  brought  them  out, 

20  and  said,  "  Go,  stand  in  the  temple  and  speak  to  the  people  all  the  words 

21  of  this  Life."  On  hearing  this,  they  entered  the  temple  at  daybreak  and 
proceeded  to  teach.  Now  when  the  high  priest  and  his  associates 
arrived,  thev  called  the  Sanhedrin  together,  and  indeed  all  the  elders' 


428  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [5^2-66 

council  of  the  sons  of  Israel.     Then  they  sent  off  to  the  prison-honse  to 

22  have  them  brouglit.     Wlien  the  officers  arrived,  however,  they  did  not 

23  find  them  in  the  prison  ;  so  they  came  back  and  reported,  "  We  found 
the   prison-house  shut   perfectly  safe,   and  the  guards  standing  at  the 

24  doors,  but  on  opening  it  we  found  no  one  inside."  Now  when  the 
commander  of  the  temple  and  the  high  priests  heard  these  words,  they 
were  completely  bewildered  with  regard  to  them,  to  know  what  Avould 

25  come  of  tliis.  However,  some  one  arrived  and  brought  word  to  them, 
"  Look  !  the  men  you  put  in  prison  are  standing  and  teaching  the  jieople 

2G  in  the  temple."  Then  off  went  the  commander  with  the  officers  and 
brought  them,  but  without  any  violence,  for  they  were  afraid  the  people 

27  would  pelt  them  with  stones.  And  when  they  had  brought  them,  they 
placed  them  l:)efore  the  Sanhedrin,  and  the  high  priest  questioned  them  : 

28  "  We  strictly  charged  you  to  say  nothing  about  this  Name  :  and  here 
you  have  filled  Jerusalem  with  your  teaching,  and  want  to  bring  the 

29  blood  of  this  man  upon  us  !  "     But  Peter  and  the  ai30stles  answered  and 

30  said,  "  One  must  obey  God  rather  than  men.     The  God  of  our  fathers 

31  raised  Jesus,  whom  you  murdered  by  hanging  him  vjwn  a  gibbet.  God 
uplifted  him  by  his  riglit  hand  as  leader  and  saviour,  to  give  repentance 

32  to  Israel  and  remission  of  sins.  And  in  Israel  we  are  ^  witnesses  of 
these  matters,  along  with  the  holy  Spirit  which  God  has  given  to  those 

33  who  obey   him."     When  they  heard  this  they  were   cut  to  the  heart, 

34  and  wanted  to  slay  them.  But  a  Pharisee  rose  up  in  the  Sanhedrin, 
Gamaliel  by  name,  a  doctor  of  the  law  who  was  held  in  honour  by  all 

35  the  people  ;  he  ordered  the  men  to  be  withdrawn  for  a  little,  and  said 
to  them  :    "  Men  of  Israel,  take  care  what  you  are  going  to  do  with 

30  regard  to  these  men.  In  days  gone  by  Theudas  rose  up  alleging  himself 
to  be  somebody  great ;  and  a  number  of  men,  about  four  hundred,  rallied 
to  him.     He  was  slain,  and  all  his  followers  were  dispersed  and  came  to 

37  nothing.  After  him  Judas  the  Galilaean  rose  up  in  the  days  of  the 
census,  and  made  people  desert  to  him.     He  too  perished,  and  all  his 

38  followers  were  scattered  abroad.  And  now  I  tell  you  ;  leave  these  men 
alone  and  let  them  be  (for  should  this  scheme  or  this  enterj^rise  spring  from 

39  men  it  will  be  overthrown,  but  if  it  really  springs  from  God  you  will  be 
unable  to  overthrow  them),  in  case  it  turns  out  you  are  fighting  God." 

40  So  they  gave  way  to  him  ;  and  after  summoning  the  apostles  they 
fiogged  them,  charged  them  not  to  speak  about  the  name  of  Jesus,  and 

41  released  them.  Then  they  went  from  the  presence  of  the  Sanhedrin 
rejoicing   that  they  had   l^een  held  worthy  of   suffering   insult  for  the 

42  sake  of  tlie  Name  ;  nor  did  they  cease  to  teach  and  preach  every  ilay  in 
the  temple  and  at  home  tlie  gospel  of  Jesus  the  Christ. 

6  1  Now  in  these  days,  when  the  disciples  were  increasing  in  number, 
murmuring  against  the  Hebrews  arose  among  the  Hellenists,  on  the 
ground  tliat  their  widows  w^ere  being  overlooked  in  the  daily  ministry. 

2  So  the  twelve  summoned  tlie  multitude  of  the  disciples,  and  said  :  "It 
is  not  desiral)le  that  we  should  abandon  the  word  of  God  and  serve  at 

3  tables.  However,  look  out  seven  men  from  among  yourselves,  brothers, 
men  of  good  reputation,  full  of  the  Spirit  and  wisdom,  and  we  will 

4  appoint  them  to  this  duty.     But  as  for  us,  we  w^ill  give  ourselves  to 

5  prayer  and  to  the  ministry  of  the  word."  And  what  they  said  pleased  all 
the  multitude  ;  so  they  cliosc  Stephen,  a  man  full  of  faith  and  the  holy 
S])irit,  and  Philij)  and  Prochorus  and  Nikanor  and  Timon  and  Pannenas 

6  and  Nikolaos  a  proselyte  from  Antioch.     These  men  they  put  forward 

1  Heading  iv  airu. 


6M"J  ACTS  429 

before  the  apostles,  and  after  prayer  they  laid  hands  on  them. 

7  [And  the  word  of  the  Lord  continued  to  grow,  and  the  number  of  the 
disciples  in  Jerusalem  multiplied  very  greatly  ;  a  large  throng  of  the 
priests  also  were  obedient  to  the  faith.] 

8  Now  Stephen,  full  of  grace  and  power,  was  performing  great  wonders 

9  and  signs  among  the  people.  But  some  of  those  who  belonged  to  the 
synagogue  of  the  Libertini  and  of  the  Cyrenians  and  Alexandrians,  also 

10  of  those  from  Cilicia  and  Asia,  rose  up  and  disputed  with  Stephen  ;  yet 
they  were  unable  to  withstand  the  wisdom  and  the  Spirit  with  which  he 

11  spoke.     [Thereupon  they  suborned  men  to  say,   "We  have  heard  him 

12  speaking  words  of  blasphemy  against  Moses  and  God,"  and  thus  they 
roused  up  the  people  and  the  elders  and  the  scribes  ;  then,  making  aia 
assault,  they  dragged  him  away  and  brought  him  into  the  Sanhedrin.] 

13  And  they  brought  forward  false  witnesses  who  said,  "This  man  never 

14  ceases  talking  against  this  ^  holy  place  and  the  law.  We  have  heard  him 
say  that  this  fellow,  Jesus  the  Nazarene,  shall  destroy  this  place  and 

15  change  the  customs  which  Moses  delivered  to  us."  [And  as  all  who  sat  in 
the  Sanhedrin  fixed  their  eyes  on  him,  they  saw  his  face  was  like  the  face 

7  1  of  an  angel.]     Then  said  the  high  priest,  "  Is  this  the  case  1 "     And  he  said  : 

2  "Brothers  and  fathers,  listen.     The  God  of  glory  appeared  to  our  father 

3  Abraham  when  he  was  in  Mesopotamia,  before  he  dwelt  in  Haran,  and 
said  to  him,  '  Leave  thy  land  and  thy  kinsfolk,  and  come  into  the  land  that  I 

4  shall  shoio  thee.'  Then  he  left  the  laud  of  the  Chaldeans  and  dwelt  in 
Haran.     And  after  his  father's  death  God  removed  him  thence  into  this 

5  land  where  you  now  dwell.  He  gave  him  no  inheritance  in  it,  not  even 
the  breadth  of  afoot,  yet  promised  he  would  give  it  to  him  and  to  his  off- 

6  spring  after  him  as  a  possession — though  he  had  not  then  a  child.  Thus 
God  spoke  :  '  His  offspring  shall  sojourn  in  a  foreign  land,  and  men  shall 

7  make  them  slaves  and  ill-use  them  for  four  hundred  years.  And  I  will 
judge,'  God  said,  'the  nation  whose  slaves  they  are.     And  after  that,  they 

8  shall  leave  and  worship  me  in  this  place.'  Also,  he  gave  him  the  covenant 
of  circumcision.  And  so  Abraham  begat  Isaac  and  circumcised  him  on  the 
eighth  day,  and  Isaac  begat  Jacob,  and  Jacob  the  twelve  patriarchs. 

9  And  out  of  jealousy  the  patriarchs  sold  Joseph  into  Egypt.     Yet  God  was  with 

10  him  and  delivered  him  from  all  his  distresses,  and  granted  him  favour  and 
wisdom  hefore  Pharaoh  king  of  Egypt,  who  appointed  him  viceroy  over  Egypt 

11  and  his  whole  household.  Noio  a  famine  came  over  the  whole  of  Egypt  and 
Canaan,  accompanied  by  great  distress  ;  and  our  fathers  could  not  find 

12  jDrovender.     But  on  hearing  that  there  was  food  in  Egypt,  Jacob  despatched 

13  our  fathers  the  first  time  ;  and  at  their  second  visit  Joseph  made  himself 
knoivn  to  his  brothers,  and  Josejah's  kindred  was  disclosed  to  Pharaoh. 

14  Then  Joseph  sent  and  summoned  his  father  Jacob  and  all  his  kinsfolk, 

15  consisting  of  seventy-five  souls.     So^  Jacob  icent  doivn  to  Egypt;  and  when 

16  he  and  our  fathers  died,  they  ivere  carried  over  to  Shechem  and  laid  in  the 
tomb  which  Abraham  had  bo^^ght  for  a  sum  of  money  fro7n  the  sons  of  Hamor 

17  in  SlLechem.  Now  as  the  time  drew  near  for  the  promise  which 

18  God  had  made  to  Abraham,  the  people  greio  and  multiplied  in  Egypt,  till 

19  another  king  rose  up  over  Egypt  who  knew  nothing  of  Joseph.  He  treated 
our  race  craftily  and  ill-used  our  fathers,  forcing  them  to  expose  their 

20  infants  to  prevent  them  being  kept  alive.  At  this  time  Moses  was  born  ; 
and  he  was  divinely  fair.     For  three  months  he  was  brought  up  in  his 

21  father's  house  ;  and  when  he  Avas  exposed,  the  daugliter  of  Plutruoh  lifted 

22  him  and  brought  him  wpfor  herself  as  a  son.     And  Moses  was  educated 

1  Reading  toCtov,  "  Reading  11. 


430  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [T-^"^ 

in  all  the  wisdom  of  tlie  Egyptians  ;  he  was  mighty  in  what  he  said  and 

23  did.     But  when  he  had  completed  his  fortieth  year,  it  came  into  his 

24  mind  to  visit  his  brothers,  the  sons  of  Israel.  And  on  seeing  one  of  them 
suffering  wrong  he  defended  him,  smote  the  Egyptian,  and  so  avenged  the 

25  man  wlio  was  being  worsted.  (He  thought  his  brothers  would  under- 
stand that  God  was  to  give  them  deliverance  by  his  hand  ;  but  they  did 

26  not  understand.)  On  the  next  day  also  he  appeared  to  them  as  they  were 
fighting  ;  and  he  tried  to  pacify  them,  saying,  '  Men,  you  are  brothers  ! 

27  Why  wrong  one  another  ?'  But  the  man  who  was  icroiujinrj  his  Tieirjhhour 
thrust  him   aside,  saying,  '  Who   made  thee  ruler  and  umpire  over  us  ? 

28  JFouldst   thou  slay   me,   just  as  thou  didst  slay   the  Egyptian  yesterday  V 

29  At  this  saying  Moses  fled  and  became  a  sojourner  in  the  land  of  Midian, 

30  where  he  begat  two  sons.  And  when  forty  years  were  completed,  there 
appeared  to  him  in  the  wilderness  of  Mount  Sinai  an  angel  in  the  flames  of  a 

31  burning  thorn-bush.     Now  when  Moses  saw  it,  he  wondered  at  the  vision. 

32  But  as  he  approached  to  look  at  it,  the  Lord's  voice  came  :  '  /  am  the  God 
of  thy  fathers,  the  God  of  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob.'     And  Moses  was 

33  terrified  and  did  not  dare  to  look  at  it.  And  the  Lard  said  to  him, '  Loose 
the  sandal  from  off  thy  feet :  for  the  place  where  thou  a,rt  standing  is  holy 

3-1  ground.  I  have  surely  seen  the  ill-usage  of  my  people  vjho  are  in  Egypt,  and 
I  have  heard  their  groaning,  and  T  have  come  down  to  deliver  them.     And 

35  now  come,  let  me  send  thee  to  Egypt.'  This  Moses  whom  they  refused, 
saying,  '  JVho  made  thee  rider  and  umpire  over  us  ? ' — this  very  man  God 
sent  to  be  both  ruler  and  redeemer,  by  the  agency  of  the  angel  who 

36  appeared  to  him  in  the  bush.  He  it  was  who  led  them  out,  performing 
wonders  and  signs  in  Egypt  and  in  the  Red  Sea  and  in  the  ivilderness  during 

31  forty  years.     (This  is  the  Moses  who  said  to  the  sons  of  Israel,  'A  prophet 

38  shall  God  raise  uj)  for  you  from  among  your  brothers,  as  he  raised  me.')  This 
is  he  who,  in  the  Community  in  the  wilderness,  intervened  between  the 
angel  who  spoke  to  him  in  Mount  Sinai  and  our  fathers,  he  who  received 

39  living  oracles  to  give  to  you.^  Yet  to  him  our  fathers  would  not  yield 
obedience.    Nay,  they  thrust  him  aside  and  turned  in  their  hearts  to  Egypt, 

40  saying  to  Aaron,  '  Make  gods  for  us,  to  go  in  front  of  us ;  as  for  this  Moses 
tvho  led  us  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt — we  hnoio  not  what  has  happened  to  him.' 

41  And  in  those  days  they  made  a  calf,  and  brought  sacrifice  to  the  idol,  and 

42  made  merry  over  the  work  of  their  hands.  So  God  turned  away  and 
gave  them  up  to  the  worship  of  the  host  of  heaven ;  even  as  it  is  written 
in  the  book  of  the  prophets. 

Did  you  offer  me  victims  and  sacrifices 

For  the  forty  years  in  the  wilderness,  house  of  Israel? 

43  Nay!  you  carried  the  tabernacle  of  Moloch, 
And  the  star  of  the  god  Rompha,^ 

The  figures  you  made,  for  worship. 

So  shall  I  transport  you  to  beyond  Babylon. 

44  Our  fathers  had  the  tabernacle  of  witness  in  the  wilderness,  as  was 
arranged  by  him  who  told  Moses  to  make  it  after  the  figure  he  had  seen. 

45  Our  fathers  in  tlieir  turn  received  it  and  l)rought  it  in  with  Joshua,  uhen 
they  took  possession  of  the  territory  of  the  nations  which  God  thrust  out 

46  before  the  face  of  our  fathers.  So  it  was  down  to  the  days  of  David.  He 
found  favour  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  asked  that  he  might  procure  a  divelling 

47  for  the  Lord  ^  of  Jacob.     It  was  Solomon,  however,  who  built  him  a  house. 

48  Yet  the  most  High  dwells  not  in  houses  made  by  hands  :  even  as  the 
prophet  says, 

1  Reading  u/x,y.  -  Eeading  Po,<*?a.  '  Reading  xvpiu. 


7*^-8^^]  ACTS  431 

49  '  The  skij  is  my  throne, 

And  the  earth  is  a  footstool  for  my  feet : 
What  hind  of  house  loill  you  build  ?He,'  saith  tlte  Lord, 
'  Or  what  is  the  place  of  my  rest  ? 

50  Did  not  my  hand  make  all  these  things  ? ' 

51  Stiff-necked  and  uncircumcised  in  heart  and  ear!   you  are   always  oppos- 

52  iny  the  holy  Spirit !  As  did  your  fathers,  so  do  you.  Which  of  the 
prophets  did  not  your  fathers  persecute?  Yea,  they  killed  those  who 
announced  beforehand  the  coming  of  the  upright  One.     And  now  you 

53  have  become  his  betrayers  and  murderers — yes,  you  who  received  the 
law  administered  through  angels,  yet  have  not  observed  it." 

54  On  hearing  this  they  were  cut  to  the  very  heart,  and  gnashed  at 

55  him  with  their  teeth.  He,  full  of  the  holy  Spirit,  fixed  his  eyes  upon 
the  sky  and  saw  the  brightness  of  God,  with  Jesus  standing  at  the  right 

56  hand  of  God  ;  and  he  said,  "  Lo,  I  see  the  heavens  opened,  and  the  Son  of 

57  man   standing  at  the  right   hand   of   God  ! "      With   a   loud  cry   they 

58  stopped  their  ears  ;  then  with  one  accord  rushed  at  him,  threw  him  out  of 
the  city,  and  began  to  stone  him.     [And  the  witnesses  laid  their  garments 

59  down  at  the  feet  of  a  young  man  called  Saul.]  And  as  they  stoned 
Stephen,  he  appealed  to  Jesus  and  said,  "  Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit !  " 

60  Then  he  knelt  down  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Lord,  lay  not  this  sin 
8  1  to  their  charge  ! "     And  when  he  had  said  this,  he  fell  asleep.     [Now 

Saul  approved  of  his  murder.] 

And  on  that  day  a  great  persecution  broke  out  against  the  Community 
which  was  in  Jerusalem  :  with  the  exception  of  the  ajaostles,  all  ^  were 

2  scattered  abroad  over  the  regions  of  Judaea  and  Samaria.     And  devout 

3  men  buried  Stephen  and  made  great  lamentation  over  him.  [But  Saul 
kept  ravaging  the  Community  ;  entering  house  after  house,  he  dragged 
off  men  and  women,  and  delivered  them  up  to  be  imprisoned.] 

4  Those  then  who  were  scattered  abroad  went  through   the   country 

5  preaching  the  word  of  the  gospel.     Now  Philij)  went  down  to  the  city  of 

6  Samaria,  and  proceeded  to  preach  the  Christ  to  them.  And  the  crowds 
attended  with  one  accord  to  what  Philip  said,  when  they  heard  and  saw 

7  the  signs  he  did.  For  unclean  spirits  came  out  of  many  of  those  who 
were  possessed,  shouting  with  a  loud  cry  ;  and  many  paralysed  and  lame 

8  people  were  healed.     So  there  was  much  joy  in  that  city. 

9  Now  a  man  named  Simon  had  previously  been  practising  magic  in  the 
city  and  amazing  the  people  of  Samaria  ;  for  he  gave  himself  out  to  be  a 

10  great  man,  and  from  the  least  to  the  greatest  they  all  devoted  them- 
selves to  him,  saying,  "  This  man  is  that  Power  of  God  which  is  called 

11  'The  Great  Power.'"    They  devoted  themselves  to  him  because  for  a  con- 

12  siderable  time  he  had  amazed  them  with  his  magic  arts.  But  when  they 
believed  Philip,  who  preached  the  gospel  of  God's  reign  and  the  name  of 

13  Jesus  Christ,  they  had  themselves  baptized,  both  men  and  women.  Even 
Simon  himself  also  believed,  and  after  baptism  attached  himself  to 
Philip  ;  and  when  he  saw  the  signs  and  great  miracles  that  were  taking 

14  place,  he  was  amazed.  Now  when  the  apostles  who  were  at  Jerusalem 
heard  that  Samaria  had  accepted  the  word  of  God,  they  despatched  to  them 

15  Peter  and  John.     These  men  came  down  and  prayed  for  them  that  they 

16  might  receive  the  holy  Spirit.  (For  as  yet  it  had  not  fallen  upon  any  of 
them  ;  they  had  merely  got  baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus.) 

17  Then  they  proceeded  to  lay  their  hands  on  them  ;  and  they  received  the 

18  holy  Spirit.     Now  Simon  noticed  it  was  through  the  laying  on  of  the 

1  Omitting  [[^e]]. 


432  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [8^^-9^ 

apostles'  hands  that  the  Spirit  was  given  ;  so  he  brought  them  money, 

19  saying,  "Give  me  also  this  power,  so  that  anyone  on  whom  I  lay  my 

20  hands  may  receive  the  holy  Spirit."  But  Peter  said  to  him,  "  Thy  money 
perish  with  thyself  ! — since  thou  didst  think  to  purchase  God's  free  gift 

21  with  money.     In  this  matter  thou  hast  neither  part  nor  lot,  for  thy 

22  heart  is  not  straiyld-fonvard  in  God's  sight.  Repent  then  of  this  thy 
wickedness,  and  entreat  the  Lord  that  thy  heart's  design  perchance  nray 

23  be  forgiven  thee.     For  I  see  thou  wilt  become  a  bitter  iioison  and  a  bond 

24  of  iniquity."     And  Simon  answered,  "  Do  you  entreat  the  Lord  for  me, 

25  that  nothing  of  what  you  have  said  may  befall  me."  So  after 
attesting  and  speaking  the  word  of  the  Lord,  they  went  on  their  way 
back  to  Jerusalem,  preaching  the  glad  tidings  to  many  of  the  Samaritan 
villages. 

26  But  an  angel  of  the  Lord  spoke  to  Philip,  saying,  "  Rise  up  and 
make  your  way  about  noon  to  the  road  that  goes  down  from  Jerusalem 

27  to  Gaza"  [the  road  is  desert].  And  he  rose  up  and  went  on  his  way. 
And  behold,  an  Ethiopian  eunuch  holding  high  office  under  Kandace 
queen  of  the  Ethiopians  (he  was  over  all  her  treasure),  who  had  come  to 

28  Jerusalem  for  worship,  was  on  his  way  back,  sitting  in  his  chariot  and 

29  reading   the   prophet   Isaiah.      The  Spirit  said   to   Philip,    "  Approach 

30  and  join  this  chariot."  So  when  Philip  ran  up  to  him,  he  heard  him 
reading  Isaiah  the  proplu-t.     And  he  said,  "  And  dost  thou  understand 

31  wliat  thou  readest  ? "  He  said,  "  Why,  how  could  I — unless  some  one 
be  my  guide  ?"     And  he  besought  Philip  to  come  up  and  sit  beside  him. 

32  Now  the  cniiteiits  of  tln'  scri] )1  lire  wliich  he  was  reading  were  as  follows  : 

y.vV.v  a  .<li..j,   mis  lir  l,d  In  thr  sh,  ,iqj,l.  r  ; 

Ai„l  as  a  l„nth  hrjorr'ifsshrarcris'lninb, 
So  he  opens  not  his  raoutli. 

33  Humbling  himself,  he  had  his  doom  reniovcd. 
Who  shall  describe  his  generation  ? 

For  his  life  is  cut  off  from  the  earth. 

34  So  the  eunuch  answered  and  said  to  Philip,  "I  pray  thee,  about  wliom 

35  does  the  jiropliet  say  this?  about  himself  or  about  some  one  else  ?"  And 
Pliilij)  opeiuid  liis  mouth,  and  starting  from  this  scripture  he  preached  to 

3G  him  tlieglad  tidings  of  Jesus.  Now  as  they  travelled  along  the  road  they 
came  to  some  water.     And  the  eunuch  says,  "  Look,  here  is  water  !  what 

38  is  to  prevent  me  from  being  baptized?"  So  he  ordered  the  chariot  to 
stop  ;  and  they  both  went  down  to  the  water,  Philip  as  well  as  the  eunuch, 

39  and  he  baptized  him.  After  they  had  gone  up  from  the  water,  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  caught   Philip  away  ;  and  the  eunuch  saw  him  no 

40  longer,  for  lie  went  on  his  own  way  rejoicing.  But  Philip  found  himself 
at  Azotus  ;  and  as  he  passed  on,  he  preached  the  glad  tidings  to  all  the 
cities,  till  he  arrived  at  Caesarea. 

9  1        Meanwhile    Saul,   still    breathing  threats  and   murder  against  the 

2  disciples  of  the  Lord,  went  to  the  high  priest  and  asked  him  for  letters 
addressed  to  the  synagogues  at  Damascus,  so  that  he  might  bring  bound  to 
Jerusalem  any  person  (manor  woman)  whom  he  could  find,  that  belonged 

3  to  the  Way.     Now  on  his  journey  it  came  to  pass  that  when  he  drew 

4  near  to  Damascus,  suddenly  a  light  from  the  sky  flashed  round  him  ;  and 
dropping  on  tlie  ground  he  heard  a  voice  saying  to  him,  "Saul,  Saul,  why 

5  art  thou  persecuting  me  ? "  And  lie  said,  "  Who  art  thou,  sir  ? "  And  he 
G  said,  "  I  am  Jesus,  and  tliou  art  persecuting  me.  Come,  rise  up  and  go 
7  into   the  city,  and  thou  shalt  be  told  what  thou  must  do."      Now  his 

fellow-travellers  stood  sjjcechless,  for  while  they  heard  the  voice  they 


9^-25]  ACTS  433 

8  nobody.    And  Saul  rose  from  the  ground,  but  when  he  opened  his  eyes  he 
could  see  nothing.     So  they  led  him  by  the  hand,  and  brought  him  to 

9  Damascus.     And  for  three  days  he  was  sightless,  and  neither  ate  nor  drank. 

10  Now  there  was  a  disciple  in  Damascus  named  Ananias.  And  the 
Lord  said  to  him  in  a  vision,  "  Ananias."     And  he  said,  "  Here  am  I, 

11  Lord."  And  the  Lord  said  to  him,  "Rise  and  go  to  the  thoroughfare 
which  is  called  '  Straight,'  and  enquire  at  the  house  of  Judas  for  a  man  of 

12  Tarsus  named  Saul.  For  lo,  he  is  praying,  and  he  has  seen  a  man  named 
Ananias    enter  and   lay  his  hands   on   him,  that   he   may   see   again." 

13  Ananias  answered,  "  Lord,  I  have  heard  from  many  people  about  this  man, 

14  and  about  all  the  evil  he  has  done  to  thy  saints  in  Jerusalem.  And  here 
also  he  has  authority  from  the  high  priests  to  bind  all  who  call  upon  thy 

15  name  ! "  But  the  Lord  said  to  him,  "  Go  :  I  have  in  this  man  a  chosen 
vessel,  for  carrying  my  name  before  Gentiles  and  kings,  as  well  as  before 

16  the  sons  of  Israel.     I  myself  will  show  him  all  that  he  must  suffer  for 

17  my  name's  sake."  So  Ananias  went  away  and  entered  the  house  ;  and 
laying  his  hands  on  him  he  said,  "  Saul,  my  brother,  I  am  sent  by  the 
Lord,  by  Jesus  who  appeared  to  thee  on  the  road  as  thou  camest,  that 

18  thou  mayest  see  again  and  be  filled  with  the  holy  Spirit."  And  instantly 
there  fell  from  his  eyes  as  it  were  scales,  and  he  saw  again  ;  and  he  stood 

19  up,  and  had  himself  baptized.  Then  he  took  food  and  recovered  his 
strength. 

20  Now  for  some  days  he  remained  with  the  disciples  in  Damascus,  and 
he   immediately  proceeded  to   preach  Jesus  in  the  synagogues,   saying, 

21  "  This  is  the  Son  of  God."  And  all  who  heard  him  were  amazed,  and  said, 
"  Is  not  this  the  man  who  made  havoc  in  Jerusalem  of  those  who  called 
upon  this  Name,  and  who  came  here  for  the  express  purpose  of  bringing 

22  them  bound  to  the  higli  priests  ?  "  But  Saul  became  stronger  than  ever, 
and  went  on  confounding  the  Jews  who  dwelt  in  Damascus  by  proving 

23  that  "  this  is  the  Christ."      Now  after  a  considerable  number  of  days  had 

24  elapsed,  the  Jews  took  counsel  together  to  slay  him.  (However,  their  plot 
became  known  to  Saul.)     They  kept  watch  even  on  the  gates  both  day 

25  and  night,  so  as  to  slay  him.  But  one  night  his  disciples  took  and  let 
him  down  over  the  wall  by  lowering  him  in  a  large  basket. 

26  On  reaching  Jerusalem  he  attempted  to  join  the  disciples  ;  but  they 
were  all  afraid  of  him,  because  they  did  not  believe  he  was  a  discijile. 

27  However,  Barnabas  took  him  and  brought  him  to  the  apostles,  and 
described  to  them  how  he  had  seen  the  Lord  upon  the  road  and  how  he 
had  spoken  to  him,  and  how  he  liad  spoken  out  confidently  at  Damascus  in 

28  the  name  of  Jesus.     And  he  went  in  and  out  with  them  at  Jerusalem, 

29  speaking  out  confidently  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.     He  also  talked  and 

30  disputed  with  the  Hellenists  ;  but  they  made  attemjjts  to  slay  him.  On 
ascertaining  this  the  brothers  brought  him  down  to  Caesarea  and  sent  him 

31  away  to  Tarsus.  So  the  Community  had  j^eace  throughout  the 
whole  of  Judaea  [and  Galilee]  and  Samaria  ;  it  was  built  up  and  it  walked 
in  the  fear  of  the  Lord.  And  through  the  encouragement  of  the  holy 
Spirit  it  was  multiplied. 

32  Now  it  came  to  pass  as  Peter  moved  about  among  them  all,  that  he 

33  came  down  also  to  the  saints  who  resided  in  Lydda.  There  he  found  a 
man  named  Aeneas  who  had  lain  on  a  pallet  for  eight  years  with  paralysis. 

34  And  Peter  said  to  him,  "  Aeneas,  Jesus  Christ  cures  thee  ;  rise  and  make 

35  thy  bed."  And  immediately  he  rose.  And  all  who  resided  in  Lydda  and 
Saron  saw  him,  and  they  turned  to  the  Lord. 


434  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [9^*''-1023 

36  Now  at  Joppa  there  was  a  disciple  nainecl  Tabitha  (that  is,  when 
transLated,  "Gazelle") ;  she  was  full  of  good  works  and  almsdeeds  which 

37  she  practised.     But  it  came  to  jiass  that  in  those  days  she  fell  ill  and 

38  died  ;  and  after  washing  her  they  laid  her  in  an  upper  chamber.  Now 
Lydda  was  near  Joppa  ;  so,  on  hearing  that  Peter  was  there,  the  disciples 
sent  two  men  to  him  with  the  entreaty,  "  Come  on  to  us  without  delay." 

39  And  Peter  rose  and  accompanied  them.  When  he  arrived  they  took  him 
into  the  iipper  chamber,  and  all  the  widows  stood  beside  him  weeping 
and  showing  the  tunics  and  garments  that  she,  "  the  Gazelle,"  had  made 

40  while  she  was  with  them.  But  Peter  put  them  all  out,  knelt  down,  and 
prayed.     Then  turning  to  the  corpse,  he  said,  "  Tabitha,  rise  up."     And 

41  she  opened  her  eyes,  and  on  seeing  Peter  she  sat  up.  Then  he  gave  her 
his  hand   and   raised   her  up,  and   calling  the   saints   and   widows   he 

42  presented   her  alive.      And  it  became  known  throughout  the  whole  of 

43  Joppa  ;  and  many  believed  on  the  Lord.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  he 
remained  for  many  days  in  Joppa  with  a  man  Simon  who  was  a  tanner. 

10  1        Now  there  was  a  man  in  Caesarea,  Kornelius  by  name,  a  centurion  of 

2  the  cohort  called  the  "  Italian  "  cohort ;  he  was  a  pious  man  who  feai'ed  God 
with  all  his  house,  gave  liberal  alms  to  the  people,  and  always  prayed  to 

3  God.      About  the  ninth  hour  of  the  day  he  distinctly  saw  in  a  vision  an 

4  angel  of  God  coming  in  to  him  and  saying  to  him,"  Kornelius."  And 
with  eyes  fixed  on  him  in  terror,  he  said,  "  What  is  it.  Lord  ?  "  And  he 
said  to  him,  "Thy  prayers  and  thine  alms  have  risen  as  an  offering  of 

5  remembrance  before  God.     So  now,  send  men  to  Joppa  and  send  for  a 

6  man  Simon  who  is  surnamed  Peter  ;  he  is  staying  with  a  man  Simon  a 

7  tanner,  whose  house  stands  by  the  sea."  And  when  the  angel  who 
spoke  to  him  had  gone,  he  called  two  servants  of  his  household  and  a 

8  pious  soldier  who  belonged  to  his  retinue,  and  after  recounting  everything 

9  to  them  he  sent  them  to  Joppa.  Now  the  next  day,  while  they 
were  upon  the  road  and  nearing  the  city,  Peter  went  up  to  the  housetop  to 

10  pray,  aljout  the  sixth  hour.      And  he  became  very  hungry  and  desired  to 

11  eat.  But  as  they  were  making  ready,  a  trance  came  over  him.  He 
sees  the  sky  opened  and  a  vessel  coming  down,  like  a  great  sheet  lowered 

12  by  four  corners  to  the  earth.      In  it  were  all  the  four-footed  and  creeping 

13  things  of  the  earth,  and  the  birds  of  the  air.     And  a  voice  came  to  him, 

14  "  Rise,  Peter,  kill  and  eat."     But  Peter  said,  "  By  no  means.  Lord  :  never 

15  have  I  eaten  anything  common  or  unclean."  And  once  more  a  voice  came 
to  him,  for  the  second  time,  "What  God  has  cleansed,  hold  not  thou 

16  common."     This  happened  three  times  ;  then  the  vessel  was  imnu'il  lately 

17  taken  up  into  the  sky.  Now  while  Peter  was  completely  bewildered  to 
know  what  was  the  meaning  of  the  vision  he  had  seen,  behold,  the  men 
sent  by  Kornelius  had  made  enquiries  for  the  house  of  Sinum  and  now 

18  stood  at  the  gate  ;  and  they  called  out  to  ask  if  Simon,  surnamed  Peter, 

19  was  staying  there.     And  while  Peter  was  pondering  the  vision,  the  Spirit 

20  said  to  him,  "  Lo,  there  are  two  ^  men  seeking  thee.  Come,  rise  and  go 
down  and  accompany  them  ;  hesitate  not,  for  I  myself  have  sent  them." 

21  So  Peter  went  down  to  the  men,  and  said,  "  I  am  the  man  you  are  st-ekiiig. 

22  What  is  your  reason  for  coming?"  And  they  said, ""A  centurion 
Kornelius,  a  man  who  is  upright  and  fears  God  and  has  a  good  re])utation 
among  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  was  divinely  instructed  by  a  holy  angel 

23  to  send  for  thee  to  his  house  and  to  hear  what  thou  hadst  to  say."  There- 
upon he  invited  them  in  and  entertained  them.  And  the  next  day 
lie  rose  and  went  off  with  them,  accompanied  by  some  of  the  brothers 

1  RcftdiiiK  >'0(,. 


lO-'^-ll'^]  ACTS  435 

24  from  Joppa ;  and  on  the  day  following  he  entered  Caesarea.  Now 
Kornelius  was  expecting  them,  and  had  called  together  his  kinsmen  and 

25  intimate  friends.  So  when  it  came  to  pass  that  Peter  was  going  to  enter 
the   honse,  Kornelius   met   him,  fell   down   at  his   feet,   and   did  him 

26  reverence.     But  Peter  raised  him  up,  sajdng  "  Stand  up  :  I  am  a  man 

27  myself."     Then  conversing  with  him  he  entered  the  house,  to  find  a  large 

28  company  assembled.  And  he  said  to  them,  "You  know  yourselves  tliat 
it  is  illegal  for  a  Jew  to  join  or  accost  anyone  belonging  to  anotlier 
nation.      Yet  God  has  shown  me  that  I  am  not  to  call  any  man  common 

29  or  unclean  ;  and  for  that  reason  I  came  without  demur  when  I  was  sent 

30  for.  I  ask  then,  why  was  it  that  you  sent  for  me?"  And  Kornelius 
said,  "Three  days  ago  at  this  very  hour,  I  was  praying  at  the  ninth  hour 

31  in  my  house.  And  lo,  a  man  stood  before  me  in  bright  dress,  saying, 
'  Kornelius,  thy  prayer  is  heard  and  thine  alms  are  held  in  remembrance 

32  before  God.  Send  therefore  to  Joppa  and  summon  Simon  who  is 
surnamed  Peter ;  he  is  staying  in  the  house  of  Simon  a  tanner  beside  the 

33  sea.'  So  I  sent  at  once  for  thee,  and  thou  hast  done  right  in  coming. 
Well  now,  here  we  are  all  present  before  God  to  hear  what  the  Lord  has 

34  commanded  thee  to  say."     So   Peter    opened    his   mouth  and  said,    "  I 

35  certainly  find  that  God  is  no  resjpeder  of  persons,  but  that  in  every  nation  he 

36  who  fears  him  and  acts  uprightly  is  acceptable  to  him.  The  word  ^  he  sent 
to  the  sons  of  Israel,  jweachiny  through  Jesus  Christ  i/te  gospel  of  peace — 

37  that  word  is  ^  for  all.  You  know  yourselves  what  took  place  throughout 
the  whole  of  Judaea  [starting  from' Galilee]  after  the  baptism  which  John 

38  preached  :  that  is,  how  God  anointed  Jesus  of  Nazareth  with  the  holy  S2)irit 
and  power,  and  how  he  went  about  doing  good  and  curing  all  oppressed 

39  by  the  devil ;  for  God  was  with  him.  And  we  are  witnesses  of  all  he  did 
both   in   the   country   of  the  Jews  and  in   Jerusalem.     They  slew  him 

40  by  hanging  him  upon  a  gibbet.     On  the  third  day  God  raised  him,  and 

41  granted  that  he  should  be  made  manifest,  not  to  all  the  people  Init  to 
witnesses  previously  chosen  by  God,  even  to  us  who  ate  and  drank  with 

42  him  after  his  resurrection  from  the  dead.  And  he  charged  us  to  preach 
to  the  people  and  testify  that  'this  is  he  whom  God  has  appointed  to  be 

43  judge  of  the  living  and  the  dead.'  All  the  proj^hets  bear  him  witness, 
that  everyone  who  believes  on  him  shall  receive  through  his  Name  the 

44  remission  of  sins."     While  Peter  was  still  saying  these  words,  the  holy 

45  Spirit  fell  upon  all  who  heard  the  word.  And  those  of  the  circumcision 
who  were  believers  (and  had  accompanied  Peter)  were  amazed,  because  the 
free  gift  of  the  holy  Spirit  had  been  poured  out  even  on  the  Gentiles 

46  (for  they  heard  theni  speak  with  tongues  and  magnify  God).     Then  Peter 

47  answered,   "  Can  anyone  refuse  the  water  for  baptizing  these   people — 

48  these  who  just  like  ourselves  have  received  the  holy  Spirit?"  And  he 
commanded  them  to  be  baptized  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ.  Then  they 
prayed  him  to  stay  for  some  days. 

Ill        Now  the  apostles   and   the"  brothers   who  lived    throughout  Judaea 

2  heard  that  the  Gentiles  also  had  received  the  word  of  God.     So  when 
Peter  came  up  to  Jerusalem,  those  who  belonged  to  the  circumcision  fell 

3  foul  of  him  ;  "  Thou  didst  go  in,"  they  said,  "  to  visit  uncircumcised  men, 

4  and   didst   eat  with  them."     So  Peter  began  and  unfolded  the  facts  to 

5  them  in  order  :  "  I  was  in  the  city  of  Joppa,"  he  said,  "  praying.     And 
in  a   trance  I   saw  a   vision,  a  vessel   coming  down   like  a  great   sheet 

6  lowered  from  the  sky  by  four  corners  ;  and  it  came  down  to  me.     On  it  I 
fixed  my  eyes  and  marked  ;  and  I  saw  the  fourfooted  things  of  the  earth 

1  Omitting  [[Sv]].  -  Omitting  y.Opto;. 


436  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [IIM2* 

and  the  wild  becasts  and  the  creeping  things  and  the  birds  of  the  air. 

7,  8  Also  I  heard  a  voice  saying  to  me,  '  Rise,  Peter,  kill  and  eat.'     But  I  said, 

'By  no  means.  Lord  ;  nothing  common  or  unclean  has  ever  entered  my 

9  mouth.'     But  a  voice  answered  the  second  time  out  of  the  sky,   'What 

10  God  has  cleansed,  hold  thou  not  common.'     And  this  was  done  three 

11  times,  then  everything  was  again  drawn  up  into  the  sky.  And  lo,  at  this 
instant  three  men  arrived  at  the  house  where  we  lived,  who  had  been  sent 

12  to  me  from  Caesarea.  Now  the  Spirit  told  me  to  accompany  them 
without  hesitation  ;   these    six    brotliers   came   with   me   as   well,   and 

1 3  we  entered  the  man's  house.  He  related  to  us  how  he  had  seen  the  angel 
stand  in  his  house  and  say,  'Send  to  Joppa  and  send  for  Simon  who  is 

14  surnamed  Peter  ;  he  will  speak  to  thee  words  by  which  thou  shalt  be 

15  saved,  thou  and  all  thy  house.'     And  when  I  started  to  speak,  the  holy 

16  Spirit  fell  upon  them  just  as  upon  ourselves  at  the  beginning.  And  I 
remembered  the  word  of  the  Lord,  how  he  said,  'John  baptized  with 

17  water,  but  you  shall  be  baptized  with  the  holy  Spirit.'  If  God  then  gave  to 
them  exactly  the  same  free  gift  as  also  he  gave  to  us  when  we  believed  on 

18  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  was  I — had  I  the  power  to  hinder  God  ?"  On 
hearing  this  they  held  their  peace,  and  proceeded  ^  to  magnify  God, 
saying,  'So  God  has  given  to  the  Gentiles  also  the  repentance  that 
brings  life  ! ' '" 

19  So  those  who  had  been  scattered  abroad  upon  the  distress 
occasioned  by  Stephen,  passed  on  as  far  as    Phoenice  and  Cyprus  and 

20  Antioch,  without  speaking  the  word  to  anyone  excejjt  Jews.  Some  of 
them,  however,  were  Cypriotes  and  Cyrenians,  who  on  coming  to  Antioch 

21  told  the  Greeks  also  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  And  the  hand  of  the 
Lord  was  with  them  ;  a  large  number  believed  and  turned  to  the  Lord. 

22  [Now   the   news  about  them   reached   the  ears   of   the   Community   in 

23  Jerusalem  :  and  they  despatched  Barnaljas  to  Antioch.  He  came,  and  on 
seeing  the  grace  of  God  rejoiced,  and  exhorted  them  all  to  hold  by  the 

24  Lord  with  hearty  aim.  (For  he  was  a  good  man,  and  full  of  the  holy 
Spiiit  and  faith.)     And  a  considerable  number  were  added  to  the  Lord. 

lo,  26  So  he  went  off  to  Tarsus  to  search  for  Saul ;  and  after  finding  him  he 
brought  him  to  Antioch.  And  it  came  to  pass  that  for  a  whole  year 
they  were  guests  of  the  Community  and  taught  a  considerable  number.] 
It  was  at  Antioch  also  that  the  disciples  were  originally  styled  "  Chris- 
tians." 

27  Now  during  these  days    prophets   came  down   from  Jerusalem   to 

28  Antioch,  and  ^  there  was  great  rejoicing.  When  we  had  gathered 
together,  one  of  them  [named  Agalaus]  spoke,  indicating  through  the 
Spirit  that  a  great  famine  was  to  come  over  the  whole  world  (it  took 

29  place  in  the  reign  of  Claudius).  So  the  disciples  each  set  apart  money, 
just  as  every  man  had  means  to  spare,  for  aid  to  be  sent  to  the  brothers 

30  who  dwelt  in  Judaea.  [This  also  they  carried  out,  sending  their  aid  to 
the  elders  l)y  the  hand  of  Barnabas  and  Saul.] 

12  1        Now  aljout  that  time  Herod  the  king  laid  hands  on  some  members  of 

2  the  Community,  to  ill-use  them.     James  the  brother  of  John,  he  slew 

3  with  the  .sword  ;  and  wlien  he  saw  that  it  pleased  the  Jews,  he  went  on  to 

4  seize  Peter  as  well.    (It  was  the  days  of  unleavened  bread.)     When  he  had 
arrested  liim,  he  put  him  in  prison  and  delivered  him  to  a  guard  of  four 

1  Reading  eSoJa?«v. 

2  Reading    ?v    H    rroX}.>,    ScyaXXiafis ■   irvHrrpa.//.fi.iyaiv  hi    r,-jLuv    f^tj   lit    ij    auTuy    it.   'A, 


125-13^]  ACTS  437 

quaternions  of  soldiers,  intending  after  the  Passover  to  bring  liiiu  up 

5  before   tlie   people.     So  Peter  lay  closely  watched  in  the  prison  ;  but 

6  prayer  was  earnestly  offered  to  God  for  him  by  the  Community.  Now 
on  the  very  night  before  Herod  meant  to  have  him  brought  out,  Peter 
was  sleeping  between  two  soldiers,  fastened  by  two  chains,  while  guards 

7  in  front  of  the  door  watched  the  prison.  And  lo,  an  angel  of  the  Lord 
stood  beside  him,  and  a  light  shone  in  the  cell  ;  striking  Peter  on  the 
side  he  woke  him,  saying,  "  Quick,  rise  up  !  "  And  oft'  dropped  his  chains 

8  from  his  hands.  And  the  angel  said  to  him,  "Gird  thyself  and  bind  on 
thy  sandals."     He  did  so.     Then  he  says  to  him,  "  Throw  thy  cloak  round 

9  thee  and  follow  me."  And  out  he  went,  following  him  ;  yet  he  did  not 
know  that  what  was  taking  place  by  means  of  the  angel  was  real,  but  rather 

10  imagined  that  he  saw  a  vision.  Now  when  they  had  passed  the  first  and 
the  second  guard,  they  came  to  the  iron  gate  leading  into  the  city  ;  this 
opened  to  them  of  its  own  accord,  so  they  went  out  and  had  passed  on 

1 1  through  one  thoroughfare,  when  immediately  the  angel  left  him.  And 
on  coming  to  himself  Peter  said,  "  Now  I  really  know  that  the  Lord  has 
sent  forth  his  angel  and  delivered  me  out  of  Herod's  hand  and  from  all 

12  that  the  Jewish  people  anticipated."  On  realising  this,  he  went  to  the 
house  of  Mary  the  mother  of  John  (surnamed  Mark),  where  a  number  of 

13  people  had  collected  for  prayer.     And  when  he  knocked  at  the  door  of 

14  the  porch,  a  maidservant  named  Rhoda  came  to  answer  it.  And  on 
recognising  the  voice  of  Peter,  in  lier  joy  she  did  not  open  the  porch,  but 
ran  in  and  announced  that  Peter  was  standing  in  front  of  the  porch. 

15  They  said  to  her,  "  Thou  art  mad."     But  she  stoutly  declared  it  was  the 

16  case.     They  said,  "  It  is  his  angel."     Meanwhile  Peter  kept  on  knocking  ; 

17  and  when  they  did  open,  they  saw  him  and  were  amazed.  But  beckoning 
to  them  with' his  hand  for  silence,  he  described  to  them  how  the  Lord 
had  brought  him  out  of  the  prison.     "  Report  this,"  he  said,  "  to  James 

18  and  to  the  brothers,"  and  off  he  went  on  his  way  to  another  place.  Now 
when  day  broke,  there  was  no  slight  commotion  among  the  soldiers  over 

19  what  could  have  become  of  Peter.  And  when  Herod  had  searched  for 
him  and  failed  to  find  him,  he  cross-questioned  the  guards,  and  ordered 
them  ofi"  to  death ;  then  he  went  down  from  Judaea  to  Caesarea,  and  spent 

20  some  time  there.  Now  he  was  at  bitter  feud  with  the  people  of 
Tyre  and  Sidon ;  so  they  came  to  him  with  one  accord,  and,  after  conciliat- 
ing the  king's  chamberlain  Blastus,  begged  for  peace,  seeing  that  their 

21  country  depended  upon  the  king's  for  supplies  of  food.  And  on  a  stated 
day  Herod  arrayed  himself  in  royal  robes,  took  his  seat  upon  the  dais, 

22  and  proceeded  to  harangue  them.     And  the   people   roared,  "  A  god's 

23  voice,  not  a  man's  !  "  Instantly  an  angel  of  the  Lord  smote  him,  because 
he  gave  not  God  due  honour  ;  and  he  was  eaten  by  worms  and  expired. 

24  But  the  word  of  the  Lord  ^  grew  and  multiplied. 

25  [Now  Barnabas  and  Saul  returned  from  Jerusalem  after  they  had  dis- 
charged their  mission,  taking  along  with  them  John  who  was  surnamed 

13  1  Mark.]  Now  in  the  local  Community  at  Antioch  there  were 

prophets  and  teachers,  Barnabas,  Symeon  (called  Niger),  and  Lucius  the 
Cyrenian,  besides  Manaen   (foster-brother  of   Herod   the   tetrarch)  and 

2  Saul.  And  as  they  worshipped  the  Lord  and  fasted,  the  holy  Spirit 
said,  "  Come  !  set  me  apart  Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the  work  to  which  I 

3  have  called  them."  Then,  after  they  had  fasted  and  prayed  and  laid 
their  liands  on  them,  they  let  them  go. 

1  Reading  xvpUu. 


438  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [iS^-^^ 

4  So  then,  sent  out  by  the  holy  Spirit,  they  went  down  to  Seleuceia  ; 

5  and  from  there  they  sailed  away  to  Cyprus.  And  on  reaching  Salamis 
they  i)roclaimed   the    word    of    God   in   the   synagogues    of   the  Jews 

6  (and  they  had  John  also  as  their  attendant).  Now  on  traversing  the 
whole  island  as  far  as  Paphos,  they  fell  in  with  a  Jewish  magician  and 

7  false  prophet,  named  Bar-Jesus.  He  was  in  the  suite  of  the  proconsul 
Sergius  Paulus,  a  man  of  intelligence,  who  summoned  Barnabas  and  Saul 

8  and  sought  to  hear  the  word  of  God.  But  the  magician  Elymas  (for  that 
is  the  translation  of  his  name)  ojiposed  them,  trying  to  turn  aside  the 

9  proconsul  from  the  faith.     And  Saul  (whose  name  also  is  Pai;l)  became 

10  hlled  with  the  holy  Spirit,  fixed  his  eyes  on  him,  and  said,  "Thou  son  of 
the  devil,  enemy  of  all  that  is  upright,  full  of  all  guile  and  all  villainy, 

11  wilt  thou  not  cease  to  turn  aside  the  straight  ways  of  the  Lord  ?  Now  then, 
lo,  the  Lord's  hand  is  upon  thee,  and  thou  shalt  be  blind,  seeing  not  the 
sun  for  a  time."     Instantly  there  fell  upon  him  mist  and  darkness,  and 

12  he  groped  about  for  some  one  to  lead  him  by  the  hand.  Then  the 
proconsul  believed  when  he  saw  what  had  happened,  astonished  at  the 
teaching  of  the  Lord. 

13  Setting  sail  from  Paphos,  Paul  and  his  associates  reached  Perga  in 
Pamphylia  ;  John,  however,  departed  from  them  and  turned  back  to 

14  Jerusalem.     Passing  on  from  Perga  they  arrived  at  Pisidian  Antioch,  and 

15  entering  the  synagogue  on  the  sabbath-day  they  sat  down.  After  the 
reading  of  the  law  and  the  prophets,  the  presidents  of  the  synagogue  sent 
to  them,  saying,  "  Men  and  brothers,  if  j'ou  have  a,ny  word  of  exhortation 

16  for  the  peoj)le,  say  on."     So  Paul  stood  wp,  and  with  a  movement  of  his 

17  hand  said  :  "  Men  of  Israel,  and  you  who  fear  God,  listen.  The  God  of 
this  people  Israel  cliose  our  fathers  and  raised  the  people  as  they 
sojourned  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  inth  a  high  arm  led  them  out  of  it.    And 

18,  19  for  abdiil  furl  v  years  he  nurseil  them  like  a  father'^  in  the  ivilderne.-<s ;  and 
after  ili.<l nun  mj  srren  nations  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  he  gave  thani  their  land 

20  as  an  i iihi'ritniia:  for  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  years.     And  after  that 

21  he  gave  them  judges,  down  to  Samuel  the  prophet.  Then  it  was  that 
they  Ijegged  for  a  king  ;  and  God  gave  them  for  forty  years  Saul,  the  son 

22  of  Kish,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  And  after  deposing  him  he 
raised  up  David  as  their  king ;  to  whom  he  bore  witness,  saying,  '  I  have 
found  in  David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  a  man  after  my  own  heart,  wlio  will  do 

23  all  my  commands.'     From  this  man's  offspring  God  brought  Israel,  as  he 

24  promised,  a  saviour — Jesus— after  that,  previous  to  his  coming,  Jolm  had 
already  preached  the  baptism  of  repentance  to  all  the  people  of  Israel. 

25  As  John  fulfilled  his  course,  he  said,  'What  do  j-ou  imagine  I  am?  I 
am   not  he.     Nay,  behold,  he   is  coming  after  me  !  and  the  sandal  of 

26  his  feet  I  am  not  fit  to  untie.'  Men  and  brothers,  sons  of 
Abraham's  race,  and  those  among  you  who  fear  God,  to  us  ira.s  the  icord 

'2.1  of  this  salvation  sent  forth.  For  those  who  dwell  in  Jerusalem  and  their 
rulers  did  not  know  liim  ;  and  in  condemning  him  they  fulfilled  the 

28  sayings  of  the  propliets  whicli  are  read  every  sabbath  ;  yeal|  although  they 
found  no  crime  in  him  deserving  death,  yet  they  begged  Pilate  to  have 

29  him  slain.     Then,  after  fulfilling  all  that  was  written  about  him,  they 

30  lowered  him  from  the  gibbet  and  laid  him  in  a  tomb.     But  God  raised 

31  him  from  the  dead.  For  many  days  he  was  seen  by  those  who  had  come 
up  with  him  from  Galilee  to  Jerusalem,  by  those  who  are  now  his  witnesses 

32  to  the  ])e()i)Ie.     So  we  bring  you  glad  tidings  of  tlie  promise  made  to 

33  the  fathers,  namely,  that  (Jod  made  good  this  promise  to  tlie  cliildren — 

^  Heading  irpafo/^opriint. 


l,33-t_i48]  ACTS  439 

to  us/  when   lie   raised    up  Jesus  :  as  it  is  written  also  in  the  first  ^ 
psalm, 

My  son  thou  art : 

To-day  have  I  begotten  thee. 

34  And  that  he  raised  him  up  from  the  dead,  to  return  no  more  to 
corrupti(m,  has  been  thus  declared  by  him  :  I  will  give  yoih  the  holiness  of 

35  David  that  fails  not.     For  it  is  also  said  in  another  psalm. 

Thou  wilt  not  let  thy  holy  one  see  corruption. 

36  David,  indeed,  serving  God's  purpose  in  his  own  generation,  fell  asleep 

37  and  was  laid  beside  his  fathers;  and  he  saw  corruption.     But  he,  whom 

38  God  raised  up,  did  not  see  corruption.  Be  it  known  to  you 
then,  men  and  brothers,  that  through  this  man  there  is  proclaimed  to  you 

39  tlie  remission  of  sins  :  every  one  '^  who  believes  is  absolved  by  this  man 

40  from  all  that  you  could  not  be  absolved  from  by  the  law  of  Moses.  Take 
care,  then,  lest  what  is  spoken  of  in  the  jjrophets  befall  you — 

41  Look,  you  disdainful,  wonder  and  perish  ; 
For  I  do  a  work  in  your  days, 

A  work  you  will  never  believe,  even  were  one  to  inform  you." 

42  [Now  as  they  went  out,  the  people  made  an  appeal  to  have  these  words 

43  spoken  to  them  on  the  following  sabbath.]  And  when  the  synagogue 
broke  up,  many  of  the  Jews  and  of  the  devout  proselytes  followed  Paul 
and  Barnabas,  who  spoke  to  them  and  urged  them  to  hold  by  the  grace 

44  of  God.  [On  the  next  sabbath,  nearly  all  the  city  met  to  hear  the 

45  word  of  the  Lord.     But  when  the  Jews  saw  the  crowds  they  were  filled 

46  with  jealousy,  and  began  to  abuse  and  contradict  what  Paul  said.  So 
Paul  and  Barnabas  spoke  out  with  confidence,  and  said,  "  It  was  necessary 
that  the  word  of  God  should  be  spoken  to  you  first.  Since  you  thrust  it 
aside  and  adjudge  yourselves  unworthy  of  eternal  life — lo,  we  turn  to 

47  the  Gentiles  !     For  the  Lord  has  given  us  this  commandment, 

I  Jbave  placed  thee  for  a  light  to  the  Gentiles, 
For  salvation  to  the  end  of  the  earth." 

48  Now  as  the  Gentiles  lieard  it  they  were  glad,  and  magnified  the  word  of 

49  God  ;  and  all  who  had  been  appointed  to  life  eternal,  believed.]  And 
the  word  of  the  Lord  spread   abroad    throughout   the    whole   country. 

50  [But  the  Jews  incited  the  devout  women  who  were  of  good  position,  as 
well  as  the  leading  men  of  the  city  ;  and  they  stirred  up  a  persecution 

51  against  Paul  and  Barnabas,  and  expelled  them  from  their  territory.  So 
they  shook  off  the  dust  of  their  feet  against  them  and  went  to  Ikonium.] 

52  And  the  disciples  were  full  of  joy  and  of  the  holy  Spirit. 

14  1        Now    the    same    thing  happened   in   Ikonium.     They  entered   the 
synagogue  of  the  Jews  and  spoke  in  such  a  way  that  a  large  multitude 

3  both  of  Jews  and  of  Greeks  believed.  So  they  spent  a  considerable 
time  there,  speaking  out  confidently  in  the  Lord,  who  bore  witness  to  the 
word  of  his  grace  by  granting  signs  and  wonders  to  be  performed   by 

2  their  agency.     But  the  Jews  who  were  disobedient  stirred  up  the  minds 

4  of  the  Gentiles,  and  embittered  them  against  the  brothers.  And  the 
multitude  of  the  city  was  divided ;  some  held  with  the  Jews  and  some 

5  with  the  apostles.  But  when  they  became  aware  of  a  movement  on  the 
part  both  of  the  Gentiles  and  of  the  Jews  and  their  rulers  to  ill-treat  and 

6  stone  them,  they  fled  to  the  Lycaonian  cities  of  Lystra  and  Derbe  and  to 

7  the  surrounding  country  ;  and  there  they  went  on  preaching  the  glad 
tidings. 

8  And  in  Lystra  there  sat  a  man  who  was  infirm  in  his  feet  [lame 
1  Reading  v5^7v.  "  Reading  ■rp<ira,.  3  Omitting  [zxi]. 


440  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [\4^~16^ 

9  from  his  mother's  womb]— he  had  never  walked.    This  man  listened  i 

to  what  Paul  said  ;  and  he,  fixing  his  eyes  on  him,  and  seeing  that 

10  he  had  faith  to  be  restored,  said  with  a' loud  voice,  "Stand  upright 

11  on  thy  feet  !"  And  uj?  he  leapt  and  began  to  walk.  On  seeing 
what  Paul  had  done,  the  crowds  raised  their  voice,  saying  in  the 
Lycaonian  tongue,   "The  gods  in  human  guise  have  come  down 

12  to  us  !  "     Barnabas  they  called  Zeus  ;  and  since  Paul  was  the  chief 

13  spokesman,  they  called  him  Hermes.  And  the  priest  of  the  Zeus 
whose  temple  stood  in  front  of  the  city,  brought  oxen  and   gar- 

14  lands,  intending  to  ofler  sacrifice  along  with  the  crowds.  But  when 
the  apostles,  Barnabas  and  Paul,  heard  it,  they  rent  their  garments 

15  and  sprang  out  among  the  crowd,  shouting,  "Men,  what  is  this  you 
are  doing  'i  We  are  but  human,  with  natures  like  your  own  ;  we 
preach  the  glad  tidings  to  you,  namely,  that  you  turn  from  these 
futile  things  to  a  living  God  tvho  made  the  sky,  the  earth,  the  sea, 

16  and  all  that  171  them  is.     In  bygone  generations  he  allowed  all  the 

17  nations  to  go  on  their  own  ways.  Yet  as  the  bountiful  giver  he 
has  not  left  himself  without  a  witness,  giving  you  rain  from  heaven 
and  fruitful  seasons,  filling  your  hearts  with  food  and  delight." 

18  Yet  even  by  saying  this,  they  could  scarcely  restrain  the  crowds 

19  from  sacrificing  to  them.  But  Jews  arrived  from  Antioch 
and  Ikonium,  who  won  over  the  crowds  ;  and  after  pelting  Paul  with 
stones,  they  fragged  him  out  of  the  city,  thinking  he  was  dead. 

20  When  the  disciples  gathered  round  him,  however,  he  stood  uj)  and 
entered  the  city.  And  on  the  next  day  he  went  off  with  Barnabas 
to  Derbe. 

21  And  when  they  had  preached  the  glad  tidings  to  that  city  and  made 
many  discijjles,   they   turned   back    to    Lystra,  Ikonium,  and  Antioch, 

22  confirming  the  souls  of  the  disciples,  exhorting  them  to  abide  by  the 
faith,  and  saying,  "  through  many  a  distress  we  have  to  enter  God's  realm." 

23  So,  after  choosing  elders  for  them  in  everv  Communitv,  they  entrusted 
them  with  prayer  and  fasting  to  the  Lord  on  whom  tliey  had  believed. 

25  Then  they  passed  through  Pisidia  and  came  to   Pamphylia.     And  after 

26  speaking  the  word  in  Perga  they  went  down  to  Attaleia,  and  from  there 
they  sailed  away  to  Antioch,  whence  they  had  been  commended  to  the 

27  grace  of  God  for  the  work  which  they  had  now  completed.  So  when 
they  arrived  and  had  gathered  the  Community  together,  they  reported  all 
that  God  had  done  along  with  them,  and  that"^"  he  opened  a'^door  to  faith 

28  for  the  Gentiles."     And  they  spent  no  little  time  with  the  disciples. 

15  1  And   some   persons  came   down   from   Judaea    and   taught  the 

Ijrothers,  "  Unless  you  are  circumcised  after  the  custom  of  Moses, 

2  you  cannot  be  saved."  Now  no  slight  discussion  and  coTitroversy 
arose  between  them  and  Paul  and  Barnabas ;  whereupon  the 
brothers  appointed  Paul  and  Barnabas  and  some  others  of  their 
number   to   go  up  to  the  apostles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem  about 

3  this  question.  Sped  then  upon  their  journey  by  the  Community, 
they  passed  through  both  Phounicc  aiid  Samaria,  informing  tliein 
that  the  Gentiles  had  turned,  and  so  causing  great  joy  to  all  the 

4  brothers.  On  ariiving  at  Jerusalem,  they  were  received  by  the 
Community  and  the  apostles  and  the  elders  ;  and  they  reported  all 

5  that  God  had  done  along  with  them.  But  some  of  the  believers 
who  belonged  to  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  rose  up  and  said,  "  It  is 

1  Eeadiiig  xxeuiv. 


24, 


15*5--9]  ACTS  441 

necessary  to  circumcise  them  and  to  charge  tliem  to  keep  the  law  of 
Moses." 

6  Now  the  apostles  and  the  elders  met  to  investigate  this  subject. 

7  And  after  a  keen  controversy,  Peter  stood  up  and  said  to  them  : 
"  Men  and  brothers,  you  know  that  from  early  days  God  chose  me 
from  among  you  to  let  the  Gentiles  hear  through  my  lips  the  word  of 

8  the  glad  tidings,  and  so  believe.  And  God  who  knows  the  heart  bore 
them  witness,  by  giving  them  the  holy  Spirit  even  as  he  gave  it 

9  to  us  ;  nor  did  he  make  the  slightest  distinction  between  us  and 

10  them,  as  he  cleansed  their  hearts  by  faith.  Now  then,  why  do 
you  attempt^  to  put   a   yoke   on   the  neck   of  the  disciples  that 

11  neither  our  fathers  nor  we  had  strength  to  bear?  Nay,  it  is 
through   the  grace   of  the  Lord   Jesus   that  we   believe  we  shall 

12  be  saved,  just  as  they."  So  all  the  meeting  became  silent,  and 
listened  to  Barnabas  and  Paul  as  they  recounted  what  signs  and 
wonders  God  had    performed  through   them  among  the  Gentiles. 

13  After    they    had    finished    speaking,    James   answered    and    said  : 

14  "  Listen  to  me,  men  and  brothers.  Symeon  has  recounted  how  it 
was  God's  care  at  the  very  outset  to  take  from  among  the  Gentiles 

15  a  people  for  his  name.  And  with  this  the  words  of  the  prophets 
agree  ;  even  as  it  is  written, 

16  After  this  I  will  come  hack 

And  rebuild  David's  fallen  tent ; 
Its  ruins  I  will  rebuild, 
And  I  ivill  erect  it  aneto, 

17  That  the  rest  of  men  may  seek  after  the  Lord, 

Even  all  the  Gentiles  who  are  called  by  my  name : 
18,  19  saith    the   Lord,    -who   makes   this   known  from   of  old.      Therefore 

in  my  opinion  we  should  not  molest  those  who  are  turning  to  God 

20  from  among  the  Gentiles,  but  write  enjoining  them  to  abstain 
from  what  is  contaminated  by  idols,  from  fornication,  from  what 

21  is  strangled,  and  from  blood  ;  for  in  every  city  Moses  has  had  for 
generations   past  those   who    preach   him,   as   he   is   read   in  the 

22  synagogues  every  sabbath."  Thereupon  the  apostles  and  the 
elders,  together  with  the  whole  Community,  determined  to  choose 
some  of  their  number  and  send  them  with  Paul  and  Barnabas  to 
Antioch.      These  were  Judas  (called  Bar-Sablms)  and  Silas,  chief 

23  men  among  the  brothers.  They  conveyed  a  letter  to  the  following 
effect : 

"  The  apostles  and  the  elders,  as  brothers, 
to   the    brothers   who    belong    to    the    Gentiles  throughout 
Antioch  and  Syria  and  Cilicia  :  greeting. 

24  As  we  have  learned  that  some  of  our  number  2  have  troubled 
you    with   their   talk    and    unsettled    your   souls    (they  had    no 

25  instructions  from  us),  we  have  now  determined  with  one  accord 
to  choose   men   from   our  number  and  send  them   to  you,  along 

26  with  our  beloved  Barnabas  and  Paul,  who  have  risked  their  lives 

27  for  the  name  of  our  Lord  Je*us  Christ.  We  have  sent  Judas 
and  Silas  then,  who  will  give  you   this   message   orally  as  well. 

28  For  the  holy  Spirit  and  we   have  determined   to   lay  on  you  no 

29  greater  burden — apart  from  the  following  essentials  :  that  you 
abstain  from  food  offered  to  idols,  from  blood,  from  things 
strangled,  and  from  fornication.     Keep  yourselves  clear  of  these, 

1  Omitting  to»  Sdv.  -  Omitting  lio^Hivns. 


442  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [IG^MG^^ 

30  and  you  sliall  prosper.     Farewell."  So  the}^  were  allowed 
to  go,  and  went  down  to  Antioch,  and  after  gathering  the  multitude 

31  together   thej^  handed  over   the  letter.     Now  on  reading  it  they 

32  rejoiced  at  the  exhortation  ;  and  as  Judas  and  Silas  were  prophets 
themselves,    they    exhorted    the   brothers   with  many   words   and 

33  confirmed  them.     Then  after  some  time  had  passed,  the  brothers 
let  them  go  in  peace  to  those  who  had  sent  them. 

35  Paul  and  Barnabas,  however,  stayed  (?n  in  Antioch,  teaching  and 
preaching  the  word  of  the  Lord  along  with  many  others. 

36  Some  days  after,  Paul  said  to  Barnabas,  "  Come,  let  us  go  back  and 
visit  the  brothers  in  every  city  where  we  proclaimed  the  word  of  the 

37  Lord,  and   see   how   they   fare."      Now  Barnabas  wanted  to  take  John 

38  (who  was  called  Mark)  along  with  them.  Paul,  however,  held  it  was 
wrong  to  take  a  man  with  them  who  had  deserted  them  at  Pamphylia, 

39  instead  of  accompanying  them  to  the  work.  So  in  irritation  they 
separated  from  one  another  ;  Barnabas  took  Mark  with  him  and  sailed 

40  off  to  Cyprus  ;  while  Paul  selected  Silas  and  departed,  commended  by  the 

41  brothers  to  the  grace  of  the  Lord.     And  he  passed  on  through  Syria  and 
16  1  Cilicia,  confirming  the  communities.  Now  he  also  arrived  at 

Derbe   and    Lystra.     And   behold,    there   was   a   disciple   there    named 

2  Timotheus,  the  son  of  a  Jewess  who  believed,  but  of  a  Greek  father  ;  he  had 

3  a  good  reputation  among  the  brothers  at  Lystra  and  Ikonium.  This  man 
Paul  desired  to  go  abroad  with  him  ;  so  he  took  and  circumcised  him 
on  account  of  the  Jews  in  those  parts — for  they  all  knew  his  father  had 

4  been  a  Greek.  [And  on  they  journeyed  through  the  cities,  handing  over 
the  resolutions  which  the  apostles  and  elders  in  Jerusalem  had  decided 

5  were  to  be  observed.]  [So  the  Communities  were  strengthened 
in  the  faith,  and  increased  in  number  day  by  day.] 

6  Now  they  passed  on  through  the  Phrygian  or  Galatic  region.  And 
when  they  were  opposite  Mysia,  as  the  holy  Spirit  had  forbidden  them  to 

7  speak  the  word  in  Asia,  they  tried  to  enter  Bithynia.     But  the  Spirit  of 

8  Jesus  would  not  allow  them.     So  ignoring  Mysia  they  went   down  to 

9  Troas.  And  a  vision  a])peare(l  to  Paul  by  night :  a  Macedonian  stood 
and    besought  lum,    saying,    "Cross   over   to  Macedonia   and    help  us." 

10  Now  immediately  he  had  seen  the  vision,  we  made  efforts  to  start  for 
Macedonia,  concluding  that  God  had  called  us  to  preach  the  glad  tidings  to 
them. 

11  Setting  sail  then  from  Troas  we  ran  straight  to  Samothrak^  and  the 

12  following  day  to  Neapolis;  and  from  there  we  came  to  a  Roman  colony, 
Philippi,  a  city  which  belongs  to  the  lirst  ^  section  of  Macedonia.     In  this 

13  city  we  spent  some  days.  And  on  the  sabbath-day  we  went  outside  the  gate 
to  the  bank  of  the  river,  where  as  usual  -  there  was  a  place  of  prayer ;   and 

14  sitting  down  we  spoke  to  the  women  who  had  gathered.  And  a  woman 
named  Lydia,  a  seller  of  purple  who  belonged  to  the  city  of  Thyatira,  a  God- 
fearing proselyte,    was  listening.     Her  heai't   was  opened  by  the   Lord  to 

15  attend  to  what  Paul  said  ;  and  when  she  had  been  baptized,  together  with 
her  household,  she  bosouglit  us,  saying,  "  If  you  are  convinced  that  I  am  a 
believer  in  the  Lord,    come   and  stay  at  my  house."     And  she  compelled 

16  us.  Now  it  came  to  pass,  when  we  were  going  to  the  jtlace  of 
prayer,  that  a  slave-girl  met   ns,  possessed   by   a  spirit — a  python,~who 

17  brought  considerable  gain  to  her  owners  by  soothsaying.  She  followed 
Paul  and  us,  shouting,  "  These  men  are  slaves  of  the  most  Higli  God,  who 

'  Uujuliiig  Tp^TY.t.  -  Koading  Iv  'ivoij.tX'-rti  Tpo^iux-'.. 


lGi8-i7'5]  ACTS  443 

18  proclaim  to  you  the  way  of  salvation."     This  she  did  for  many  days.     But 

Paul   was   sorely  annoyed,   and   turning  round   he   said  to   the   spirit, 
"  I  charge  thee  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  leave  her  !  "     And  it  left  her 

19  that  very  instant.  Now  when  her  owners  saw  that  the  hojDe  of  their  gain 
had  gone,  they  took  Paul  and  Silas  and  dragged  them  into  the  forum 

20  before  the  magistrates ;  and  when  they  had  brought  them  to  the  praetors, 

21  they  said,  "  These  fellows  are  Jews  Avho  are  convulsing  our  city  by 
proclainring  customs  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  us  as  Romans  to  accept  or 

22  to  observe."     And  up   rose   the   crowd  against  them,  and  the  praetors 

23  tore  off  their  garments  and  ordered  them  to  be  beaten  with  rods  ;  then 
after  showering  many  stripes  on  them,  they  threw  them  into  prison  and 

24  charged  the  jailor  to  keep  them  safely.     He,  on  getting  such  a  charge,  put 

25  them  into  the  inner  prison  and  secured  their  feet  in  the  stocks.  [ISow 
about  midnight  Paul  and  Silas  were  praying  and  singing  praise  to  God, 

26  while  the  prisoners  listened  to  them.  And  suddenly  there  was  a  great 
earthquake,  so  that  the  foundations  of  the  prison-house  were  shaken  ;  all 

27  the  doors  instantly  flew  open,  and  everyone's  fetters  were  loosened.  And 
when  the  jailor  was  roused  from  sleep  and  saw  the  doors  of  the  prison 
open,  he  drew  his  sword  and  was  about  to  kill  himself,  supposing  that 

28  the  prisoners  had  escaped.     But  Paul  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Do  thy- 

29  self  no  harm,  we  are  all  here  1  "     Then  calling  for  lights  he  sprang  in, 

30  fell  down  in  terror  before  Paul  and  Silas,  and  brought  them  out  (after  he 
had  secured  the  other  prisoners),^  saying,  "Sirs,  what  must  I  do  to  be 

31  saved  ? "     They   said,    "  Believe   on   the    Lord    Jesus    and    thou    shalt 

32  be  saved,  thou  and  thy  house."     And  they  .spoke  the  word  of  the  Lord 

33  to  him  and  to  all  who  were  in  his  house.  Then  he  took  them  at  that  very 
hour  of  the  night  and  washed  their  stripes ;  and  he  got  baptized,  he  and 

34  all  his,  instantly.  Conducting  them  up  into  his  house,  he  set  food 
before  them  ;  and  he  rejoiced  with  all  his  family,  for  he  had  believed  in 

35  God.]  Now  when  day  broke,  the  praetors  sent  the  lictors  to  say, 

36  "  Eelease  those  men."  These  ^  words  were  repeated  by  the  jailor  to 
Paul  ;  "  The  praetors,"  he  said,  "  have  sent  to  release  you.     Now  then, 

37  come  out  and  go  in  peace."  But  Paul  said  to  them,  "  They  flogged  us 
publicly,  unconvicted,  though  we  are  Eoman  citizens.  And  now  they 
would  expel  us  secretly  ?    No,  indeed  !  let  them  come  and  bring  us  out 

38  themselves."     These  words  the  lictors  reported  to  the  praetors.     Now  on 

39  hearing  that  the  men  were  Roman  citizens,  they  were  afraid  ;  so  they  went 
and  sought  to  appease  them,  and  after  bringing  them  out  they  begged 

40  them  to  go  away  from  the  city.  So  they  left  the  prison  and  went  into 
Lydia's  house  ;  and  after  they  had  seen  the  brothers  and  exhorted  them, 
they  departed. 

17  1         Now  when  they  had  travelled  along  the  Roman  road  through  Amphi- 
polis  and  Apollonia  they  came  to  Thessalonika,  where  the  Jews  had  a 

2  synagogue.  As  his  custom  was,  Paul  went  in  to  them  ;  and  he  conversed 
with  them  for  three  sabbaths,  explaining  and  quoting  passages  from  the 

3  scriptures  to  prove  that  "  the  Christ  had  to  suffer  and  rise  again  from 
the  dead,"  and  that  "this  is  the  Christ,  even  Jesus  whom  I  proclaim  to 

4  you."  And  soiire  of  them  were  persuaded  and  threw  in  their  lot  with 
Paul  and  Silas,  that  is,  a  large  multitude  of  the  God-fearing  Greeks  and 

5  not  a  few  of  the  leading  women.  But  the  Jews  grew  jealous  ;  they  got 
hold  of  some  worthless  loafers,  gathered  a  crowd,  and  proceeded^  to 
rouse  the  city  ;  then  assaulting  the  house  of  Jason  they  sought  to  bring 

6  them  out  before  the  popular  assembly.      Failing  to  find  them,  however, 

'  Adding  rcis  Xolrrou;  oiir<fxKi<ra.fiiyos,  "  Adding  rovTOv;. 


444  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [l7^-^^ 

they  proceeded  to  drag  Jason  and  some  of  the  brothers  before  the 
politarchs,  shouting,  "  These  fellows  wlio  have  stirred  up  the  world 
7  have  come  here  as  well  !  Jason  has  welcomed  them  !  And  they  all 
violate  the  decrees  of  Caesar,  by  saying  that  some  one  else — Jesus — is 
8,  9  king."  On  hearing  this  the  crowd  and  the  politarchs  were  troubled  ;  but 
after  binding  over  Jason  and  the  rest  to  keep  the  jseace,  they  let  them 

10  go.  Now  the  brothers  at  once  sent  Paul  and  Silas  off  by  night 
to  Beroea  ;  and  oii  arriving  there,  they  betook  themselves  to  the  Jewish 

11  synagogue.  These  people  were  nobler  than  those  in  Thessalonika  ;  for 
tliey  received  the  word  with  perfect  heartiness,  and  inquired  every  day 

12  into  the  scriptures  to  see  if  such  things  were  the  case.  So  many  of  them 
believed,  together  with  not  a  few  Greeks,  women  of  good  position  as  well 

13  as  men.  But  when  the  Jews  of  Thessalonika  learned  that  the  word  of 
God   had   been  proclaimed    by    Paul   at   Beroea   also,   they   went    and 

14  disturbed  and  excited  the  crowds  in  that  place  as  well.  Thereupon  the 
brothers  at  once  sent  Paul  off  on  his  way  to  ^  the  sea,  while  Silas  and 

15  Timotheus  remained  where  they  were.  Those  who  escorted  Paul  took 
him  as  far  as  Athens,  and  returned  with  a  message  from  him  for  Silas 
and  Timotheus,  charging  them  to  join  him  as  soon  as  possible. 

16  Now  while  Paul  awaited  them   at   Athens  his  spirit   was  irritated 

17  within  him  as  he  observed  that  the  city  was  full  of  idols.  Accordingly 
he  began  to  converse  in  the  synagogue  with  the  Jews  and  the  God- 
fearing  people,  and   in   the   marketplace   with   those   who   chanced    to 

18  be  there,  from  day  to  day.  Some  of  the  Epicurean  and  Stoic 
philosophers  also  came  across  him.  And  some  said,  "  What  does 
this  fellow  mean  with  his  chatter  ? "  others,  "  He  seems  to  be  a 
proclaimer  of  foreign  deities "  (because  he  preached  "  Jesus  "  and  "  the 

19  Resurrection ").  So  ^  they  took  him  and  brought  him  Ijefore  the 
Areopagus,   saying,  "  May  we  know  what  this   new  teaching    is  which 

20  thou  settest  forth  ?     Thou  speakest  of  certain  matters  that  are  novel  to 

21  us.  It  is  our  wish,  then,  to  know  what  they  mean  ! "  (Indeed,  all  the 
Athenians  and   the   foreign   visitors  occupied   themselves  with  nothing 

22  Init  repeating  or  listening  to  the  latest  novelty.)  So  Paul  stood  in  the 
middle  of  the  Areopagus  and  said  :  "  Men  of  Athens,  I  observe  you  are 

23  rather  su])erstitious.  For  as  I  i)assed  along  and  scanned  your  objects  of 
worship,  i  actually  came  upon  an  altar  with  the  inscription  TO  AN  UN- 
KNOWN GOD.     Well,  I  ])roclaim  to  you  what  you  are  worshipping  in 

24  your  ignorance.     The  God  'who  made  the  world  and  all  tilings  in  it—\\e, 

25  Lord  of  sky  and  earth,  dwells  not  in  shrines  made  by  hands;  nor  is  he 
served  by  human  hands  as  though  he  were  in  need  of  anything,  for  he  it 

26  is  that  gives  life  to  all,  and  breath  and  all  things  ;  and  out  of  one 
he  made  every  nation  of  men,  that  they  should  dwell  all  over  the 
earth's  surface,  defining  their  fixed  periods  and  the  boundaries  of  their 

27  settlement,  that  they  sliould  seek  God  and  by  groping  (if  it  might  be) 

28  find  him — nor  is  he  far  indeed  from  any  one  of  us.  For  in  him  we  live 
and  move  and  are  ;  as  also  some  of  your  own  poets  have  said, 

His  issue  too  are  we. 

29  As  God's  issue,  then,  we  ought  not  to  think  that  the  divine  nature 
resembles  gold  or   silver   or  stone,  engraved   by  art  and  man's  device. 

30  The    times   of  ignorance,    it   is  true,    (4ofl    overlooked  ;    but   now  he    is 

31  announcing  to  nutn  repentancti  everywlit  ic  fen'  all,  inasmuch  as  he  has  a 
day  set  in  which  he  is  fujvdgr.  tin:  n-ar/il  in  iijiri'jhtness  by  a  man  whom  he 
has  appointed.       Proof    of    tliis  he  has  allunlcd  to  all,  by  raising   him 

1  Kuailiug  lit.  -  Kuadiiig  hi. 


1732-1826]  ACTS  445 

32  from  the  dead." — Now  on  hearing  of  a  "  resurrection  of  dead  men,"  some 
sneered,  while  others  said,  "We  will   hear   thee   yet   again   upon   this 

33,  34  matter."  So  Paul  departed  from  their  midst.  Some  men,  however, 
joined  him  and  believed;  among  them  was  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  also 
a  woman  named  Damaris,  besides  others. 

181,2  After  this  he  withdrew  from  Athens  and  went  to  Corinth.  And 
falling  in  with  a  Jew  named  Aquila,  a  native  of  Pontus,  who  had  lately 
come  from  Italy,  accompanied   by  his  wife  Priscilla   (as  Claudius  had 

3  ordered  all  Jews  to  withdraw  from  Rome),  he  accosted  them  ;  and  as  he 
belonged  to  the   same  trade,  he  stayed  with  them,  and   they   worked 

4  together.  They  were  workers  in  leather  by  trade.  And  every  sabbath  he 
discoursed  in  the  synagogue,  persuading  both  Jews  and  Greeks. 

5  Now  by  the  time  that  Silas  and  Timotheus  came  down  from  Macedonia, 
Paul  was  engrossed  in  the  word  [testifying  to  the  Jews  that  Jesus  was  the 

6  Christ.  But  as  they  resisted  and  gave  abuse,  he  shook  out  his  garments 
and  said  to  them,    "  Your  blood   be  on  your  own  head  !     I  am  clean  ! 

7  From  this  moment  I  go  to  the  Gentiles"].  And  removing  from  there  he 
went  into  the   house  of  a  God-fearing  proselyte  named    Titus  Justus, 

8  whose  house  adjoined  the  synagogue.  And  Krispus,  the  president  of  the 
synagogue,  believed  along  with  his  whole  household  in  the  Lord  ;  many 
also  of   the  Corinthians  believed  as  they  listened,  and  had   themselves 

9  baptized.     And  the  Lord  said  to  Paul  in  the  night  by  a  vision, 

"  Fear  not, 

Speak  on  and  be  not  silent : 

10  For  I  am  luith  thee,  and  no  one  shall  set  on  thee  to  ill-use  thee  ; 

For  I  have  many  people  in  this  city." 

11  So   he   settled   there   for   a  year  and   six   months,   teaching  the   word 

12  of  God  in  their  midst.  But  when  Gallio  was  proconsul  of  Achaia,  the 
Jews  rose  up  with  one  accord  against  Paul  and  brought  him  before  the 

13  tribunal,  saying,  "  This  fellow  incites  men  to  worship  God  contrary  to  the 

14  law."  However,  just  as  Paul  was  on  the  point  of  opening  his  lips,  Gallio 
said  to  the  Jews,  "  Had  it  been  a  misdemeanour  or  villainous  crime,  0 

15  Jews,  there  would  be  some  reason  for  me  putting  up  with  you.  But  as 
it  is  a  question  of  words,  and  of  names,  and  of  your  law,  you  can  see  to 

16  it  yourselves.    I  decline  to  be  a  judge  in  these  affairs."    And  he  drove  them 

17  from  the  tribunal.  Then  all  the  Greeks^  seized  hold  of  Sosthenes  the  pre- 
sident of  the  synagogue,  and  beat  him  before  the  tribunal ;  but  Gallio  took 

18  no  notice.  For  many  days  after  this,  Paul  still  waited  on.  Then, 
taking  leave  of  the  brothers,  he  began  his  voyage  to  Syria,  accompanied 
by  Priscilla  and  Aquila  (as  the  latter  was  under  a  vow,  he  had  his  head 

19  shaved  at  Kenchreae).     On  arriving  at   Ephesus,  Paul  left  them  there. 

20  For  himself   [he  entered  the  synagogue  and  conversed  with  the  Jews  ; 

21  and]  instead  of  consenting  to  remain  longer  when  they  asked  him,  he 
took  leave  of  them,  saying,  "  I  will  return  to  j'ou  again,  if  God  wills." 

22  Setting  sail  from  Ephesus  he  reached  Caesarea,  went  up  to  the  capital 

23  and  saluted  the  Community,  and  then  went  down  to  Antioch.  After 
spending  some  time  there,  he  departed  on  a  journey  through  the  Galatic 
region  and  Phrygia  in  order,  establishing  all  the  disciples. 

24  Now  a  Jew  named  Apollos  arrived  at  Ephesus  ;  he  was  a  native  of 

25  Alexandria,  a  learned  man,  mighty  in  the  scriptures,  who  had  been 
instructed  in  the  way  of  the  Lord.  He  spoke  with  fervour  of  spirit  and 
taught  with  accxiracy  upon  the  subject  of  Jesus  [[acquainted  merely  with 

26  the  baptism  of  John.     And  in  the  synagogue  he  started  to  speak  out  con- 

1  Adding  o'l  "E>j.y,yis. 


446  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [iS^'-lO'-"^ 

fidently]].     Vmt  when   Priscilla  and  Aquila  heard  him  they  took  him 

27  home,  and  unfolded  to  him  the  way  of  G!od  still  more  accurately.  Then, 
as  he  wanted  to  pass  over  into  Achaia,  the  brothers  encouraged  him  and 
wrote  to  the  disciples  to  welcome  him.     And  on  his  arrival  he  proved  of 

28  great  use  to  those  who  had  believed  through  grace  ;  for  he  publicly  con- 
futed the  Jews  with  might  and  main,  demonstrating  by  means  of  the 

19  1  scriptures  that  Jesus  was   the   Christ.  Now  it   came  to  pass 

while  Apt)llos  was  at  Corinth  that  Paul  passed  through  the  upper-lying 
districts  and  came  to  Ephesus.     There  he  fell  in  with  some  discijjles, 

2  and  said  to  them,  "  Did  you  receive  the  holy  Spirit  when  you  believed  1 " 
"  No,"  they  said  to  him,  "  we  did  not  even  hear  whether  there  was  a  holy 

3  Spirit."     "Then  what,"  said  he,  "did  you  get  baptized  into?"     "Into 

4  John's  baptism,"  they  said.  And  Paul  said,  "John  baptized  with  the 
baptism  of  repentance,  telling  the  people  to  believe  on  One  who  was  to 

5  come  after  him — that  is,  on  Jesus."     When  they  heard  this,  they  had 

6  themselves  baptized  into  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  [ ;  and  after  Paul 
laid  his  hands  on  them,  the  holy  Spirit  came  on  them,  and  they  began  to 

7  speak  with  tongues  and  to  prophesy].     They  amounted  in  all  to  about 

8  twelve  men.  Now  he  entered  the  synagogue  and  for  three  months  spoke 
out  confidently,  discoursing  and  persuading  with  regard  to  God's  reign. 

9  But,  as  some  became  stul)born  and  disobedient,  decrying  tlie  Way  before 
the  multitude,  he  departed  and  separated  the  disciples  from  them,  dis- 
coursing day  by  day  from  the  fifth  to  the  tenth  hour  ^  in  the  lecture-room 

10  of  Tyrannus.     This  went  on  for  two  years,  so  that  all  who  resided  in 

Asia,  Jews  as  well  as  Greeks,  heard  the  word  of  the  Lord. 

11,  12  God  also  worked  uncommon  miracles  by  the  agency  of  Paul,  so 

that  i)eople  even  carried  away  napkins  or  aprons  from  his  body  to  the 

sick  ;  thus  their  diseases  quit  ted  tlieiu  and  the  evil  spirits  went  out. 

13  Now  some  of  the  strolling  .lt\\i>h  exorcists  also  undertook  to  pro- 
nounce the  name  of  the  Lord  .lesus  ovei-  those  who  had  evil  spirits  ; 
"I  adjure  you,"  they  said,  "by  the  Jesus  whom  Paul  preaches!" 

14  (There  were  seven  sons  of  a  man  Scevas,  a  Jewish  high  priest,  who 

15  did  this.)     But  the  evil  spirit  answered  and  said  to  them,  "Jesus  I 

16  recognise,  and  Paul  I  know,  but  you — who  are  you  ? "  And  the  man 
in  whom  was  the  evil  spirit,  leapt  on  them,  mastered  both  of  them, 
and  belaboured  them.     So  out  of  that  house  they  fled,  stripped  and 

17  wounded.  Now  this  became  known  to  all  the  residents  of  Ephesus, 
Jews  as  well  as  Greeks  ;  and  fear  fell  on  them  all,  and  the  name  of  the 

18  Lord  Jesus  was  magnified.     Also,  many  of  those  who  had  believed, 

19  kept  coming  to  confess  and  disclose  their  practices.  And  a  con- 
siderable number  of  those  who  had  practised  magic  arts,  collected 
their  books  and  l)urued  them  in  the  sight  of  all.  (On  estimating  the 
value  of  these  tliey  found  it  amounted  to  lifty  thousand  pieces  of 
silver.) 

20  Thus  mightily  did  the  word  of  the  Lord  increase  and  ju'civail. 

21  Now  at  the  close  of  this,  Paul  resolved  in  the  spirit  to  travel  through 
Macedonia  and  Achaia,  and  then  journey  to  Jerusalem.     "After  gomg 

22  there,"  he  said,  "I  must  also  visit  Rome.'"  So  he  des])atclied  two  of  his 
assistants  to  Macedonia,  Timotheus  and  Erastus,  while  hi'  himself  stayed 

23  on  for  a  while  in  Asia.  Now  about  that  time  no  slight  commotion 

24  arose  over  the  Way.  It  came  about  thus.  By  making  silver  shrines  of 
Artemis,  a  man  named  Demetrius,  a  silversmith,  brought  no  little  trade 

^  Adding  oiTO  uipnet  irif^'XTYii  'iu(  itxa-rr,;. 


]9--^-20^]  ACTS  447 

25  to  the  craftsmen ;  these  he  collected,  along  with  the  workmen  who 
belonged  to  similar  trades,  and  said,  "  Men,  you  know  that  this  trade  is 

26  the  source  of  our  wealth,  and  you  see  and  hear  that  not  merely  at  Ephesus, 
but  almost  all  through  Asia,  this  fellow  Paul  has  drawn  away  a  consider- 
able multitude  by  his  persuasions,  declaring  that  gods  who  are  made  by 

27  hands  are  no  gods  at  all.  Now  there  is  a  risk,  not  merely  of  our  finding 
this  trade  discredited,  but  also  that  the  temple  of  the  great  goddess 
Artemis   may   be  made   light  of,  and    even  her  grandeur   come   to   be 

28  degraded — she  whom  the  whole  of  Asia  and  the  world  worship  !  "  Hearing 
this  they  were  filled  with  rage  and  ran  into  the  street,^  shouting  "  Great 

29  is  Artemis  of  Ephesus  !  "  So  the  city  was  filled  with  confusion  ;  and 
they  rushed  with  one  accoi-d  into  the  theatre,  dragging  with  them  Gains 

30  and  Aristarchus,  Macedonians  who  were  fellow-travellers  of  Paul.  (Paul 
wanted  to  enter  tlie  popular  assembly,  but  the  disciples  would  not  allow 

31  him.     Besides,  some  of  the  Asiarchs  who  were  friends  of  his,  also  sent 

32  repeatedly  to  entreat  him  not  to  venture  into  the  theatre.)  Now  some 
shouted  one  thing,  some  other  ;  for  the  assembly  was  in  confusion,  and 

33  the  majority  had  no  idea  what  was  the  cause  of  their  gathering.  Some 
of  the  crowd,  however,  concluded  it  must  be  Alexander,  as  the  Jews 
pushed  him  forward  ;    so  Alexander  waved   his  hand  and   intended  to 

34  defend  himself  before  the  people.  But  when  they  found  out  he  was  a 
Jew,  a  roar  broke   from  them  all — for  about  two  hours  they   shouted, 

35  "  Great  is  Artemis  of  Ephesus  !  Great  is  Artemis  of  Ephesus  !  "  ^  Now 
after  the  Secretary  of  State  had  got  the  crowd  quieted,  he  says  :  "  Men  of 
Ephesus,  who  on  earth  does  not  know  that  the  city  of  Ej^hesus  is 
custodian  of  the  temple  of  the  great  Artemis,  and  of  the  image  that  fell 

36  from  heaven  ?     The  thing  is  undeniable.      Well  then,  you  should  keep 

37  quiet  and  do  nothing  reckless  ;  whereas  you  have  brought  these  men  here 

38  who  are  neither  guilty  of  sacrilege  nor  blasiihemers  of  our  goddess.  Now 
if  Demetrius  and  his  fellow-craftsmen  have  a  grievance  against  anj^one, 
let  both  parties  make  their  charges  ;  assizes  are  held,  and  there  is  always 

39  a  proconsul.     If  you  desire  anything  further,  the  case  must  be  settled  in 

40  the  regular  assembly.  For  tliere  is  a  risk  of  our  being  charged  with 
riot  in  regard  to  this  day's  assembly  ;  not  a  single  reason  exists  which  will  ^ 

41  enable  its  to  account  for  the  present  disorderly  concourse."'    Saying  this,  he 
20  1  dismissed  the  assembly.     Now  after  the  tumult  had  ceased,  Paul  sent 

for  and  exhorted  the  disciples  ;  then  after  sahiting  them,  he  went  off  on 

2  his  journey  to  Macedonia.      After  passing   through  those  districts  and 

3  exhorting  the  peojjle  with  many  a  word,  he  came  to  Greece.  There  he 
spent  three  months,  and  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  for  Syria,  when  the 
Jews  laid  a  j)lot  against  him.    He  determined  therefore  to  return  through 

4  Macedonia.  His  company,  as  far  as  Asia,*  consisted  of  Sopater  of  Beroea 
(the  son  of  Pyrrhus),  Aristarchus  and  Secundus  from  Thessalonika,  Gains 

5  of  Derbe,  and  Timotheus,  with  Tychicus  and  Trophinius  from  Asia.    When 

6  they  ^  got  the  length  of  Asia,  they  waited  for  us  at  Troas;  while  we 
sailed  away  from  Philippi,  after  the  days  of  unleavened  bread,  and  in 

7  five  days  joined  them  at  Troas.  There  we  spent  some  days.  Now  when 
we  had  met  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  to  break  bread,  Paul  proceeded 
to  converse  with  them,  as  he  was  to  leave  on  the  morrow ;   and  he  prolonged 

8  his  discourse  till  it  was  midnight.     (There  were  large  lamps  in  the  upper 

9  chamber  where  we  were  gathered.)  In  the  window  sat  a  young  man 
called  Eutychus,  who  became  overpowered  with  drowsiness  as  Paul's  dis- 

1  Adding  ipdf^ovTH  iU  70  «//.?o5ov.  2  Adding  y,iyii.?yt  r,  "Apnun  'Ef-.a-.'iuv. 

3  Oiiiitting  oi.  ■*  Adding  icxpi  tIs  Wo-iks.  s  Heading  Tpotn/So^ra. 


448  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [20i°-2li 

course  went  on  and  on ;  di-opping  asleep,  he  fell  down  from  the  third  storey, 

10  and  was  picked  up  a  corpse.     But  Paul  went  down,   fell  on   him,    and 

1 1  embraced  him,  caying,  "  Wail  not :  his  life  is  in  him."  Then  he  went 
up,   broke   bread,   and  ate  ;    and  after   conversing  with   them   for  a  good 

12  while,  till  it  was  dawn,  finally  went  ofl".     (As  for  the  lad,  they  took  him  away 

13  alive,  and  were  extremely  relieved.)  Now  we  had  gone  on  before- 
hand to  the  ship  and  set  sail  for  Assos,  with  the  intention  of  taking  Paul 
on  board  there.     This  indeed  was  his  own  arrangement,  as  he  intended  to 

1 4  travel  himself  by  land.     He  met  us  then  at  Assos.     Taking  him  on  board, 

15  we  went  to  Mitylene,  and  sailing  thence  on  the  following  day  we  arrived 
off  Chios  ;  in  the  evening  ^  we  crossed  over  to  Samos,  and  after  stopping  at 

16  TrogyUium^  went  on,  the  next  day,  to  Miletus.  This  was  because  Paul 
had  decided  to  sail  juist  Ephesus,  so  as  to  avoid  loss  of  time  in  Asia  ;  he 
was  hastening  to  reach  Jerusalem — if  lie  could  manage  it — by  the  day  of 
Pentecost. 

17  From  Miletus,  however,  he  sent  to  Ephesus  and  summoned  the  elders 

18  of  the  Community.  And  when  they  came  to  him,  he  said  :  "You  know 
yourselves  the  way  in  which  I  lived  with  you  during  all  the  time  since 

19  the  day  that  I  first  set  foot  in  Asia,  serving  the  Lord  with  all  humility 
and  tears  and  trials  which  I  encountered  through  the  plots  of  the  Jews  ; 

20  and  how  I  did  not  shrink  from  disclosing  anything  profitable  to  yovi,  or 

21  from  teaching  3'ou  in  public  and  from  house  to  house,  bearing  witness  to 
Jews  and  Greeks  alike  of  repentance  to  God  and  faith  to  our  Lord  Jesus.^ 

22  And  now,  mark  !    I   go   to   Jerusalem   fettered    in  spirit,  not   knowing 

23  what  is  to  befall  me  there.     Only,  in  city  after  city  the  holy   Spirit 

24  testifies  to  me  that  fetters  and  distresses  await  me.  But  then,  I  set  no 
value  on  my  life,  provided  that'*  I  may  complete  my  course  and  the 
ministry  which  I  received  from  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  attest  the  glad  tidings 

25  of  the  grace  of  God.  And  now,  mark  !  I  know  that  none  of  you 
shall  ever  see  my  face  again — you  among  whom  I  went  about  and  preached 

26  the  Reign.     [Therefore  I  do  protest  to  you  this  day,  I  am  clean  from  the 

27  blood  of  all ;  I  did  not  shrink  from  disclosing  to  you  all  God's  ^^urpose.] 

28  Take  heed  to  yourselves  and  to  all  the  flock  of  which  the  holy  Spirit  has 
appointed  you  overseers  :  be  shepherds  to  the  Community  of  God  which  he 

29  Jim  iiarchaaed  with  his  own  bloocl.     I  know  that  after  my  departure  fierce 

30  wolves  shall  enter  your  midst  and  spare  not  the  flock  ;  from  your  own 
midst  also  shall  men  rise  up  with  perverse  words,  to  draw  the  discij^les 

31  away  after  them.  Watch  therefore,  and  remember  that  for  three  years 
night  and  day  I  ceased  not  to  admonish  everyone  with  tears. 

32  And  now  I  entrust  you  to  God  and  to  the  word  of  his  grace,  who  is  able 
to  build  you  up  and  give  you  the  inheritance  among  all  who  are  sanctified 

33,  34  [Silver,  gold,  or  apparel,  I  never  coveted.     You  know  yourselves  that  these 

35  hands  provided  entirely  for  my  needs  and  my  companions.  I  showed 
you  an  example  of  how  j^ou  ought  thus  to  labour  and  give  succour  to  the 
weak,  rememl)ering  the  words  of  the  Lord  Jesus — for  he  said  himself, 

36  '  To  give  is  happier  than  to  get ']."     And  saying  this  he  knelt  down  and 

37  prayed  with  them  all.     But  all  burst  into  loud  weeping,  and  fell  on 

38  Paul's  neck  and  fondly  kissed  him,  sorrowing  chiefly  because  he  had  told 
them  they  were  never  to  see  his  face  again.  Then  they  escorted  him  to 
the  .ship. 

21  1         Now  it  came  to  pass,  when  we  had  torn    ourselves  away  from   them 
and  set  sail,  we  made  a  straight  run  to  Kos,  the  next  day  to  Rhodes,  and 

1  Reading  ic-ripx.  "  Allilillg  xai  ^f/vavTif  iv  Tpuyv>J.iai. 

3  Omitting  [[;^^i(rTo»]J.  •!  Readhlg  ^itt!  nXniiirxi. 


21""-^]  ACTS  449 

2  thence  to  Patara.     And  as  we  found  there  a  ship  crossing  over  to  PhoenicS, 

3  we  went  on  board,  and  set  sail.  After  sighting  Cyprus  and  leaving  it  on 
our  left,  we  sailed  for  Syria,  and  landed  at  Tyre ;  for  there  the  ship  was  to 

4  unload  her  cargo.  So  we  found  out  the  disciples,  and  stayed  there  for  seven 
days.     These    disciples   told   Paul    through    the  Spirit   not  to  set  foot  in 

5  Jerusalem.  But  when  it  came  to  pass  that  our  time  was  completed,  we 
departed  on  our  journey,  escorted  by  them,  women  and  children  and  all, 
till  we  were   outside   the  city.     Then,   kneeling  down  on  the   beach  we 

6  prayed,  and  bade  each  other  farewell ;   we  went  on  board,  and  they  returned 

7  home.  From  Tyre,  then,  we  continued  our  voyage  and  reached 
Ptolemais ;   and  after  saluting  the  brothers  we  stayed  one  day  with  them. 

8  Starting  on  the  morrow  we  came  to  Caesarea,  and  entering  the  house  of  the 

9  evangelist  Philip  (who  was  one  of  the  Seven)  we  stayed  with  him.     [He  had 

10  four  unmarried  daughters  who  prophesied.]     While  we  remained  there  for 

11  several  days,  a  prophet  named  Agabus  came  down  from  Judaea.  And  he 
came  to  us,  took  Paul's  girdle  and  bound  his  own  feet  and  hands,  saying, 
"  The  holy  Spirit  speaks  thus :  '  so  shall  the  Jews  bind  the  man  who  owns 
this  girdle  at  Jerusalem,  and  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  the  Gentiles.'  " 

12  Now  when  we  heard  this,  both  we  and  the  people  of  the  place  appealed  to 

13  Paul  not  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem.  Then  answered  Paul,  "What  do  you 
mean  by  weeping  and  disheartening  me  ?     I  am  ready  not  only  to  be  bound 

14  but  also  to  die  at  Jerusalem,  for  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus."  So,  as  he 
would  not  be  persuaded,  we  held  our  peace,  and  said,  "  The  will  of  the 
Lord  be  done." 

15  Now  after  these  days  we  made  our  preparations  and  went  on  our  way 

16  up  to  Jerusalem.  Some  of  the  disciples  from  Caesarea  also  accompanied  us, 
and  conducted  us  to  the  house  of  Mnason,  a  Cypriote,  with  whom  we  were  to 

17  lodge  (he  was  a  disciple  of  long  standing).  Now  when  we  arrived 

18  at  Jerusalem,  the  brothers  welcomed  us  gladly.     On  the  next  day  Paul  went 

19  in  with  us  to  James  ;  the  elders  also  were  all  present.  And  after  saluting 
them  lie  recounted  in  detail  what  God  had  done  among  the  Gentiles  by 

20  means  of  his  ministry.  On  hearing  it  they  magnified  God[;  and  they 
said  to  him,  "  Brother,  thou  seest  how  many  thousands  of  believers  there 

21  are  among  the  Jews,  all  of  them  zealots  for  the  law.  Now  they  have 
been  informed  with  regard  to  thee,  that  thou  art  teaching  apostasy  from 
Moses,  to  all  the  Jews  who  live  among  the  Gentiles,  telling  them  not  to 

22  circumcise  their  children  nor  to  walk  by  the  prescribed  customs.     Well, 

23  what  is  to  be  done  ?     They  will  be  sure  to  hear  thou  hast  come  ;  so  do 

24  what  we  tell  thee.  We  have  four  men  here  who  are  under  a  vow  :  take 
them,  have  thyself  purified  along  with  them,  and  pay  their  expenses,  so 
that  they  may  be  able  to  have  their  heads  shaved.  Then  everybody  will 
understand  that  his  information  about  thee  is  worthless,  and  that,  on 
the  contrary,  thou  art  thyself  walking  in  the  regular  observances  of  the 

25  law.  As  for  the  Gentiles  who  have  believed,  we  wrote  them  our  decision, 
that    they   should   keep   themselves   from   food   offered   to   idols,    from 

26  blood,  from  what  is  strangled,  and  from  fornication."  Therefore  Paul 
took  the  men  next  day,  had  himself  purified  along  with  them,  and 
went  into  the  temple  to  give  notice  of  the  time  when  the  days  of  puri- 
fication would  be  completed — the  time,  that  is  to  say,  until  the  sacrifice 
should  be  offered  on  behalf  of  each  one  of  them]. 

27  Now  the  seven  days  were  almost  brought  to  a  close,  when  the  Jews 
from  Asia  saw  him  in'the  temple,  and  proceeded  to  stir  up  all  the  crowd  ; 

28  then  they  laid  hands  on  him,  shouting,  "  To  the  rescue,  men  of  Israel ! 
Here  is  the  man  who  teaches  everyone  everywhere  against  the  people  and 

29 


450  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [2l2»-22^'' 

the  law  and  this  place  !     Yes,  and  actually  he  has  brought  Greeks  into 

29  the  temi^le  and  defiled  this  holy  place  !  "  (For  they  had  previously  seen 
him  in  the  city  with  Trophimus  the  Ephesian,  and  su^jposed  that  Paul 

30  had  brought  him  into  the  temple.)  And  [tlie  whole  city  was  thrown  into 
turmoil ;]  the  people  ran  together,  and  seizing  Paul  they  dragged  him 

31  outside  the  temple ;  whereupon  the  doors  were  immediately  shut.  While 
they  were  trying  to  kill  him,  tidings  came  up  to  the  military  tribune  of  the 

32  cohort  that  the  whole  of  Jerusalem  was  in  confusion.  He  at  once  took 
some  soldiers  and  centurions  and  ran  down  to  them  ;  and  when  they  saw 

33  the  tribune  and  the  soldiers,  they  stopped  beating  Paul.  The  tribune 
then  came  near  and  seized  him,  ordered  him  to  be  bound  with  a  couple 
of  chains,  and  j)roceeded  to  inquire,  "  Who  is  he  1 "  and  "  What  has  he 

34  done  ? "  But  some  in  the  crowd  roared  one  thing,  some  another  ;  and  as 
he  could  not  ascertain  the  truth  owing  to  the  tumult,  he  commanded  him 

35  to  be  brought  into  the  barracks.  By  the  time  that  he  readied  the  stairs 
he  liad  actually  to  be  carried  by  the  soldiers,  on  account  of  the  violence 

36  of  the  crowd  ;  for  the  multitude  followed,  shouting,  "  Away  with  him  ! " 

37  And  as  he  was  on  the  point  of  being  brought  into  the  barracks,  Paul  said 
to  the   tribune,   "  Can   I   speak  a  word   to   thee  1 "     "  Dost  thou  know 

38  Greek  ? "  he  said.  "  Then  thou  art  not  the  Egyptian  who  in  days  gone 
by  raised  the    four  thousand   Assassins,   and   led   them    out    into   the 

39  wilderness  ? "  Paul  said,  "  I  am  a  Jew,  a  man  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  a 
citizen  of  no  mean  city  ;  I  pray  thee,  permit  me  to  speak  to  the  people  ? " 

40  As  he  gave  his  permission,  Paul  stood  on  the  stairs  and  waved  with  his 
hand  to  the  people  ;  then,  during  a  great  hush,  he  addressed  them  in  the 

22  1  Hebrew  language,  saying  :  "  Brothers  and  fathers,  listen  to  the  defence 

2  which  I  now  make  to  you."— Now  when  they  heard  him  address  them  in 

3  the  Hebrew  language  they  became  still  more  quiet ;  so  he  proceeds — "  I 
am  a  Jew,  born  at  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  but  brought  up  in  this  city,  educated 
at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel  according  to  the  rigorous  law  of  the  fathers ;  a 

4  zealot  for  God,  as  you  all  are  this  day.     I  persecuted  this  Way  to  the 

5  death,  chaining  and  delivering  up  to  prison  men  and  women  alike,  as 
also  tlie  high  priest  and  all  the  assembly  of  the  elders  can  testify  for  me. 
It  was  from  them  too  that  I  received  letters  for  the  brothers,  and 
journeyed  to  Damascus  to  bind  those  who  were  there,  and  bring  them 

G  also  to  Jerusalem  for  punishment.  Now  it  came  to  pass  that  as  I 
journeyed  and  drew  near  to  Damascus,  suddenly,  about  noon,  a  great 

7  light  from  the  sky  Hashed  round  me  ;  and  I  dropped  to  the  earth,  and 
heard  a  voice  saying  to  me,  'Saul,  Saul,  why  art  thou  persecuting  me?' 

8  I  answered,  '  Who  art  thou,  sir  ? '     And  he  said  to  me,  '  I  am  Jesus  the 

9  Nazarene,  and  thou  art  persecuting  me.'     (Now  my  companions  beheld 

10  tli(!  light,  but  they  did  not  hear  the  voice  of  him  who  spoke  to  me.)  And 
I  said,  'Lord,  what  shall  I  do?'  And  the  Lord  said  to  me,  'liise,  and 
go  into  Damascus,  and  there  thou  slialt  be  told  of  all  that  is  appointed 

11  thee  to  do.'     So,  as  I  could  not  see  for  the  brightness  of  that  light,  my 

12  companions  led  me  into  Damascus  by  the  hands.  And  there  came  to  me 
a  certain  Ananias,  a  devout  man  according  to  the  law,  who  had  a  good 

13  reputation  among  all  the  Jewish  residents  ;  standing  by  me,  he  said, 
'  Saul,  my  Itrother,  see  again  ! '     At  that  very  moment  I  saw  again,  and 

14  looked  uj)  at  him.  And  he  said,  'The  God  of  our  fathers  has  appointed 
thee  to  know  his  will,  and  to  see  the  upright  One,  and  to  hear  a  voice 

15  from  his  own  lips  ;  for  thou  shalt  be  a  witness  for  him  to  all  men,  of 
If)  wliat  thou  hast  seen  and  heard.  And  now,  why  linger?  Pise,  have 
17  thyself  l)aptized  and  wash  away  thy  sins,  calling  upon  his  name.'     Now  it 


2218-23^'*]  ACTS  451 

came  to  jsass  when  I  had  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  j^raying  in  the 

18  temple,  I  fell  into  a  trance,  and  saw  Him  saying  to  me,  '  Make  haste  and 
depart  from  Jerusalem  quickly,  for  they  Mdll  not  admit  any  evidence  of 

19  thine  regarding  me.'  And  I  said,  '  But,  Lord,  they  know'it  was  I  who 
imprisoned  and  iiogged  those  who  believed  on  thee,  in  synagogue  after 

20  synagogue ;  and  when  the  blood  of  thy  witness  Stephen  was  being  shed, 
I  stood  by  also  and  approved,  and  took  charge  of  the  garments  of  those 

21  who  slew  him.     Yet  he  said  to  me,  '  Depart :  I  will  send  thee  forth  afar 

22  to  the  Gentiles — .' "  Up  to  this  sentence  they  had  listened  to  him  ; 
then  they  raised  a  cry  of,  "  Away  with  such  a  fellow  from  the  earth  !     He 

23  is  not  fit  to  live  !  "     As  they  went  on  clamouring,  tossing  their  garments, 

24  and  throwing  dust  into  the  air,  the  tribune  commanded  him  to  be 
brought  into  the  barracks,  giving  orders  to  have  him  examined  by 
scourging,  so  as  to  ascertain  tlae  reason  why  they  shouted  at  him  in  this 

25  way.  But  after  they  had  strapped  him  up  for  the  lash,  Paul  said  to  the 
centurion  who  was  standing  by,  "  Is  it  lawful  for  you  to  scourge  a  Roman 

26  citizen,  and  that  too  unconvicted  ? "  On  hearing  this,  the  centurion  went 
to  the  tribune  and  told  him,  saying,  "What  is  to  be  done?  this  man  is  a 

27  Roman  citizen."     So  the  tribune  went  to  him  and  said,  "  Tell  me,  art 

28  thou  a  Roman  citizen?"  And  he  said,  "Yes."  The  tribune  ansAvered, 
"I  purchased  this  citizenship  for  a  large  sum  V     Paul  said,  "But  I  was 

29  born  in  it  ? "  Then  those  who  were  going  to  examine  him  left  him  alone 
at  once.  Moreover,  the  tribune  himself  was  alarmed  to  find  that  he  was 
a  Roman  citizen,  and  that  he  had  bound  him. 

30  [Now  on  the  morrow,  in  his  desire  to  ascertain  the  true  reason  why  he 
was  accused  by  the  Jews,  he  unbound  him  and  ordered  the  high  priests  and 
all  the  Sanhedrin  to  assemble  ;  then  he  brought  Paul  down  and  set  him 

23  1  before  them.     Fixing  his  eyes  on  the  Sanhedrin,  Paul  said:  "Men  and 
brothers,  I  have  borne  myself   towards  God  down  to   this   day  with  a 

2  perfectly  good  conscience."     And  the  high  priest  Ananias  commanded 

3  those  who  stood  beside  him  to  strike  him  on  the  mouth.  Then  Paul  said 
to  him,  "  God  shall  strike  thee,  tliou  white-Avashed  wall  !  What !  art 
thou  sitting  to  judge  me  according  to  the  law  and  yet  ordering  me  against 

4  the  law  to  be  struck  ? "     The  bystanders  said,  "  Revilest  thou  the  high 

5  priest  of  God?"  "  Brothers,"  said  Paul,  "I  did  not  know  he  was  high 
priest."     (For  it   is  written,  thou  shalt  not  speak  evil  of  a  ruler  of  thy 

6  people.)  But  when  Paul  discovered  that  the  one  half  were  Sadducees 
and  the  other  half  Pharisees,  he  cried  out  in  the  Sanhedrin,  "  Men  and 
brothers,  I  am  a  Pharisee,  a  son  of  Pharisees  !     For  the  hope — for  the 

7  resurrection  of  the  dead  I  am  on  trial !  "  Hardly  had  he  said  this,  when 
a  discussion  broke  out  between  the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees,  and  the 

8  meeting    was    divided.      For    while    the    Sadducees    say   there    is    no 

9  resurrection,  no  angel  or  spirit,  the  Pharisees  acknowledge  both.  So  a 
mighty  clamour  broke  out,  and  some  of  the  scribes  who  belonged  to  the 
Pharisaic  party  stood  up  and  hotly  maintained,  "We  find  no  evil  in  this 

10  man.  What  if  a  spirit  has  sj^oken  to  him,  or  an  angel  —  ? "  Now  as 
the  discussion  grew  violent,  the  tribune  became  afraicl  they  would  tear 
Paul  asunder  ;  so  he  ordered  the  troop  of  soldiers  to  go  down  and  carry 

11  him  from  their  midst  by  force,  and  bring  him  into  the  barracks.]  The 
following  night  the  Lord  stood  by  him  and  said,  "  Be  of  good  cheer  :  as 
thou  hast  borne  witness  in  Jerusalem  to  me,  so  too  must  thou  witness  in 

12  Rome."  When  day  broke  the  Jews  formed  a  conspiracy,  binding 
themselves  by  a  curse  to  neither  eat  nor  drink  until  they  killed  Paul. 

13,  14  There  were  more  than  forty  who  formed  this  intrigue.     They  went  to 


452  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [23^^-24'* 

the  high  priests  and  the  elders,  and  said,  "  We  have  bonnd  ourselves  by 

15  a  solemn  curse  to  taste  nothing  until  we  kill  Paul.  Now  then,  make 
you  representations  to  the  tribune  along  with  the  Sanhedrin,  inducing 
him  to  bring  him  down  to  you  on  the  plea  that  you  propose  to  investigate 
his  case  more  accurately  ;   we  are  all  ready  to  slay  him  on  the  road." 

16  Now  the  son  of  Paul's  sister  heard  of  their  ambush,  and  getting  entrance 

17  into  the  barracks  he  told  Paul.  And  Paul  summoned  one  of  the 
centurions  and  said,  "Take  this  young  man  to  the  tribune,  for  he  has 

18  some  news  to  give  him."  So  he  took  and  brought  him  to  tlie  tribune, 
saying,  "  The  prisoner  Paul  summoned  me,  and  asked  me  to  bring  this 

19  young  man  to  thee,  as  he  has  something  to  tell  thee.  Taking  him  by  the 
hand  the  tribune  retired,  and  proceeded  in  private  to  ask  him,  "  What 

20  news  hast  thou  to  give  me  ? "  He  said,  "  The  Jews  have  agreed  to 
ask  thee  to  bring  Paul  down  to-morrow  to  the  Sanhedrin  on  the  plea 

21  that  it  is  proposecl  ^  to  make  a  more  accurate  inquiry  into  his  case.  Now, 
do  not  let  them  persuade  thee.  For  an  ambush  is  being  laid  against  him 
by  more  than  forty  men,  who  have  bound  themselves  by  a  curse  to 
neither  eat  nor  drink  until  they  slay  him.     They  are  all  ready  at  this 

22  very  moment,  expecting  thou  wilt  consent."  The  tribune  then  dismissed 
the  young  man  with  the  injunction,  "Let  nobody  know  that  thou  hast 

23  disclosed  this  to  me."  And  summoning  two  of  the  centurions,  he  said, 
"Get  ready  two  hundred  infantry  to  march  as  far  as  Caesarea,  also 
seventy   troopers  and   two  hundred    spearmen,    at  the   third    hour    of 

24  the  night."     Beasts  were  also  to  be  provided,  on  wliichjthey  Avere  to 

25  mount  Paul,  and  conduct  him  in  safety  to  Felix  the  procurator.  Then 
he  wrote  a  letter  in  this  style  : 

26  "  Claudius  Lysias, 

to  the  most  excellent  procurator  Felix  : 
greeting. 

27  This  man  had  been  arrested  by  the  Jews  and  was  on  the  point  of  being 
slain  by  them  when  I  came  upon  them  with  the  trooji  of  soldiers  and 

28  delivered  him,  on  learning  he  was  a  Roman  citizen.  [In  my  desire  to 
ascertain  the  reason  why  thev  accused  him,  I  brought  him  down  to  their 

29  Sanhedrin.     Then  I  found  he  was  accused  about  questions  of  their  law, 

30  but  not  imi)eached  for  anything  that  deserved  death  or  bonds.]  As  I  am 
informed  that  a  plot  is  to  be  laid  against  the  man,  I  am  sending  him  to 
thee  forthwith,  at  the  same  time  enjoining  his  accusers  to  impeach  him 

31  before  thee."  The  soldiers  then,  in  obedience  to  their  instructions, 

32  took  Pavil  and  brought  him  by  night  to  Antijiatris  ;  on  the  morrow  they 

33  returned  to  the  barracks,  leaving  the  troopers  to  go  on  with  him.  They 
reached  Ceesarea,  presented  the  letter  to  the  procurator,  and  also  handed 

34  Paul  over  to  him.     On  reading  the  letter,  he  asked  what  province  he 

35  belonged  to  ;  and  when  he  ascertained  that  it  was  Cilicia,  "  I  will  hear 
thy  cause,"  said  he,  "so  soon  as  thy  accusers  have  also  arrived."  His 
orders  were  that  he  was  to  be  kept  in  the  praetorium  of  Herod. 

24  1        Five  days  later  the  high  priest  Ananias  came  down  with  some  elders 
and  Tertullus,  a  barrister.     They  made  representations  to  the  procurator 

2  against  Paul ;  and  after  he  had  been  called,  Tertulhis  began  to  accuse 
him,  saying  :  "As  owing  to  thee  we  are  in  the  enjoyment  of  great  ]ieace, 
and  as  it  is  owing  to  thy  forethought  that  this  nation  has  secui'cd  reforms 

3  everyway  and  everywhere,  we  accept  these,  most  excellent  Felix,  with 

4  all  gratitude.     But — not  to  detain  thee  too  long — I  entreat  thee  to  grant 

5  us,  in  thy  courtesy,  a  brief  hearing.     We  have  found  this  man  is  a  pest, 

1  Reading  i^iXXot. 


24^-25^]  ACTS  453 

an.  inciter  of  riot  among  all  the  Jews  tliroughout  the  world,  a  ringleader 

6  of  the  party  of  the  Nazarenes.     He  even  tried  to  desecrate  the  temple  ; 
but  we  seized  him/  and  intended    to   try  him  according   to   our  own 

7  law.     However,  Lysias  the  tribune  came  forward  and  took  him  out  of 

8  our  hands  with  great  violence,  ordering   his   accusers   to   go  to   thee. 
Examine  Lysias  for  thyself  and  thou  wilt  be  able  to  ascertain  from  him 

9  about  all  these  accusations  that  we  bring  against  the  j^risoner."     The  Jews 

10  also  joined  in  the  attack,  alleging  that  such  was  the  case.  Then  the  pro- 
curator nodded  to  Paul  to  sj^eak,  and  he  answered  :  "  As  I  know  thou 
hast  been  judge  to  this  nation  for  a  number  of  years,  I  am  greatly  encour- 

11  aged  in  making   my  defence.     As  thou  canst  ascertain,  not  moi'e  than 

12  twelve  days  have  passed  since  I  went  up  to  worship  at  Jerusalem.  They 
never  found  me  in  the  temple  or  in  the  synagogues  or  in  the  city  disput- 

13  ing  with  anyone  or  causing  a  riot  in  the  crowd  ;  nor  can  they  offer  thee 

14  any  proof  of  the  accusations  that  they  now  bring  against  me.  This  I 
certainly  own  to  thee,  that  according  to  the  way  which  they  call  a  '  party ' 
I  serve  our  fathers'  God  ;  for  I  believe  all  that  is  written  throughout  the 

15  law  and  in  the  prophets,  cherishing  the  hope  towards  God  that  these  men 
also  entertain  themselves,  namely,  that  there  will  be  a  resurrection  of 

16  the  just  and  of  the  unjust.     Hence  I  too  take  constant  pains  to  keep  my 

17  conscience  clear  towards  God  and  men.  Now  after  several  years 

18  I  came  with  alms  and  offerings  for  my  nation  ;  and  it  was  in  presenting 
these  that  they  found  me  in  the  temple,  a  man  who  had  been  purified, 

19  with  neither  crowd  nor  tumult.  But  some  Jews  from  Asia—  and  they 
ought  to  have  been  here  before  thee  to  accuse  me  of  whatever  charge 

20  they  have  against  me  !     Or,  let  these  men  here  speak  for  themselves  ! 

21  What  fault  did  they  find  in  my  appearance  before  the  Sanhedrin  1 — unless 
it  was  in  my  one  cry  as  I  stood  among  them,  '  For  the  resurrection  of  the 

22  dead  I  am  on  trial  to-day  before  you.' "  However,  as  Felix  had  a  somewhat 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  Way,  he  put  them  off,  saying,  "  When  Lysias 

23  the  tribune  comes  down,  I  will  decide  your  case."  He  also  gave  instruc- 
tions to  the  centurion  to  keej)  him  in  custody,  but  to  allow  him  relaxation, 
and  not  to  j^revent  any  of  his  associates  from  waiting  on  him. 

24  Some  days  afterwards,  Felix  arrived  with  his  wife  Drusilla,  a  Jewess  ; 
and  sending  for  Paul  he  listened  to  what  he  said  upon  faith  in  Christ  Jesus. 

25  But  as  he  reasoned  upon  uprightness,  self-control,  and  the  judgment  to 
come,  Felix  became  uneasy  and  answered,  "Leave  me  for  the  present. 

26  When  I  get  an  opportunity,  I  will  summon  thee."  At  the  same  time  he 
hoped  Paul  would  give  him  money,  and  so  he  sent  for  him  all  the  more 

27  frequently,  and  conversed  witli  him.  But  when  two  years  were 
completed,  Felix  was  succeeded  by  Porcius  Festus  ;  and  as  he  wished  to 
ingratiate  himself  with  the  Jews,  Felix  left  Paul  in  bonds. 

25  1        So  Festus  entered  on  his  province,  and  after  three  days  went  up  from 

2  Caesarea  to  Jerusalem.  And  the  high  priests  and  leading  men  of  the 
Jews  made  representations  to  him  against  Paul ;  also,  they  besought  and 

3  begged  him,  as  a  favour,  to  send  for  him  to  Jerusalem  [while  they  lay  in 

4  ambush  to  kill  him  on  the  road].  Festus  thereupon  replied  that  Paul 
was  in  custody  at  Caesarea  ;  and  as  he  was  himself  to  leave  before  long 

5  for  that  place,  "  Let  the  principal  men  among  you,"  said  he,  "  go  down 

6  with  me  and  accuse  the  man  of  whatever  harm  is  in  him."  Now, 
after  staying  among  them  for  eight  or  ten  days  at  the  most,  he  went  down 
to  Caesarea.     On  the  next  day  he  seated  himself  upon  the  tribunal  and 


^  Adding  xa) 

xccia,  Toy 

■hf^iTipoV 

vifMoy  i,e 

iXv,^uu.y 

y-p.'v^ 

IV-     ZCCT-ABi, 

|i*6T«  ToXAiif  /3/«f  l. 

■i.  tUm  xiip 

oTv  y;/^cuv 

!i.^Y,y«.yi, 

xiklvirtK 

TOVi 

xc^Trr/opo<.! 

454  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [25^-26^ 

7  ordered  Paul  to  be  brought.  When  he  arrived,  the  Jews  who  had  come 
down  from   Jerusalem   stood   round   him  and   brought   many   weighty 

8  charges  against  him,  which  they  were  unable  to  prove,  Paul  arguing  in 
his  defence,  "  Neither  against  the  Jewish  law,  nor  against  the  temyjle,  nor 

9  against  Caesar,  have  I  sinned  at  all."  Wishing  to  ingratiate  himself  with 
the  Jews,  Festus  answered  Paul  and  said,  "  Wilt  thou  go  up  to  Jerusalem 

10  and  be  tried  there  on  these  charges  before  me  ? "  Paul  said,  "  I  stand 
before  Caesar's  tribunal,  and  there  I  should  be  tried  ;  I  have  committed 
no  offence  at  all  against  Jews,  and  thou  knowest  that  perfectly  well. 

11  Now,  if  I  am  a  criminal  and  have  done  anything  to  deserve  death,  I  do 
not  object  to  die  ;  but  if  none  of  their  charges  against  me  is  true,  no 

12  one  can  give  me  up  to  them.  I  appeal  to  Caesar  !  "  Then,  after  confer- 
ring with  the  council,  Festus  replied,  "  Thou  hast  appealed  to  Caesar  :  to 
Caesar  shalt  thou  go." 

13  Now  after  the  lapse  of  some  days,  Agrippa  the  king  and  Bernice 

14  reached  Caesarea  to  pay  their  respects  to  Festus.  As  they  were  spending 
a  number  of  days  there,  Festus  laid  Paul's  case  before  the  king,  saying, 

15  "  There  is  a  man  whom  Felix  has  left  behind  in  prison ;  and  when  I  was 
at  Jerusalem,  the  high  priests  and  the  elders  of  the  Jews  made  representa- 

16  tions  to  me  about  him,  asking  for  sentence  to  be  passed  upon  him.  My 
answer  to  them  was,  that  Romans  are  not  accustomed  to  give  up  any  man 
until  the  accused  meets  the  accusers  face  to  face,  and  has  had  a  chance  of 

17  defending  himself  against  the  impeachment.  So  when  they  came  here 
with  me,  I  interposed  no  delay;  the  very  next  day,  I  seated  myself  on  the 

18  tribunal  and  ordered  the  man  to  be  brought.  But  when  the  accusers  came 
forward,  they  laid  no  accusation  of  such  crimes  as  I  had  surmised  in  this 

19  case ;  their  questions  in  which  they  opposed  him,  related  to  their  own 
superstition,  and  to  some  dead  person  Jesus,  whom  Paul  alleged  to  l)e  alive. 

20  Perplexed  alwut  the  method  of  inquiry  into  these  subjects,  I  asked  if  he 

21  would  go  to  Jerusalem  and  be  tried  upon  them  there  ;  but  as  Paul  entered 
an  appeal  to  be  kept  and  examined  by  the  Emperor,  I  ordered  him  to  be 

22  kept  till  I  could  remit  him  to  Caesar."  "  I  should  like,"  said  Agrippa  to 
Festus,  "  to  hear  the  man  myself."     "  Thou  shalt  hear  him,"  said  he,  "  to- 

23  morrow."  So  the  next  day,  Agrippa  and  Bernice  came  with  great 
pomp  and  entered  the  hall  of  audience,  accompanied  by  the  military  tri- 
bunes and  the  ])rominent  men  of  the  city  ;  and  by  order  of  Festus,  Paul  was 

24  brought  in.  Then  says  Festus,  "King  Agrippa  and  all  the  company  now 
present,  here  you  see  the  man  about  whom  all  the  Jewish  multitude,  both 
at  Jerusalem  and  in  this  place,  have  a]:)plied  to  me,  loudly  declaring  that  he 

25  must  live  no  longer.  However,  I  found  that  he  had  done  nothing  to 
deserve  death  ;  and  as  he  entered  an  appeal  himself  to  the  Emperor,  I 

26  decided  to  send  him.  But  as  I  liave  nothing  reliable  to  write  with 
regard  to  him  to  the  sovereign,  I  have  brought  him  before  you ;  and 
especially  before  thee,  king  Agrippa,  that  as  the  result  of  an  examination 

27  I  may  have  something  to  write.  For  it  seems  to  me  absurd  to  send  a 
prisoner  without  indicating  at  the  same  time  the  particulars  of  which  he 

26  1  is  accused."     So  Agrippa  said  to  Paul,  "  Thou  hast  permission  to  speak 
for  thyself."     Then  Paul  stretched  out  his  hand  and  proceeded  with  his 

2  defence :    "  I  consider    myself  fortunate,  king  Agrip])a,  in   being  able 
to-day  to  defend  myself  liefore  thee  upon  all  that  the  Jews  charge  me 

3  with,  as  thou  art  particularly  well  informed  upon  all  Jewish  questions 

4  and  customs.     I  pray  thee  then  to  hear  me  patiently.     My  general  life 
from   youth    up,    passed   from    the    outset  among    my   own   nation    and 

5  at  Jerusalem,    is  known  to  all  the  Jews.      From   the  very   lirst   they 


26*5-27^]  ACTS  455 

know,  if  they  would  own  to  it,  that  I  lived  according  to  the  most  rigor- 

6  OUR  party  in  our  religion,  as  a  Pharisee.     (And  now  it  is  for  the  hope  of 

7  the  promise  which  God  made  to  our  fathers  that  I  stand  here  on  trial,  a 
j)romise  which  our  twelve  tribes  hope  to  attain  by  serving  God  earnestly 
night  and  day.     It  is  for  this  hope,  0  king,  that  Jews  impeach  me  ! — ) 

9  Well  then,  I  thought  to  myself  that  I  must  actively  oppose  the  name  of  Jesus 

10  the  Nazarene.  Which  indeed  I  did  in  Jerusalem,  by  shutting  up  many  of 
the  saints  in  prison,  after  I  got  authority  from  the  high  priests  ;  also  by 

11  giving  my  vote  against  them  when  tliey  were  put  to  death ;  also  by  attempt- 
ing to  compel  them  to  blaspheme,  by  frequently  punishing  them  in  every 
synagogue.     Maddened  beyond  measure  against  them,  I  pursued  them 

12  actually  as  far  as  the  foreign  cities.     In  the  course  of  this,  as  I  journeyed 

13  to  Damascus  with  the  authority  and  commission  of  the  high  priests,  I  saw- 
on  the  road  at  midday,  0  king,  a  light  from  the  sky  more  dazzling  than 

14  the  sun,  flash  round  me  and  my  fellow-travellers.  We  all  fell  to  the 
ground.  And  I  heard  a  voice  saying  to  me  in  the  Hebrew  language, 
"Saul,  Saul,  why  art  thou  persecuting  me?     It  is  ill  for  thee  to  kick 

15  against  the  goad."     And  I  said,  "Who  art  thou,  sir?"     And  the  Lord 

16  said,  "  I  am  Jesus,  and  thou  art  persecuting  me.  But  rise  and  stand  on  thy 
feet;  for  I  have  appeared  to  thee  in  order  to  appoint  thee  a  servant  and 
a  witness  of  what  thou  hast  seen,  and  of  the  visions  in  which  thou  shalt 

17  see  me.     1  will  rescue  thee  from  the  people  and  from  the  Gentiles — to  ivhom  I 

18  send  thee  for  the  o'pening  of  their  eyes  that  they  may  turn /rom  darkness  to 
light  and  from  the  power  of  Satan  to  God,  that  they  may  receive  the  remis- 
sion of  sins  and  an  inheritance  among  those  who  are  sanctified,  by  faith  in 

19  me."     Upon  this,  0  king  Agrippa,  I  was  not  disobedient  to  the  heavenly 

20  vision,  but  I  brought  word  first  to  those  at  Damascus  and  at  Jerusalem, 
then  through  all  the  land  of  Judaea,  and  also  to  the  Gentiles,  that  they  were 

21  to  repent  and  turn  to  God,  by  doing  deeds  that  befitted  repentance.     This  is 

22  why  Jews  arrested  me  in  the  temple  and  attempted  to  murder  me.  Thanks 
then  to  the  succour  which  I  have  to  this  day  obtained  from  God,  here  I 
stand,  testifying  both  to  small  and  great,  saying  nothing  but  what  the  jjro- 

8  jihets  and  Moses  said  would  come  to  pass.    Why  should  you  judge  it  incred- 

23  ible  that  God  should  raise  the  dead,  that  the  Christ  should  sutler,  that  he 
first  by  a  resurrection  from  the  dead  should  proclaim  light  both  to  the 

24  people  and  to  the  Gentiles  ? "  As  he  made  this  defence,  Festus 
said  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Paul,  thou  art  mad  !     Great  learning  drives  thee 

25  insane ! "  "  Most  excellent  Festus,"  Paul  said,  "  I  am  not  mad  ;  I  utter  words 

26  of  truth  and  sense.  Why,  the  king  knows  about  these  things  !  To  the  king 
I  speak  with  confidence,  for  I  cannot  believe  any  one  of  these  things  is 

27  unfamiliar  to  him  ;  this  has  not  taken  place  in  a  corner.     King  Agrippa, 

28  dost  thou  believe  the  prophets  ?  I  know  thou  dost." — And  Agrippa 
said  to  Paul,  "  A  little  more  and  thou  wouldst  have  me  act  the  Christian  !  " 

29  "A  little  more  or  not,"  said  Paul,  "I  would  to  God  not  only  thou  but 
also  all  who  hear  me  this  day  might  become  what  I  am,  except  for  these 
bonds ! " 

30  Then  the  king  rose  and  the  procurator,  also  Bernice  and  those  who 

31  sat  with  them ;  and  on  retiring  and  talking  to  one  another  they  agreed, 

32  "  This  man  has  done  nothing  to  deserve  death  or  Ijonds."  As  for  Agrippa, 
he  said  to  Festus,  "  This  man  might  have  been  released,  if  he  had  not 
appealed  to  Caesar." 

27  1         Now  when  it  was  decided  that  we  should  sail  for  Italy,  they  handed 

over  Paul  and  some  other  prisoners  to  a  centurion  of  the  Imperial  cohort 

2  named  Julius.     Embarking  in  an  Adramyttian  ship  which  was  bound  for 


456  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  21^"^^] 

the  Asiatic  seaports,   we   set  sail— accompanied   by  a  Macedonian,  Aris- 

3  tarchus  of  Tliessalonika— and  put  in,  next  day,   at  Sidon.     There  Julius 
acted  humanely  to  Paul,  by  permitting  him  to  visit  his  friends  and  be 

4  attended  to.     Putting  to  sea  from  there,  we  sailed  under  the  lee  of  Cyprus, 

5  as  the  winds  were  against  us :   then  sailing  for  fifteen  ^  days  through  the 
Cilician  and  Pamphylian  waters,  we  came  to  the  town  of  Myrra  in  Lycia. 

6  There  the  centurion  found  an  Alexandrian  ship  bound  for  Italy,  and  put  us 

7  on  board  of  her.     For  many  days  we  sailed  slowly,  and  only  arrived  off 
Cnidus  with  diflficulty.     Then,  as  the  wind  checked  oiir  progress,  we  sailed 

8  under  the  lee  of  Crete  off  Cape  Salmon^,  and  by  coasting  along  it  we  reached 
with  difficulty  a  place  called  Fairhavens  ;  near  it  lay  a  city  called  Lasea. 

9  "When  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed  and  sailing  had  now  become 
dangerous  (for  the  Fast  was  now  over),  Paul  gave  them  his  advice  in  these 

10  words,  "  Sirs,  I  see  that  the  voyage  is  going  to  be  attended  with  hardship  and 
heavy  loss,  not  merely  to  the  cargo  and  the  ship,  but  also  to  our  own  lives." 

11  The  centurion,  however,  was  more  influenced  by  the  sailing-master  and 

12  the  captain  than  by  what  Paul  said  ;  and,  as  the  harbour  was  ill-adapted  for 
wintering  in,  the  majority  proposed  to  set  sail  and  try,  if  possible,  to  reach 
Phoenix  and  winter  there— it  is  a  Cretan  harbour  which  looks  SW  and  NW. 

13  "When  a  moderate  southerly  breeze  sprang  up,  they  imagined  they  had 
secured  their  end ;  and  after  weighing  anchor,  they  sailed  close  inshore 

14  along  the  Cretan  coast.  Presently  down  rushed  a  hurricane  of  a  wind  from 
]  5  the  island,  called  Euraquilo ;  and  as  the  ship  was  caught  and  unable  to 
IG  face  the  wind,  we  gave  way  and  let  her   drive   along.     Running   under 

the   lee  of  a  small  island  called  Kauda,  we  managed  with   difficulty  to 

17  get  the  boat  hauled  in;  and  after  it  had  been  hoisted  up,  they  made 
use  of  ropes  2  to  undergird  the  ship.  Then,  in  fear  of  being  swept  upon 
the  Syrtis  sands,  they  lowered  the  sail,  and  let  the  ship  drive  as  she  was. 

18  Terribly  were  we  beaten  by  the  storm.     The  very  next  day,  they  had  to 

19  jettison  the  cargo,  and  on  the  third  day  they  threw  the  ship's  gear  over- 

20  board  with  their  own  hands.  For  many  days  neither  sun  nor  stars  were 
visible,  the  storm  pressed  heavily,  and  we  were  at  last  divested  of  all  hope 

21  of  being  saved.  [Then  after  they  had  gone  without  food  for  some  time, 
Paul  stood  up  among  them  and  said,  "You  should  have  obeyed  me,  sirs, 
and   spared  yourselves   this   damage  and    loss,    by  not  setting  sail   from 

22  Crete.     And   now   my   advice   to  you  is,  take  heart ;  there   shall   be    no 

23  loss  of  life  among  you,  only  of  the  ship.     For  this  night  an  angel  from 

24  God,  the  God  whose  I  am  and  whom  I  serve,  stood  before  me,  saying,  '  Fear 
not,  Paul,  thou  must  stand  before   Caesar.     And  lo,  God  has  given  thee 

25  all   thy   fellow-voyagers ! '      So  take   heart,  sirs ;   for  I  believe    God   that 

26  it  shall  be  exactly  as  I  have  been  told.     However,  we  must  be  cast  upon 

27  some  island.' '']  "When  the  fourteenth  night  came,  we  were  drifting 
to  and  fro  in  the  sea  of  Adria,  and  about  midnight  the  sailors  surmised  some 

28  land  was  near.     On  taking  soundings  they  found  twenty  fathoms ;   and  a 

29  little  further  on,  when  they  sounded  again,  they  found  fifteen.  Then 
fearing  we  might  get  cast  upon  a  rocky  coast,  they  let  go  four    anchors 

30  from  the  stern,  and  longed  for  daylight.  The  sailors,  however,  tried 
to  escape  from  the  ship  ;  they  had   even  lowered  the  boat  into    the   sea 

31  on  the  pretext  of  going  to  lay  out  anchors  from  the  bow,  when  Paul 
said  to  the  centurion  and  soldiers.  "Unless  these  men  stay  by  the  ship,  you 

32  cannot  be  saved."     Thereupon  the  soldiers  cut  away  the  ropes  of  the  boat 

33  and  let  her  fall  off.  Now  before  the  day  broke,  Paul  besought  them  all  to 
take  some  food.     "For  fourteen  days,"  said    he,   "you    have  been  con- 

'  Adding  hi'  ^ui/>-::y  hixa^ivn.  2  Reading  i3oi.'a.i(. 


27^*-28^^]  ACTS  457 

34  stantly  on  the  watch  without  eating  :  you  have  taken  nothing.  I  beseech 
you,  therefore,  to  take  some  food ;  it  will  conduce  to  your  safety — for  not 

35  one  hair  of  your  head  shall  perish."     Saying  this    he    took  bread,   gave 

36  thanks  to  God  before  them  all,  broke  it  and  began  to  eat.     Then  they  all 

37  cheered  up  and  took  food  for  themselves  (there  were  about  '  seventy-six 

38  souls  of  us  in  the  ship,  all  told) ;  and  after  eating  their  fill,  they  started 

39  to  lighten  the  ship  by  throwing  out  the  iirovisions  into  the  sea.  When  day 
broke,  they  did  not  recognise  the  land ;  however,  thej'  observed  a  sort 
of  creek  with  a  sandy  beach,  where  they  resolved  (if  possible)  to  run  the 

40  ship  ashore.  So  the  anchors  were  cast  off  and  left  in  the  sea,  while  at  the 
same  time  the  men  unlashed  the  fastenings  of  the  rudders,  hoisted  the 

41  foresail  to  the  breeze,  and  headed  for  tbe  beach.  Coming  upon  a  place 
where  two  seas  met,  they  drove  the  ship  aground  ;  but,  while  the  prow 
striick  and  remained  immovable,  the   stern   began  to   break    up    under 

42  the  force  of  the  waves.     Now  the  soldiers'  plan  was  to  kill  the  prisoners, 

43  in  case  of  anyone  swimming  away  and  escaping.  However,  as  the 
centurion  wished  to  save  Paul,  he  hindered  them  from  their  purpose, 
ordering  those  who  could  swim  to  jump  overboard  and  get  first  to  the  land, 

44  while  the  rest  were  to  get  upon  planks  or  on  pieces  of  the  ship.  And 
so  it  came  to  pass  that  all  escaped  safe  to  land. 

28  1         Then  after  our  escape  we  found  out  that  the  island  was  called  Melita. 

2  And  the  foreigners  behaved  with  uncommon  humanity  to  us  ;  for,  as  rain 
had  come  on  and  as  it  was  cold,  they  kindled  a  fire  and  welcomed  lis  all  to  it. 

3  Now  Paul  had  gathered  a  bundle  of  sticks  and  laid  them  on  the  fire,  when 

4  a  viper  came  out  with  the  heat  and  fastened  on  his  hand.  When  the 
foreigners  saw  the  creature  hanging  from  his  hand,  they  said  to  one 
another,  "  This  man  is  certainly  a  murderer.     He  has   escaped  the  sea, 

5  but  Justice  will  not  let  him  live."     However,  he  shook  off  the  creature 

6  into  the  fire,  and  was  none  the  worse.  Now  they  were  waiting  for  him 
to  swell  or  drop  down  suddenly  a  corpse ;  but  after  waiting  a  long  while 
and  seeing  that  no  harm  came  to  him,  they  changed  their  minds  and  said 

7  he  was  a  god.  And  in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  place  there 
were  lands  belonging  to  the  head  man  of  the  island,  whose  name  was 
Publius.     He  bade  us  welcome  and  entertained  us  courteously  for  three 

8  days.  Now  it  so  happened  that  the  father  of  Publius  was  laid  up  with 
fever  and  dysentery  ;  but  Paul  went  in  to  him,  prayed,  laid  his   hands 

9  on  him,  and  cured  him.     When  this  took  place,  the  rest  in  the  island  who 

10  had  diseases  also  came  and  got  cured.  And  they  paid  us  many  honours, 
and  furnished  us,  when  we  set  sail,  with  necessaries. 

1 1  We  set  sail,  after  three  months,   in  an  Alexandrian  vessel  which  had 

12  wintered  in  the  island  (her  sign  was  "The  Twin  Brothers"),  and  putting 

13  in  at  Syracuse  we  stayed  for  three  days.  Tacking  round  from  there  we 
arrived  at  Rhegium  ;   and  as  one  day  later  a  south  wind  sprang  up,  we 

14  came  upon  the  second  day  to  Puteoli.  There  we  fell  in  with  brothers, 
in  whose  company  we  found  refreshment  during  our  stay  ''  of  seven  days. 

15  And  so  to  Rome  we  came.  As  the  brothers  there  had  heard  about  us,  they 
came  out   as  far  as  Appii  Forum   and   Tres   Tabernae    to   meet   us  ;    and 

16  when  Paul  saw  them,  he  thanked  God  and  took  courage.  When 
we  entered  Rome,  Paul  was  given  permission  to  stay  by  himself,  with 
the  soldiers  who  guarded  him. 

17  Now  it  came  to  pass  after  three  days  that  he  called  the  leading  Jews 
together ;  and  when  they  had  assembled,  he  said  to  them,  "  Men  and 
brothers,  though  I  have  done  nothing  againgt  the  People  or  the  customs 

1  Reading  us.  2  Reading  i^ifj-uvavTis. 


458  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [28^^-^^ 

of  our  fathers,  I  have  been  handed  over  to  the  Romans  as  a  prisoner 

18  from  Jerusalem.      They  examined  me   and  meant  to  release  me,   as  I 

19  was  clear  of  any  crime  deserving  death.  The  Jews,  however,  objected, 
and  I  was  compelled  to  appeal  to  Caesar — not  that   I  had  any  charge 

20  to  bring  against  my  own  nation.  Tliis,  then,  is  my  reason  for  asking 
to  see  you  and  to  sjieak  with  you,  namely,  because  it  is  for  the  sake  of 

21  Israel's  hope  that  I  wear  this  chain."  They  said  to  him,  "  We  have  had 
no  letters  about  thee  from  Judaea,  and  no  brother  has  come  here  with  any 

22  bad  report  or  tale  of  thee.  However,  we  think  it  only  right  to  hear  thee 
state  thy  opinions  ;  for,  the  fact  is,  we  know  that  everywhere  this  party 

23  is  objected  to."  So  they  hxed  a  day  with  him,  and  came  in  large 
numbers  to  meet  him  in  his  lodging  ;  and  from  morning  to  evening  he  un- 
folded and  attested  to  them  the  reign  of  God,  trying  to  convince  them 

24  about  Jesus,  from  the  law  of  Moses  and  from  the  prophets.     And  some 

25  were  convinced  by  what  was  said,  but  others  disbelieved  ;  so,  disagreeing 
among  themselves,  they  went  away.  But  not  till  Paul  said  one  word 
more  ;  "  Right  well  did  the  holy  Spirit  speak  through  Isaiah  the  prophet 
to  your  fathers  : 

26  Go  to  thix  i^rrqilr  and  .my, 

'  You  shiill  III  III-  II  IK  J  hear,  yet  never  understand, 
Yuu  -^liiill  Sir  and  see,  yet  never  perceive.' 

27  For  dulled  is  the  heart  of  this  people. 
Their  ears  are  heavy  of  hearing, 

Their  eyes  have  they  shut. 
Lest  haply  they  should  see  loifh  their  eyes, 
And  hear  with  their  ears. 

And  understand  with  their  hearts  and  turn  again, 
For  me  to  cure  them. 

28  Be   it  known   to  you  then,  that  this  salvation  of  God  has  been  sent  to 

30  the  Gentiles:  they  will  listen."  Now  for  two  whole  years  he 
remained  in  his  private  lodging  and  welcomed  all  who  went  to  see  him, 

31  preaching  the  reign  of  God,  and  teaching  about  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
with  perfect  confidence,  unhindered. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

The  really  cogent  data  for  determining  the  period  of  this  book's  com- 
position are  (a)  the  interpretation  of  special  allusions  like  the  "seven 
heads"  (17^°),  as  a  historical  series  of  Roman  Emperors,  the  "beast,"  the 
number  666,  and  so  forth  ;  (b)  the  evidence  of  severe  and  recent  perse- 
cution, of  wars,  physical  disturbances,  occupation  of  Jerusalem  by 
foreigners,  famine,  pestilence,  etc.  ;  (c)  the  implied  condition  of  the 
Christian  communities  addressed.  These  data  have  been  variously  read, 
and  point  apparently  in  different  directions,  either  to  the  period  68-70 
or  to  the  later  reign  of  Domitian,  81-96,  when  early  Christian  literature 
was  drawn  into  the  whirlpool  of  apocalyptic. 

The  former  period  was  once  widely  accepted,  chiefly  on  account  of  the 
curious  and  definite  way  in  which  the  circumstances  and  personality  of  Nero 
seem  to  fit  the  apocalyptic  conception  of  the  antichrist.  Between  June  68, 
when  Nero  died,  and  September  70,  when  Jerusalem  fell,  it  is  held  that  this 
book  was  composed.  In  this  event,  it  reflects  the  passion  of  the  Chris- 
tians against  Rome  (  =  Babylon,  drunken  with  the  blood  of  the  saints  and  of 
the  martyrs  of  Jesus),  the  contemporary  existence  of  the  temple  (ll^),  and 
the  flight  of  the  Christians  to  Bella  (12^- 1*).  So  formerlv  Lucke,  Keim 
(i.  63,  V.  227),  and  Weiss  (INT,  ii.  81-84),  followed  more  recently  by  Beck 
(Erklcirung  d.  Offhibarung  Joh.  1885,  who  dates  the  book  65-69)  ;  Reuss 
(pp.  154-162),  and  Farrar  (Early  Lays  of  Christianity,  pp.  404-436)  ;  W. 
H.  Simcox  {CGT,  1890),  Hort  (Judaistic  CJiristianity,  p.  160  f.),  and  un- 
fortunatelv  bv  A.  Reville  (i.  p.  261  f.).  It  is  the  period  adopted  also  bv 
Hausrath  (iv.^pp.  171,  256-282),  Beyschlag  (NTTIi,  ii.  pp.  347-361),  and 
Scholten  (/^^r/i,,  1883,  pp.  608-610)';  but  of  course  a  statement  like  that 
made  by  Mr.  T.  B.  Strong  (DB  ii.  690),  that  "  the  majority  of  modern 
critics  are  of  opinion  that  the  book  was  written  in  the  time  of  Nero,"  be- 
comes true  only  if  the  word  "  not "  be  read  between  "  was  "  and  "  written." 
The  former  popularity  of  this  date  was  probably  due  in  some  degree 
to  Renan's  presentment,  in  what  forms  the  most  brilliant  volume  of  his 
series  upon  early  Christianity,  L'antechrist  (espec.  chaps,  xv.-xvii.). 
Besides,  the  lapse  of  years  Avhich  intervenes  between  the  Neronic  period 
of  the  apocalypse,  and  the  much  later  date  of  the  fourth  gospel,  obviously 
helped  to  remove  some  of  the  difliculties  felt  by  those  who  were  anxious 
to  accept  both  as  works  of  the  same  author. 

The  true  period  of  tlie  book,  however,  is  indicated  by  Mommsen 
(Provinces  of  R.  E.  ii.  p.  199),  although  he  does  not  come  down  beyond  69-79 
A.D.  The  book,  as  he  rightly  finds,  is  "written  demonstrably  after 
Nero's  fall,  and  when  his  return  from  the  East  was  expected.  .  .  .  The 
foundation  of  the  apocalypse  is  indisputably  the  destruction  of  the 
earthly  Jerusalem,  and  the  prospect  thereby  for  the  first  time  opened  up 
of  its  future  ideal  restoration."  On  this  view  the  leading  ideas  of  the 
book  and  its  situation  are  (a)  the  Imperial  cultus  advocated  by  the  pro- 
vincial authorities  of  the  State,  and  (h)  the  belief  in  Nero's  reappearance, 

459 


460  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

which  did  not  prevail  to  any  wide  extent  earlier  than  70,  and  sprang  up 
to  its  luxuriant  maturity  in  all  likelihood  (Suetonius,  Nero,  57)  some 
twenty  years  later  than  his  death.  ^ 

Hence,  as  the  Neronic  reference  of  the  "  beast  "-pictures  does  not 
absolutely  require  the  composition  of  the  book  c.  70  a.d.,  and  as  other 
elements — mainly  though  not  decisively  that  of  the  Imperial  cultus, 
which  had  grown  like  a  fungus  beside  the  earlier  local  cults  (Ac  19-^) — 
urge  a  considerably  later  date,  modern  criticism  has  heartily  adopted  the 
traditional  date  (op.  e.g.  especially  the  remark  in  Euseb.  HE,  v.  8.  6 
[Iren.  Adv.  Haer.  v.  30,  3]  :  oySe  yap  ivpo  ttoXXov  xpovov  fcopddrj,  dXXa 
(Txf8ov  eVl  Trjs  rjp.fTepas  yevecis,  Trpos  rw  re'Aet  rrjs  Aop.eriavov  cipx-qs),  i.e. 
c.  95  A.D.  Under  Domitian,  tradition  unmistakably  fixed  the  banishment 
of  John  ;  his  retirement,  voluntary  or  compulsory,  was  due  very  prob- 
ably to  the  acute  persecution  varying  from  death  to  exile,-  which  seems 
to  have  attended  the  enforcement  of  the  Imperial  cultus,  especially  in 
the  Asiatic  provinces  (Rushforth,  Latin  Liscriptions,  pp.  47,  48).  Then 
it  was  that  Christians  were  persecuted  on  definitely  religious  grounds 
(131^  14'''  20*) ;  and  not  ordy,  as  in  Nero's  day,  was  the  persecution  active 
in  the  capital,  but  also  throughout  the  provinces  (Neumann,  Der  Horn. 
Staat  und  die  allcjemeine  Kirchebis  cmf  IHocletiaii,  1890,  I.  pp.  9,  11,  15). 
The  situation  and  prospects  of  Christianity  during  the  later  period  of 
Domitian 's  reign  ("quum  jam  semianimum  laceraret  Flavins  orbem 
ultimus  et  calvo  serviret  Roma  Neroni ")  are  the  subject  of  the 
apocalypse.  It  reflects  the  music  of  humanity,  sad  but  not  still,  within 
Christendom,  during  the  earlier  stages  of  that  settled  and  serious  policy 
adopted  by  Rome  towards  those  who,  like  the  Christians,  were  indisposed 
to  worship  the  Emperor  as  Deus  ac  Dominus  noster,  and  thus  incurred 
the  charge  of  high  treason.  The  full-blown  procedure  {Cognitiones  de 
Christianis)  which  prevailed  under  Trajan  (Plin.  Ep.  lO^'"*)  was  little  in 
advance  of  what  must  have  been  experienced  during  Domitian's  reign 
(Neumann,  pp.  13-15).  Traces  of  this  age,^  with  its  hues  of  earthquake 
and  eclipse,  its  current  agony  and  bitterness,  are  obvious  in  Apoc  2-3, 
where  the  iigurative  language  discloses  not  merely,  as  in  Hebrews,  a  con- 
8ideral)le  retrospect  and:partial  decline,  but  a  persecution  (P  3^°),  general 
and  varying  in  severit}'.*     Most  editors  and  critics  therefore  find  them- 

1  Tlie  belief  in  Nero's  existence  and  in  Lis  return  from  Parthia  was  not  confined 
to  Roniiui  superstition.  It  passed  into  Jewish  (op.  especially  4th  bk.  of  Sibyll.  iv. 
11!»,  137)  and  Christian  (Aj)oc  17)  circles  in  Asia  Minor  during  the  last  quarter  of  the 
lirst  century,  and  lasted  till  c.  100  A.n.  (Dio  Clirysost.  Omt.  21.  10). 

2  "Plenum  exsiliis  mare,  iufecti  caedibus  scopuli"  (Tacit.  Ann.  xv.  44  ;  IlisL  i. 
2).  If  the  allusion  in  Apoc  P  refers  to  this,  the  last  note  of  the  prophetic  literature 
resemV)les  in  its  origin  the  earliest,  and  the  exiled  John  is  brother  across  eight  cen- 
turies to  the  gagged  Amos  (Apocli,  d^oxxXu^n  .  .  .  Sulai  Tolt  loLXoa  airoD  (10'')  =  Amos 
3^,  e«v  /!*>!  otn-oKaXii^'ij  ■xa.i'6iia.)i  rrpo;  Tout  louXovf  ciurou),  who  sped  a  written  message  to 
the  world  from  under  an  oificial  ban.  On  Domitian's  attitude  to  and  etl'ect  upon  the 
church,  cp.  Victor  Schultze,  J!TK,  j)p.  787,  788,  and  Ramsay,  CRE,  chap.  xiii. 

3  ra(  cclfniiouf   zxi  iTU.>J.v,Xov(   yiy6f/,iva(   ti/j.'iv   u-vfMfepxf   xxt  iripirTuriii  (Clem.  Roni.    1.). 

Also  Dio  Cassius,  Ejjit.  Ixvii.  14.  The  Apocalypse  is  the  stormy  petrel  of  ancient 
literature.  A  rough  era  produced  apocalypses  and  sent  iJcoplc  liiul<  \n  n-.n]  llie 
older  pieces  of  apocalyjjtic  romance.  Prof.  Rendel  Ilani>  diitms  iliut  :illir  ilie 
recent  massacres  in  Armenia  a  similar  tendency  could  lir  (ilisriNiii  ;  lliu  '■nmwrd 
and  devout  study"  of  the  people  was  directed  not  merely  to  the  Jiible  but  to  tlie 
apocalyptic  parts,  and  especially  the  book  of  Daniel  [Contemp.  li'V.  Dec.  1899, 
p.  812). 

■i  C}).  Church  Qvnrt.  Jin:  (1SP8).  pp.  39-.')2  ;  and  generally  Zahn,  Apol:  Studicn, 
ZKWL  (1885),  pp.  52:j  f.,  .Wl  f. 


THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  461 

selves  obliged  not  merely  with  Mommsen  to  leave  the  pre-70  period  ^ 
as  a  dethroned  hypothesis,  bnt  to  corne  down  as  far  as  the  close  of  the 
first  century.  One  of  the  surest  results  of  modern  research  on  the  NT 
is  the  Domitianic  situation  of  the  Apocalypse  ;  and  the  period  of  com- 
position cannot  be  much  later.  So,^  besides  some  Df  the  older  editors, 
Allard  {Hist.  d.  Persecut.  i.  p.  113  f.),  Havet  {Le  christianisme  et  ses  Origines, 
iv.  pp.  314-344),  L.  Schultze  {Handbuch  der  theolog.  IFissenschaften, 
Band  i.  Abth.  2,  p.  121  f.),  Milligan  {Discussions  on  the  Apocalypse,  pp. 
75-148),  Salmon  {INT,  pp.  221-245),  F.  C.  Arnold  {Die  Newnische 
Christenverfolgung,  1888),  Neumann  {LC,  1888,  pp.  842,  843,  in  his  review 
of  Arnold),  Abbott  {Common  Tradition,  p.  xv.),  Schiifer  {Einl.  pp. 
347-355),  Holtzmann  {Dint.  pp.  417-419;  HC,  iv.  2,  pp.  296-303), 
Kanisav  {CRE,  pp.  268-302),  Jiilicher  {Einl.  p.  179),  Weizsacker  {A A, 
ii.  pp.  19  f.,  173-205),  Harnack  {Chron.  pp.  245,  246),  McGiftert  {A  A,  pp. 
634  f.),  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  582-616),  Adeney  {BI,  pp.  464,  465) ;  but 
especially  Bousset  (-Meyer,  Die  Offcnbarung  Joh.  1896,  pp.  1-208),  who 
dates  the  writing'^  not  later  than  the  beginning  of  Trajan's  reign.  The 
Apocalypse,  then,  unites  two  elements  :  the  experience  of  a  persecution 
which  has  already  claimed  its  martyrs,  and  the  outlook  upon  a  future  of 
final  distress  and  victory.  The  question  at  issue  between  Rome  and  the 
Christians  is  the  worshijj  of  the  Emperor  as  God.  The  Christians  are  no 
longer  within  Judaism,  though  Jewish  jjhrases  and  ideas  are  very  naturally 
caught  up  in  the  crisis  ;  they  are  independent  of  the  older  religion. 
These  indications  converge  and  point  to  one  period — the  later  years  of 
Domitian,  where  inner  and  outer  evidence,  conceptions  and  tradition 
alike,  combine  to  place  the  writing. 

The  Domitianic  date,  however,  implies  less  the  composition  than  the 
final  editing  of  the  book.  Probably  enough  a  nucleus  {e.g.  visions  like 
those  in  11,  13,  17)''  originally  referred  to  Nero,  if  not  to  Caligula.  The 
whole  writing  in  its  extant  form  was  put  together  some  thirty  years 
later,  and  forms — like  its  contemporary,  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch — a 
composite  book.  So  far  as  the  question  of  the  date  is  concerned,  it  is 
practically  immaterial  whether  the  book  is  considered  as  an  earlier  work 
which  has  been  largely  interpolated  and  recast  at  a  later  day,  or  as  a  com- 
position of  the  last  decade  of  the  century,  in  which  older  apocalyptic 
pieces  have  been  incorporated.     Both  processes  are  congenial  to  this  class 

1  Among  many  internal  traces  of  a  comparatively  late  period,  cp.  e.g.  the  phrase 
»,  zufiazii  r./iiipa  (Apoc  1^)  which  ouly  displaced  the  earlier  Jewish  expression  (1  Co 
162,  A.C  SO')  at  an  advanced  stage  of  the  church  conscionsness. 

2  Apparently  also  the  late  Dr.  H.  K.  Reynolds  {DB,  ii.  p.  707),  and  CJiurck 
Quart.  liev.  (1894),  ]ip.  446-472.  The  Apocalypse  cannot  be  much  later  than  the 
opening  of  the  second  century,  as  it  was  early  accredited  by  Papias  and  Justin,  and 
is  possibly  used  even  in  the  Iguatian  epistles  {Ad.  Eph.  15,  Ad  Philad.  6i).  This  gives 
a  terminus  ad  quern  within  the  tirst  quarter  of  the  century. 

3  The  author  wrote  in  the  time  of  the  tenth  head  (chap.  1-3),  i.e.  in  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  Trajan,  after  whom  he  expected  Nero  redivivus.  Bartlet  [A A, 
pp.  388-408),  at  the  other  extreme,  abides  by  Vespasian's  reign  (75-80  A.D.)  as  the 
period  of  the  book's  composition,  neglecting  the  various  strata  in  the  book. 

4  Holtzmann,  "  if  the  beast-sketch  is  originally  Jewish,  it  dates  from  the  time  of 
Calignla ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  its  reference  to  Nero  or  Domitian  is  demonstrable, 
then  it  is  Christian."  The  words  (13")  /2Aao-j»j,«.r;ir«(  to  houa.  alrov  za.)  7--)»  <r2^>v>v 
avToZ  are  certainly  suitable  to  Caligula.  Chap.  17  contains  two  aspects  of  Nero,  as 
the  returning  monarch  and  as  the  beast  rising  from  the  abyss.  Like  chap.  18,  it  is 
silent  upon  the  great  question  that  dominates  the  Apocalypse,  namely,  the  idolatrous 
cult  of  the  Caesars  ;  and  Bousset  accordingly  prefers  to  find  the  roots  of  the  fragment 
in  Vespasian's  reign. 


462  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT 

of  literature,  and  either  would  explain  the  facts.  It  was  characteristic  of 
writers  in  apocalyptic  literature  to  borrow  and  reproduce  from  older 
pieces,  as  well  as  to  adapt  earlier  writings  to  snljsequent  emergencies. 
There  is  every  likelihood  that  the  Apocalypse  of  John  was  affected  by 
this  contemporary  practice  of  incorporating  fragments.  For  all  the  unity 
of  style  and  sjDirit  with  which  it  is  pervaded,  as  well  as  the  freshness  of  its 
main  conceptions,  the  book  is  in  several  jjassages — to  resume  Professor 
Masson's  phrase  for  Paradise  Lost — full  of  flakes  from  all  that  is  greatest 
in  the  preceding  literature.  Some  hypothesis  like  this  is  required  to 
explain  the  very  divergent  lines  of  historical  reference  and  religious 
temper  within  a  writing  which,  as  a  whole,  sj^rings  indubitably  from  the 
soil  of  90-100  A.D.  Consequently,  a  large  part  of  the  modern  interest  in 
research  upon  the  Apocalypse  has  passed  to  discussions  ^  upon  the 
composite  origin  of  the  book,  the  number,  character,  and  date  of  the 
component  parts,  or  of  the  successive  revisions  which  are  imbedded  in 
its  pages.  A  common  feature  of  these  and  other  theories  is  their  re- 
cognition of  Neronic  references  in  the  Apocalypse,  either  in  the  original 
nucleus  or  in  some  incorporated  fragments  ;  and  one  or  two  critics,  like  0. 
Holtzmann,  K.  Erbes,  and  Spitta,  are  disjjosed  to  trace  even  earlier  pieces 
which  fall  within  Caligula's  reign.  But,  apart  from  details,  the  composite 
origin,  like  the  Domitianic  period  of  the  Apocalypse,  may  be  regarded  as 
a  postulate  of  criticism  ;  although  it  is  easier  to  fix  the  time,  than  to 
determine  the  character  or  the  extent,  of  its  final  redaction. 

Upon  two  other  points,  indefiniteness  seems  to  be  necessary.  An 
exact  correspondence  is  not  to  be  looked  for  between  the  traits  and 
feelings  of  such  a  book  and  the  actual  career  of  any  historical  figure. 
The  fabric  of  the  visions  has  its  starting-point  in  history,  and  that  is 
all ;  their  scope  is  not  local  or  definite,  any  more  than  Dante's  travel 
into  Purgatory  from  the  Tiber's  mouth.  It  is  true  that  sanity  is  being 
slowly  introduced  into  the  criticism  of  the  Apocalypse  by  adopting  the 
principle  which  attempts  not  to  explain  history  from  the  prophecy,  but 
to  read  the  projihecy  by  the  aid  of  history.  Still,  from  the  nature 
of  the  book,  one  cannot  fairly  expect  to  find  the  apocalyptic  enigmas 
precisely  reproduced  among  the  personages  and  forces  of  the  age. 
"  Events  in  history  are  not  carried  on  by  sevens  or  by  twelves."  Such  an 
endeavour  neglects  the  supernatural  or  ideal  element  in  the  book,  and  its 
consequently  blurred,  vague  outlines.  "  The  conflict  in  it,  though  waged 
on  earth,  is  not  a  human  warfare  ;  it  is  waged  by  combatants  who  are 
divine  or  diabolical.  Satan  gave  his  power  to  "the  beast.  All  these 
interpretations,  therefore,  .  .  .  which  find  actual  human  persons  in  the 
beast  or  false  prophet,  are  manifestly  untrue  to  John's  idea."  ~  Indeed, 
this  indefiniteness  attaches  to  Jewish  concejDtions  throughout  their  apoca- 
lyptic books.  As  Mommsen  remarks,  from  the  historian's  point  of  view,  the 
facts  regularly  run  away  into  generalities  ;  and  this  makes  it  precarious 

1  Chiefly  1iy  G.  J.  Weylaud  in  Holland,  Sabatier  and  ScbiiTi  in  France,  Dr. 
Briggs  in  America,  and  a  cohort  of  Germans  (see  Appendix).  Dr.  S.  Davidson  (INT, 
ii.  pp.  176-2.33)  goes  on  a  way  of  his  own  ;  he  regards  the  main  body  of  the 
Apocalypse  as  a  work  composed  originally  in  Aramaic  at  an  early  date  (after 
61  A.D.),  and  translated  witli  interjiolations  at  a  subsequent  period  ;  the  epistles  to 
the  churches  were  written  in  Hadrian's  reign  when  sectaries  began  to  swarm,  and 
were  prefixed  by  the  translator  to  the  larger  work. 

2  Dr.  A.  B.  Davidson,  J<J:qy.  Ti.  ii.  p.  183.  On  the  apocalyptic  temper  which 
accompanied  the  legal  spirit  among  the  Pharisees  in  the  later  Judaism,  cp.  Balden- 
sperger,  Selhstbcicnsstscin  Jesu-  (1892),  pt.  I. 


THE    APOCALYFSP:    OF   JOHN  463 

work  to  infer  much  from  suj^ijosed  correspondences.  ^  The  other  jjoint  of 
dubiety  is  the  authorship.  It  is  impossible  to  name  the  writer  with  any 
certainty.  Either  the  book  is  like  most  ajjocalypses,  pseudonymous — 
"  in  Saturn's  reign,  such  mixture  was  not  held  a  stain  " — ;  oi-,  if  the 
"John  "  of  !*■  3  be  the  author,  it  was  written  by  some  otherwise  unknown 
Christian  prophet  (22^)  of  that  name,  quite  possibly  (as  Eusebius  sug- 
gested) the  Presbyter.  Modern  criticism  has  hardly  got  beyond  the  dis- 
junctive canon  adopted  in  the  third  century  by  Dionysius  of  Alexandria, 
in  the  striking  and  sensible  criticism  which  Eusebius  has  preserved 
(HE,  vii.  25.  15,  concluding  rcK/xat/ao/xat  yap  sk  re  rov  rjdovs  eKarepwv  kol  tov 
Tav  \6ya>v  f'i8ovs  kol  rrjS  tov  /3t/3Atoi;  Sie|^aycoy^s  Xeyo/xei'r;?,  pr]  tov  avTov  elvai), 
namely,  that  the  ditt'erences  in  diction  and  style  between  the  fourth 
gospel  and  the  a2:)ocalypse  prove  that  the  John  of  !*■  ^  is  not  identical  with 
John  the  Apostle.  The  identification  is  suggested  by  nothing  in  the 
book  itself,  and  is  contradicted  indeed  by  the  distant  look  of  the  writer's 
relation  to  Jesus.  The  book  originated  in  Asia  Minor,  probably  in  the 
Ephesian  coinmunity  :  it  is  also  by  a  different  author  from  the  writer  of 
the  fourth  gospel,  although  l:)oth  shared  a  common  atmosj^here  of  thought 
and  language.  The  hyjiothesis  that  the  final  editor  of  the  Apocalypse 
was  the  author  of  the  fourth  gospel,  seems  to  lack  either  evidence  or 
probability. 

Judged  from  the  historical  standpoint,  then,  the  Apocalypse  is  an 
invaluable  piece  of  literature,  not  merely  for  illustrating  the  methods  by 
which  Jewish  Christianity  originally  developed,  or  for  its  light  ujion  the 
political  and  social  situation  of  Christianity  at  the  close  of  the  first  century, 
but  also  for  showing  the  amazing  vitality  of  the  Christian  spirit.  If 
apocalyptic  fantasy  has  always  been  felt  to  appear  somewhat  foreign  and 
strange  beside  the  genuine  religion  of  Israel  which  appropriated  it — 
miraturque  novas  frondes,  et  non  sua  poma — how  much  more,  beside  the 
faith  of  Jesus  ?  Yet  most  of  the  NT  writings  have  their  apocalyptic 
element,  even  Paul's  letters  and  the  gospels.  This  writer  had  more 
stubborn  and  apparently  incongruous  materials  to  work  with,  however, 
and  his  task  was  immensely  harder  than  theirs.  That  he  succeeded  in 
mastering  them,  in  reducing  them  to  shape,  and  in  partially  transforming 
their  uncouth  and  fantastic  contents,  is  a  proof  not  merely  of  his  own 
mental  grasp,  but  of  the  assimilating  vigour  and  energy  that  possessed 
men  who  were  still  in  touch  with  the  simplicity  and  sanity  of  Jesus. 
Compare  it  even  with  4th  Esdras,  the  queen  of  Jewish  apocalypses  in  that 
age,  and  its  superiority  is  evident.  The  book  naturally  bears  the  rough 
signature  of  its  age.  Its  religious  nobility  consists  not  in  the  entire 
absence  of  such  bizarre  and  weird  elements,  but  in  the  fact  that  these  are 
dwarfed  by  the  writer's  moral  force  and  controlling  piety.  He  is  the 
sole  instance,  within  the  NT  literature,  of  the  prophet's  strange  and 
honourable  role  including  the  charism  of  writing.  Hitherto,  for  the 
most  part,  the  OT  had  served  as  the  handbook  and  textbook  of  prophecy, 
although  there  are  passages  (Is  49^  =  Gal  1^^)  in  Paul's  writings  (e.q. 
1  Th  413  f.,  2  Th  21  S  1  Co  13,  2  Co  4i  S  Ro  9-11,  Eph  6'"  S  Philipp  3-  '•) 
which  could  only  have  been  composed  by  one  who  was  himself  "  among 
the  prophets."  To  these,  it  is  true,  may  be  added  pieces  expressed  in  the 
spirit  and  language  of  prophecy,  like  parts  of  Hebrews,  some  early 
speeches  in  "Acts,"  possibly — as  Dr.  Hatch  suggested — the  later  epistles 
of  Judas  and  2  Peter.     Yet  the  Apocalypse  is  really  the  first  definite 

1  But  Gunkel's  remarks  {Schoj}/.  imd  Chaos,  p.  230  f.)  on  the  bankruptcy  of  the 
historical  method  are  surely  too  pessimistic  and  severe  (cp.  also  KAP,  ii.  p.  343). 


464  HLSTOEICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

composition  of  that  class.  It  marks  a  stage  at  wliicli  tlie  older  spon- 
taneous, passionately  impulsive,  utterances  were  yielding  to  less  irregular 
visions  transcribed  by  their  authors  in  artistic  shape.  The  Apocalypse 
is  written  by  a  prophet  (229),  ^^(j  i[\^q  Ephesians  (2-°  3*)  singles  out 
prophets  for 'honour,  ranking  them  with  the  saints  (16^  IS^")  ;  it  is  the 
prophetic  impulse  set  to  the  further  task  of  recording  its  own  utterances 
for  the  sake  of  edification  (1  Co  14*,  6  Se  7rpo(pr}TevMv  rrjv  fKKXrjo-lav 
otKoSo/x€i),  and  claiming  for  this  fresh  method  the  old  authority  (22^-  "•  ^^  ^-X 
The  seer  writes  to  quiet  and  fortify  the  church  in  a  crisis.  But  he_  is 
more  than  a  teacher.  His  aim  is  to  produce  a  permanent  and  effective 
impression,  and  for  this  purpose  he  has  collected  and  composed  pieces  of 
literature  saturated  with  the  spirit  of  genuine  prophecy,  which  are  com- 
parable only  to  the  book  of  Daniel,  that  prototype  and  Magna  Charta 
(Baldensperger)  of  the  apocalyptic  school  in  Judaism. 

The  occasion  demanded  such  an  effort.  Apart  from  the  political 
situation,  the  condition  of  the  Christian  communities  (Clem.  Rom.  i.,  and 
the  retrospective  evidence  of  Pliny's  letters),  especially  in  Proconsular 
Asia  Minor,  during  the  closing  years  of  the  century,  was  one  of  moral 
laxity  and  general  exposure  to  the  deteriorating  influences  of  heresy. 
Censure  and  comfort  are  intermixed  in  chaps.  2  and  3,  to  meet  the 
dual  situation.  In  striking  contrast  to  Corinth,  where  at  that  period 
(Clem.  Rom.  iii.)  partisanship,  dissension,  and  restlessness  under  church- 
authority  seem  to  have  been  rife,  the  main  mischief  in  these  Asian 
churches  comes  from  the  Jews.  They  stir  up  trouble  from  the  outside  at 
Smyrna  and  Philadelphia,  and  are  denounced  as  a  devilish  association 
(=  Jo  8*^,  1  Jn  3^-^o)_  Xo  the  author  the  unbelieving  Jews  are  no  Jews 
at  all.  The  genuine  Jew  is  the  Christian.  At  Thj'atira,  a  party,  or  an 
individual  pagan  prophetess,  is  at  work  seducing  even  the  Christians. 
Under  the  rather  appropriate  sol^riquet  of  Jezebel, ^  she  is  denounced 
with  passionate  vehemence,  quite  in  the  spirit  and  speech  of  the  OT 
prophets.  A  discreditable  '  libertine  ])arty  is  disowned  at  Ephesus,  but 
partly  tolerated  at  Pergamos,  where  the  pagan  cultus  of  Asklej^ios  was 
influential  and  popular.  The  Balaamites  may  be  similar  to  those  Nikolai- 
tans,  whom  Irenaeus  {Adv.  Haer.  iii.  11.  1)  stamps  as  precursors  of 
Cerinthus.  But  the  heresies  at  any  rate  are  as  a  whole  practical  (yet 
op.  2'*-  ^^-  -2  for  their  ^Lbaxv)  in  character  and  issues.  Throughout  the 
book  the  demand  is  for  loyalty  and  perseverance.  The  author's  ^  re- 
iterated, unswerving  encouragement  is  a  promise  of  the  second  advent  of 
Jesus  with  reward  and  relief  ;  but  the  circumstances  of  his  readers  in 
the  churches  *  vary  from  lukewarmness  to  zeal,  from  comparative  insigni- 

1  Cp.  Schiirer's  essay,  ThA,  pp.  37-58,  on  "the  prophetess  Jezebel  iu  Tliyatira," 
whom  he  identifies  with  the  Chahlean  Sibyll,  SanibathG. 

2  Seesemann  still  traces  back  the  Nikolaitans  to  Nikolaos  (Ac  6=)  the  deacon  (.S'A', 
189.5,  pp.  47-82). 

3  Renan  aptly  describes  him  as,  in  all  respects — apart  from  serenity  and  harmony 
— a  brother  of  Deiitero-Isaiah,  that  marvellous  poet,  "  whose  luminous  .soul  seems 
as  it  were  impregnated,  six  hundred  years  in  advance,  with  all  the  dew  and  all  tlie 
perfumes  of  the  future."  The  moral  grandeur  of  his  aim  overwhelms  the  (;ry])tography 
and  fantasy  in  his  materials  and  even  in  his  methods.  We  forget  the  frog-faced 
imps  and  weird  beasts  of  the  drama,  when  the  light  falls  on  One  who  wipes  the  tears 
from  every  eye. 

•*  "All  of  them  either  in  Lydia  itself,  or  on  the  frontier  of  it :  in  nature  Lydian 
all — richest  in  gold,  <k'licatest  in  luxury,  softest  in  music,  tenderest  in  art  of  the 
then  world"  (Ruskin,  Fors  C/nrii/eni  (Luttt^r  Ixxxiv.)).  On  their  Imperial  status,  cp, 
Marquardt,  liijmische  iitaalsvcrwaUini(i,  i.  ]))>.  .310-31'2;  and  on  Laodiceia,  Hierapolis, 
and  Oolossai,  see  Ramsay's  Cities  and  Biskojjrics  of  rin-)j(jia,  i.,  pp.  32  f.,  84  f.,  208  f. 


THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  4G5 

ftcance  to  prominence,  from  religious  decline  to  progress,  from  stagnation 
to  endurance  and  even  aggressive  proi^aganda. 

No  form  of  early  Christian  literature  answers  so  well  as  the  Apoca- 
lypse to  the  Baconian  definition  of  the  service  rendered  by  genuine 
poetry  in  raising  and  erecting  the  mind  above  the  tyranny  of  mere 
appearances.  Emphatically  the  Apocalypse  aims  at  "  submitting  the 
shows  of  things  to  tlie  desires  of  the  mind."  It  reads  history  under  the 
light  of  faith  and  hope  ;  it  floods  the  evil  present  with  transcendent 
anticipations  ;  it  reasserts  the  supremacy  of  the  ideal  and  of  the  Spirit, 
against  depressing  memory  and  forebodings.  It  is  a  pictorial  expansion  of 
the  Christian  principle  (2  Co  4i"-5i'*)  :  8ia.  nlareos  irfpnraroviJ.ei',  ov  Sto 
e'iSovs. 

From  Pliny's  account  of  the  Imperial  policy  in  Bithynia  some  years  later  (Epp.  x. 
98,  99),  we  may  infer  what  it  was  earlier  and  elsewhere  in  Asia.  To  clear  oneself  of 
the  charge  of  Christianity,  it  was  necessary  to  (a)  worship  and  sacrifice  to  the  statue 
of  the  Emperor,  and  (6)  curse  Jesus.  Although  in  Pliny's  day  and  earlier,  some  of 
the  Bithynian  Christians  had  recanted,  the  outstanding  feature  of  the  "superstition  " 
was  the  obstinate  tenacity  with  which  most  of  its  members  clung  to  it  {pertinaciam 
et  injlexibilem  ohstinationem).  He  incidentally  confirms  the  evidence  of  the  Apo- 
calypse upon  the  gradual  revival  of  Paganism  in  Asia  Minor,  especially  as  the  local 
cults  were  associated  with  the  Imperial  worship. 


30 


THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 


The  Apocalypse  constitutes  the  classic  example  of  that  bitter  enmity  for  the 
empire  with  which  many  disciples  returned  the  latter's  hostility,  and  it  con- 
stitutes at  the  same  time  the  classic  example  of  the  way  in  which  persecution 
led  the  church  to  lay  emphasis  upon  the  approaching  consummation  and  upon 
the  blessedness  and  glory  to  be  enjoyed  by  Christ's  followers  in  his  kingdom. 
This,  in  fact,  was  the  second  marked  effect  of  persecution.  The  original 
expectation  that  Christ  would  speedily  return  to  establish  his  kingdom,  could 
not  fail  to  be  enhanced  by  the  terrible  experiences  of  the  latter  part  of  the  first 
century.  .  .  .  But  the  hostility  of  the  State  had  the  effect  also  of  compacting 
the  church  and  broadening  the  line  which  separated  it  from  the  world  at  large. 
One  of  the  notable  facts  to  which  the  literature  of  the  late  first  and  early  second 
centuries  bears  testimony,  is  the  increasing  realisation  of  the  ideal  of  Christian 
unity  and  the  growing  effort  to  give  that  ideal  practical  expression  and  visible 
embodiment. — McGifFert. 


li"8  Prolog^uc  :  John  in  Patmos^a  vision  of  Jesus, 

1»_3-^  Seven  letters  to  Asiatic  churches  :       (i)  Ephesus. 

(ii)  Smyrna, 
(iii)  Pergamos. 
(iv)  Thyatira. 
(v)  Sardis. 
(vi)  Philadelphia, 
(vii)  Laodicea. 

4^-6'''  Seven  seals :  a  vision  of  heaven  :  the  throne,  the  Lamb,  tlie  sealed 
book  :  of  (i)  the  white  horse, 

(ii)  the  red  horse, 
(iii)  the  black  horse, 
(iv)  the  pale  horse, 
(v)  the  souls  of  the  slain. 
(vi)  the  eartliquake. 
7^"'"  Intermezzo  [episode  of  angels  : 

sealing  of  redeemed] 
8^  (vii)  the  silence. 

460 


THE   APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN 


467 


82_92i  Seven  trumpets  :  a  vision  of  an  angel  and  censer,  of  seven  angels  and 
trumpets  for    (i)  the  earth, 
(ii)  the  sea. 

(iii)  the  streams  :  star  Wormwood, 
(iv)  a  darkness, 
(v)  a  woe  of  locusts, 
(vi)  a  woe  of  horsemen. 
lO'-llis  Intermezzo  [episode  of  angel 

and  little  book  :   apoca- 
lypse of  two  witnesses] 

(vii)  great  voices. 
Saga  of  the  woman  and  the  red  dragon  :     a  war  in  heaven. 
Saga  of  the  beasts  from  sea  and  land  :        a  war  on  earth. 
Vision  of  the  Lamb  and  the  redeemed  :  in  heaven. 
Vision  of  angels  and  of  doom  :  on  earth. 


1114-19 
121-17 
131.18 

141-5 
146-20 


l.'j^-ie^^  Seven  vials :  a  vision  of  seven  angels  and  of  their  plagues  upon 

(i)  the  earth, 
(ii)  the  sea. 
(iii)  the  waters, 
(iv)  the  sun. 
(v)  the  beast's  kingdom. 
(vi)  the  Euphrates, 
(vii)  the  air. 


I918-21 

201-10 

20"-22« 

211-8 

21»-22' 

226-21 


Vision  of  Doom  :  on  (i)  Babylon  the  great,  her  fate  and  fall : 
the  song  of  wailing  on  earth, 
the  song  of  triumph  in  heaven, 
(ii)  the  Beast :  procession  of  forces  in  heaven, 
doom  of  beast  and  his  followers 
in  lake  of  fire, 
(iii)  the  Dragon,  Satan  :  his  final  defeat. 

Vision  of  End  :  (i)  the    great    white    throne  :     the    world's 

judgment, 
(ii)  the  new  sky  and  earth  :  God's  consola- 
tion, 
(iii)  the  new  Jerusalem. 

Epilogue  :  the  seer  and  the  angel. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

1  1  The  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ 

which  God  granted  him  to  show  to  his  shaves — 
even  what  must  shortly  come  to  puss — 

2  and  he  disclosed  it,  sending  by  his  angel  to  his  slave  John,  who  bore 
witness  to  the  word  of  God  and  to  the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  all 
that  he  saw. 

3  Happy  the  reader  and  the  hearers  of  the  words  of  the  prophecy, 
Who  also  keep  what  is  written  in  it ! 

For  the  time  is  near. 

4  John  to  the  seven  Communities  in  Asia  : 
grace  to  you  and  peace 

from  him  who  is  and  wdio  w^as  and  who  is  to  come, 
and  from  the  seven  spirits  which  are  before  his  throne, 

5  and  from  Jesus  Christ  the  faithful  witness,  the  firstborn  of  the  dead,  and  the 

ruler  of  the  Icings  of  the  earth. 

6  To  him  who  loves  us  and  loosed  us  from  our  sins  by  his  blood — yea,  he 
made  us  a  realm  of  priests  to  his  God  and  Father — to  him  be  the  majesty 
and  the  dominion  for  ever  and  ever  :  Amen. 

7  Lo,  he  comes  ivith  the  clouds  and  shall  be  seen  by  every  eye. 

Even  by  those  who  impaled  him  ; 
And  all  the  tribes  of  the  earth  shall  wail  because  of  him. 
Even  so  :  Amen. 

8  "I  am  the  alpha  and  the  omega," 

Saith  the  Lord  God  xoho  is  and  who  was  and  who  is  to  come,  the  almighty. 

9  I  John,  your  brother  and  companion  in  the  distress  and  reign  and 
patience  which  are  in  Jesus,  was  in  the  island  called  Patmos,  on  account 

10  of  the  word  of  God  and  the  testimony  of  Jesus.  I  was  in  the  Spirit  on 
the  Lord's  day,  and  I  heard  a  loud  voice  behind  me  like  a  trumpet, 

11  saying,  "Write  what  thou  seest  in  a  book,  and  send  it  to  the  seven 
Communities,   to   Ejihesus   and   to    Smyrna   and   to   Pergamos  and   to 

12  Thyatira  and  to  Sardis  and  to  Philadel2)hia  and  to  Laodicea."  And  I 
turned  to  see  the  voice  that  talked  with  nie.      And  on  turning  I  saw 

13  seven  golden  lampstands,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  lampstands  One  who 
was  nice  a  son  of  man,  clothed  with  a  robe  to  his  feet  and  girt  about  his 

14  breasts  with  a  golden  girdle.      White  were  his  head  and  hair  like  white 

15  xoool,  like  snow,  his  eyes  like  a  flaming  fire,  his  feet  like  bnrnishcd  brass, 
refined  as  it  were  in  a  furnace,  his  voice  like  the  sound  of  many  ivaters. 

16  In  his  right  hand  he  had  seven  stars,  and  from  his  mouth  issued  a  sword, 

17  sharp,  two-edged,  and  his  face  was  like  the  sun  shining  in  its  might.  And 
when  I  saw  him,  I  fell  at  his  feet  as  one  dead.  And  he  laid  his  right 
hand  upon  me,  saying. 


Ii8_2i3]  rpgg    APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  469 

"  Fear  not : 

18  /  am  the  first  and  the  last  and  the  living  one  ;  and  I  was  dead,  and  lo,  I  am 
alive  for  ever  and  ever, 

And  I  have  the  keys  of  death  and  Hades. 

19  Write  then  what  thou  hast  seen,  and  what  is,  and  what  is  to  come  to  fass 
after  this. 

20  As  for  the  symbol  of  the  seven  stars  which  thou  didst  see  on  my  right 
hand, 

And  the  seven  golden  lampstands  : — 
The  seven  stars  are  the  angels  of  the  seven  Communities, 

And  the  seven  lampstands  are  the  seven  Communities. 

2  1  To  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Ephesus  write  : 

these  things  saith  he  who  holds  the  seven  stars  in  his  right  hand, 
who  walks  in  the  middle  of  the  seven  golden  lampstands. 

2  '  I  know  thy  works  and  thy  labour  and  thy  patience. 
And  that  thou  canst  not  bear  wicked  men, 

And  didst  try  those  who  allege  themselves  to  be  apostles  and  are  not,  and 
didst  find  them  false  ; 

3  And  thou  hast  patience,  and  for  my  name's  sake  didst  bear  and  hast  not 
grown  weary. 

4  But  I  have  this  against  thee  : 

Thou  hast  left  thy  first  love. 

5  Remember  then  where  thou  hast  fallen  from. 
And  repent  and  do  the  first  works  ; 

Else  I  will  come  to  thee  and  move  thy  lampstand  out  of  its  place. 
Unless  thou  repent. 

6  Yet  thou  hast  this  : 

Thou  hatest  the  works  of  the  Nikolai  tans,  which  I  also  hate.' 

7  He  who  has  an  ear, 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 

'  To  him  who  conquers  will  I  grant  to  eat  of  the  tree  of  life,  which  is 
in  the  faradise  of  God.' 

8  And  to  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Smyrna  write  : 
these  things  saith  the  first  and  the  last, 

who  was  dead  and  became  alive. 

9  '  I  know  thy  distress  and  poverty  (but  thou  art  rich). 

And  the  slander  of  those  who  allege  themselves  to  be  Jews  and  are  not, 
but  are  a  synagogue  of  Satan. 

10  Fear  not  what  thou  art  to  suffer. 

Lo,  the  devil  is  to  throw  some  of  you  into  prison  that  you  may  he  tried. 
And  for  ten  days  you  shall  have  distress. 
Be  faithful  to  death, 

And  I  will  give  thee  the  wreath  of  life.' 

1 1  He  who  has  an  ear, 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 

'He  who  conquers  shall  not  be  injured  by  the  second  death.' 

12  And  to  the  angel  of  tlie  Community  in  Pergamos  write  : 
these  things  saith  he  who  has  the  two-edged  sword. 

13  '  I  know  where  thou  dwellest, 

Where  the  throne  of  Satan  is  ; 
Yet  thou  boldest  fast  my  name 


470  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^''-29 

And  didst  not  renounce  my  faith  even  in  the  days  of  Antipas  my  faithful 
witness  who  was  killed  among  you, 
Where  Satan  dwells. 

14  But  I  have  a  few  things  against  thee  : 

Thou  hast  some  people  there  who  hold  to  the  teaching  of  Balaam, 
Who  taught  Balak  to  put  a  pitfall  before  the  sons  of  Israel, 
The  eating  of  food  offered  to  idols,  and  the  committing  of  fornication  ; 

15  Even   so   thou   hast  some    people    who    hold    to    the    teaching  of    the 

Nikolaitans  in  the  same  way. 

16  Eepent : ^ 

Else  I  will  come  to  thee  speedily  and  fight  against  them  with  the 
sword  of  my  mouth.' 

17  He  who  has  an  ear, 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 

'  To  him  who  conquers  I  will  give  a  share  of  the  hidden  manna, 
Also  I  will  give  him  a  white  stone, 
And  written  on  the  stone  a  new  name, 

Which  no  one  knows  save  he  who  receives  it.' 

18  And  to  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Thyatira  write  : 
these  things  saith  the  son  of  God, 

with  his  eyes  like  a  flame  of  ^re  and  his  feet  like  burnished  brass. 

19  '  I  know  thy  works. 

Even  thy  love  and  faith  and  ministry  and  patience, 
And  that  thy  last  works  are  more  than  the  first. 

20  But  I  have  this  against  thee  : 

Thou    dost    tolerate    the    woman    Jezebel    who    calls    herself    a 

l^rophetess, 
Teaching  and  seducing  my  slaves  to  commit  fornication  and  to  eat 

food  offered  to  idols. 

21  And  I  have  given  her  time  to  repent. 

Yet  she  refuses  to  repent  of  her  fornication. 

22  Lo,  I  throw  her  into  a  bed, 

And  her  adulterers  into   great  distress,  unless  they  repent  of  her 
works, 

23  And  her  children  I  will  utterly  slay  : 

So  all  the  Communities  shall   know    that  I  am  the  searcher  of 

reins  and  heart. 
And  /  will  give  to  each  of  you  according  to  your  icorks. 

24  But  to  you,  to  tlie  rest  in  Thyatira,  I  say, 
Even  to  all  who  hoUl  not  this  teaching, 

Who  do  not  (in  their  phrase)  "know  the  depths  of  Satan  "— 
I  put  no  other  Inirden  on  you. 

25  Only,  hold  to  what  you  have,  until  I  come. 

26  And  as  for  him  wlio  conquers  and  who  keeps  my  works  until  the 

end, 
/  \oill  give  him  authority  over  the  nations 

27  (And  he  shall  shej)herd  them  with  a  rod  of  iron,  as  a  potter's  vessels  are 

broken  to  shivers). 
As  I  also  have  received  it  from  my  Father  : 

28  Also  I  will  give  him  the  star  of  the  morning.' 

29  He  who  has  an  ear. 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 
1  Omitting  oi'». 


3^-1'']  THE   APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  471 

3  1  And  to  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Sardis  write  : 

these  things  saith  he  who  has  the  seven  spirits  of  God  and  the 
seven  stars. 
'  I  know  thy  works  : 
Thou  hast  the  name  of  being  "alive," 
And  thou  art  dead. 

2  Be  wakeful  and  establish  the  things  that  remain, 

That  are  on  the  point  of  dying. 
For  I  have  not  found  thy  works  completed  before  God. 

3  Remember  then  that  thou  hast  received  and  heard  ; 
Yea,  keep  it  and  repent. 

If  thou  art  not  wakeful  then, 
I  will  come  like  a  thief, 
Nor  shalt  thou  know  at  what  hour  I  will  come  upon  thee. 

4  Yet  thou  hast  a  few  souls  in  Sardis,  who  have  not  defiled  their  gar- 
ments : 

And  they  shall  walk  with  me  in  white,  for  they  are  worthy. 

5  He  who  conquers  shall  thus  be  clad  in  white  garments. 
And  /  will  not  hlot  his  name  oiht  of  the  book  of  life, 

But  will  confess  his  name  before  my  Father  and  before  his  angels.' 

6  He  who  has  an  ear, 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 

7  And  to  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Philadelphia  write  : 
these  things  saith  the  holy  One,  the  true, 

he  who  has  the  key  of  David, 
he  who  opens  and  none  shall  shut, 
and  shuts  and  none  shall  open. 

8  '  I  know  thy  works. 

Lo,  I  have  set  before  thee  an  open  door. 

Which  none  is  able  to  shut. 
For  thou  hast  little  strength. 

Yet  thou  didst  keep  my  word  and  didst  not  disown  my  name. 

9  Lo,  I  make  those  of  the  synagogue  of  Satan,  who  allege  they  are  Jews 
and  are  not,  but  are  liars — 

Lo,  I  will  make  them  come  and  do  reverence  before  thy  feet, 
And  learn  that  I  have  loved  thee. 
10  Because  thou  didst  keep  my  word  of  patience, 

I  also  will  keep  thee  from  the  hour  of  trial. 

Which  is  about  to  come  upon  the  whole  world  to  try  the  dwellers 
on  the  earth. 
Ill  come  speedily  : 

Hold  to  what  thou  hast,  that  no  one  seize  thy  wreath. 

12  As  for  him  who  conquers, 

I  will  make  him  a  pillar  in  the  temple  of  my  God, 

And  nevermore  shall  he  go  out  of  it ; 
Also,  I  will  write  the  name  of  my  God  on  him. 

And  the  name  of  the  city  of  my  God,  the  new  Jerusalem, 
Which  comes  down  out  of  heaven  from  my  God, 

And  my  own  new  name.' 

13  He  who  has  an  ear. 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities. 

14  And  to  the  angel  of  the  Community  in  Laodicea  write  : 


472  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [s^^-^ 

these  things  saith  the  Amen, 
the  faith/ ul  and  true  witness, 
the  oriyin  of  God's  creation. 

15  '  I  know  thy  works  : 

Thou  art  neither  cold  nor  hot — 

Would  thou  wert  either  cold  or  hot ! 

16  So,  because  thou  art  lukewarm  and  neither  cold  nor  hot, 
I  am  soon  to  vomit  thee  out  of  my  mouth. 

17  Since  thou  sayest  "  I  am  rich  and  have  grown  rich  and  am  in  need  of 
nothing," 

And  knowest  not  that  thou  art  the  one  who  is  wretched,  beggared, 
blind,  and  naked — 

18  I  counsel  thee  to  buy  from  me  gold  refined  out  of  the  furnace. 

That  thou  mayest  gain  riches. 
And  Avhite  garments. 

That  thou  mayest  be  clad,  and  that  the  shame  of  thy  nakedness  be 
not  disclosed. 
And  salve, 

To  rub  on  thine  eyes  for  sight. 

19  Those  whom  I  love,  I  reprove  and  chasten: 

Be  zealous  therefore  and  repent. 

20  Lo,  I  stand  at  the  door  and  knock  ! 

If  anyone  hears  my  voice  and  opens  the  door, 

I  will  come  in  and  sup  with  him,  and  he  with  me. 

21  As  for  him  who  conquers, 

I  will  grant  him  to  sit  down  with  me  upon  my  throne  ; 
As  I  also  conquered, 

And  sat  down  with  my  Father  upon  his  throne.' 

22  He  who  has  an  ear. 

Let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  Communities." 

t  1  After  this  I  looked,  and  lo,  a  door  stood  open  in  heaven  !  And  the 
voice  like  a  trunifet,  which  I  had  heard  first  talking  with  me,  said, 
"  Gome  up  hither,  and  I  will  show  thee  ivhat   must  come  to  pass  after 

2  this."     Immediately  I  was  in  the  Spirit, 
And  lo,  a  throne  stood  in  heaven, 

And  one  sat  on  the  throne, 

3  And  he  who  sat  was  in  appearance  like  a  jasper  and  sardius  stone  ; 
And  round  the  throne  was  a  rainbow  like  an  emerald  in  appearance. 

4  And  round  the  throne  were  four  and  twenty  thrones, 
And  on  the  thrones  four  and  twenty  elders  sitting. 

Clothed  in  white  garments  with  golden  wreaths  u])on  their  heads. 

5  And  out  of  the  throne  issue  lightninf/s  aiid  voices  and  thunders, 
And  seven  torches  of  fire  were  burning  before  the  throne. 

Which  are  the  seven  spirits  of  God. 

6  And  before  the  throne  there  was  as  it  were  a  sea  of  glass,  like  crystal. 
And  in  the  midst   of  the  throne  and  round  the   throne   rvere  four   living 

creatures,  fall  of  eyes  before  and  behind  : 

7  The  first  creature  was  like  a  lion, 
The  second  creature  like  a  calf, 

Thr  third  civaturehad  afm'Wkr  a  man's, 
Tlir  finirlh  rrcaLure  was  like  an  ,ii,i/r  Hying. 

8  And  the  four  living  creatures,  v:i(li.  si,,-  irimjs  apiece,  are  full  of  eyes  round 

them  and  inside  them  ; 


4^-5^^]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  473 

And  they  cease  not  day  and  night  to  say, 

"  Holy,  holy,  holy  is  the  Lord  God  the  almighty. 
Who  was  and  who  is  and  who  is  to  come." 
9  And  whenever  the  living  creatures  give  ^  praise  and  honour  and  thanks 
To  him  who  sits  upon  the  throne,  ivho  lives  for  ever  and  ever, 

10  The  four  and  twenty  elders  fall  down 

Before  him  who  sits  upon  the  throne. 
And  they  worship 

Him  ivho  lives  for  ever  and  ever, 
And  they  cast  their  wreaths 

Before  the  throne,  saying, 

11  "  Worthy  art  thou,  our  Lord  and  God, 

To  take  the  praise,  the  honour,  and  the  power  : 
For  all  things  thou  didst  create. 

Yea,  by  thy  will  they  existed  and  were  created." 
5  1        And  I  saw  on  the  right  hand  of  him  toho  sat  upon  the  throne,  a  booh 

2  written  inside  and  on  the  back,  sealed  fast  with  seven  seals.  Also  I  saw  a 
strong  angel  proclaiming  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Who  is  worthy  to  open  the 

3  book  and  unloose  the  seals  of  it  ? "  And  no  one  in  heaven  or  on  the 
earth  or  under  the   earth  was  able  to  open  the  book  or  to  look  at  it. 

4  And  I  wept  greatly,  because  no  one  was  found  worthy  to  open  the  book 

5  or  to  look  at  it.  And  one  of  the  elders  says  to  me,  "  Weep  not ;  lo, 
the  lion  which  is  from  the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  scion  of  David,  has  con- 

6  quered,  so  that  he  can  open  the  book  and  the  seven  seals  of  it."  And  in 
the  midst  of  the  throne  and  of  the  four  living  creatures,  and  in  the  midst 
of  the  four  and  twenty  elders,  I  saw  a  Lamb  standing  as  if  slain,  with  seven 
horns  and  seven  eyes,  which  are  the  seven  spirits  of  God  sent  out  into  all 

7  the  earth.     And  he  came  and  took  the  book  from  the  right  hand  of  him 

8  who  sits  upon  the  throne.  And  when  he  had  taken  it,  the  four  living 
creatures  and  the  four  and  twenty  elders  fell  down  before  the  Laml), 
each   holding  a  harp  and  golden   bowls   full   of  incense   (which   is  the 

9  prayers  of  the  saints).     And  they  sing  a  new  song,  saying, 

"  Worthy  art  thou  to  take  the  book 

And  to  open  the  seals  of  it. 

For  thou  wast  slain  and  hast  bought  for  God  by  thy  blood 

Men  from  every  tribe  and  language  and  people  and  nation, 

10  And  hast  made  them  a  realm  and  priests  to  our  God, 
And  tliey  shall  reign  ^  on  the  earth." 

11  And  I  looked,  and  round  the  throne  and  the  living  creatures  and  the 
elders,  I  heard  ^  the  voice  of  many  angels  (and  their  number  was  ten 

12  thouscmd  times  ten  thousand,  and  thousands  of  thousands),  saying  with  a  loud 
voice, 

"  Worthy  is  the  Lamb  which  has  been  slain. 

To  take  the  power  and  riches  and  wisdom  and  might 

And  honour  and  majesty  and  blessing." 

13  And  I  heard  every  creature  in  heaven  and  on  the  earth  and  under  the 
earth  and  on  the  sea,  and  all  things  in  them,  saying, 

"  To  him  who  sits  upon  the  throne  and  to  the  Lamb 
Be  the  blessing  and  the  honour 
And  the  majesty  and  the  dominion 
For  ever  and  ever." 

14  And  the  four  living  creatures  said  "  Amen,"  and  the  elders  fell  down  and 
worshipped. 

1  Beading  lua-uiriv,  -  Reading  ^Ko-iXiOcfouffm.  3  Omitting  [[««]]• 


474  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [6^-t 

6  1        And  I  looked  when  the  Lamb  opened  one  of  the  seven  seals,  and  I 

heard  one  of  the  four  living  creatures  say,  as  with  a  voice  of  thunder, 

2  "  Come."  And  I  looked,  and  lo,  a  white  horse :  and  he  who  sat  on  it  had  a 
bow,  and  a  wreath  was  given  him,  and  he  went  out  conquering  and  to  conquer. 

3  And   when  he   opened  the   second  seal,  I  heard  the  second    living 

4  creature  say,  "Come."  And  another  horse  went  out,  a  red  horse:  and  it 
was  granted  him  who  sat  on  it  to  take  peace  from  the  earth,  and  to  make 
men  slay  one  another,  and  a  great  sword  was  given  him. 

5  And  when  he  opened  the  third  seal,  I  heard  the  third  living  creature 
say,  "  Come."     And  I  looked,  and  lo,  a  black  horse :  and  he  who  sat  on  it 

6  had  a  pair  of  scales  in  liis  hand.  And  I  heard  as  it  were  a  voice  in  the 
middle  of  the  four  living  creatures,  saying,  "  A  measure  of  wheat  for  a 
denarius,  and  three  measures  of  barley  for  a  denarius  ;  and  injure  not  the 
the  oil  and  wine." 

7  And  when  he  opened  the  fourth  seal,  I  heard  the  voice  of  the  fourth 

8  living  creature  say,  "  Come."  And  I  looked,  and  lo,  a  pale  horse  :  and  he 
who  sat  on  it  was  called  "  Death"  and  "  Hades  "  followed  him.  And  he  ^ 
Avas  given  power  over  the  fourth  part  of  the  earth,  to  kill  icith  the  sioord 
and  with  famine  and  loith  flague,  and  by  means  of  the  wild  beasts  of  the  earth. 

9  And  when  he  opened  the  fifth  seal,  I  saw  underneath  the  altar  the 
souls  of  those  who  had   been  slain  for  the  word  of  God  and   for  the 

10  testimony  which  they  bore.  And  they  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  '■^Master, 
holy  and  true  !  how  long  wilt  thou  refrain  from  charging  and  avenging  our 

1 1  blood  on  those  who  dwell  ufon  the  earth  ?  "  And  they  were  given  each  a  white 
robe,  and  they  were  told  to  rest  a  little  while  yet,  until  their  number  should 
be  completed  ^  by  their  fellow-slaves  and  their  brothers  also,  who  were  to 
be  killed  like  themselves. 

12  And  I  looked  when  he  opened  the  sixth  seal,  and  a  great  earthquake 
took  place  ;  and  the  stm  became  black  as  hair  sackcloth,  and  the  full  moon 

13  became  like  blood,  and  the  stars  of  the  sky  fell  to  the  earth,  as  a  fig-tree 

14  shaken  by  a  strong  wind  casts  her  unripe  figs.  A7id  the  sky  was  put  aside 
like  a  book  when  it  is  folded  up,  and  all  mountains  and  islands  were  moved 

15  out  of  their  places.  And  the  kings  of  the  earth  and  the  magnates  and  the 
generals  and  the  rich  and  the  strong  and  every  slave  and  freeman,  hid 

16  themselves  in  the  caves  and  among  the  rocks  of  the  mountains  ;  and  they  say 
to  the  mountains  and  the  rocks, 

"  Fall  wpon  us  and  hide  us 

From  the  face  of  him  who  sits  upon  the  throne 
[And  from  the  wrath  of  the  Laml)] ; 

17  For  the  great  day  of  his^  ivrath  has  come, 
And  who  is  ahk  to  stand.''" 

7  1         After'*  this  I  saw  four  angels  stand  at  the  four  corners  of  the  earth  and 

hold  fast  til e  four  winds  of  the  earth,  to  prevent  any  wind  from  blowing  on 

2  the  earth  or  on  the  sea  or  on  any  tree.  And  I  saw  another  angel  come  up 
from  the  east  with  the  seal  of  the  living  God,  and  he  cried  with  a  loud 
voice  to  the  four  angels  who  were  permitted  to  injure  the  earth  and  the 

3  sea,  saying,  "  Injure  not  the  earth  nor  the  sea  nor  the  trees,  till  we  se((l  the 

4  slaves  of  our  God  on  their  foreheads.'''  And  I  heard  the  number  of  those 
who  were  sealed,  a  hundred  and  forty-four  thousand,  sealed  out  of  every 
tribe  of  the  sons  of  Israel, 

5  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  twelve  thousand,  sealed  : 
of  the  tribe  of  Reuben  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

1  Reading  alTu.  -  Reading  rivipajOSiriti. 

3  Reading  ccunv.  4  Omitting  [[««;]]. 


7''-8^]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  475 

of  the  tribe  of  Gad  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

6  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

of  the  tribe  of  Naphtali  twelve  thousand,  sealed  : 
of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

7  of  the  tribe  of  Symeon  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 
of  the  tribe  of  Levi  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

8  of  the  tribe  of  Zebulun  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 
of  the  tribe  of  Joseph  twelve  thousand,  sealed  : 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  twelve  thousand,  sealed : 

9  After  this  I  looked,  and  lo,  a  great  multitude  whicli  no  one  could 
number,  from  every  nation  and  from  all  tribes  and  peoijles  and  languages, 
standing  before  the  throne  and  before  the  Lamb,  clad  in  white  robes, 

10  with  palms  in  their  hands,  and  crying  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Salvation  to 

11  our  God  who  sits  upon  the  throne,  and  to  the  Lamb."  And  all  the  angels 
were  standing  round  the  throne  and  round  the  elders  and  the  four  living 
creatures,  and  they  fell  on  their  faces  before  the  throne  and  worshipped 

12  God,  saying, 

"  Amen  :  May  the  blessing  and  the  majesty  and  the  wisdom 

And  the  thanksgiving  and   the  honour  and  the  power  and  the 

might 
Be  to  our  God  for  ever  and  ever :  Amen." 

13  And  one  of  the  elders  addressed  me,  saying,  "Those  clad  in  the  white 

14  robes — who  are  they,  and  wliere  have  they  come  from  1 "  And  I  said  to 
him,  "  Sir,  thou  knowest  ?  "     And  he  said  to  me, 

"  These  are  they  who  come  out  of  the  great  distress. 

Who  washed  their  robes  and  made  them  white  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb. 

15  Therefore  they  are  before  God's  throne 

And  serve  him  day  and  night  within  his  temple, 
And  he  who  sits  wpon  the  throne  shall  spread  his  tabernacle  over  them. 

16  They  shall  hunger  no  more,  nor  thirst  any  more, 
Tlie  sun  shall  not  beat  on  them,  nor  any  heat ; 

17  For  the  Lamb  who  is  in  the  midst  of  the  throne  shall   he   their 

shepherd, 
And  guide  them  to  fountains  of  living  ivater. 
And  God  shall  wipe  all  tears  from  their  eyes." 
8  1        And  when  he  opened  the  seventh  seal,  a  silence  reigned  in  heaven  for 

2  about  half-an-hour.    And  I  saw  the  seven  angels  who  stand  before  God,  and 

3  seven  trumpets  were  given  to  them.  And  another  angel  came  and 
stood  at  the  altar  with  a  golden  censer,  and  much  incense  was  given  him  to 
be  added  to  the  prayers  of  all  the  saints,  upon  the  golden  altar  before  the 

4  throne.     And  the  smoke  of  the  incense  rose  up  from  the  angel's  hand  to 

5  aid  the  prayers  of  the  saints  before  God.  And  the  angel  took  the  censer 
and  filled  it  with  the  fire  of  the  altar,  and  threw  it  on  the  earth  ;  and  there 
came  thunders  and  voices  and  lightnings  and  an  earthquake. 

6  And  the  seven  angels  who  held  the  seven  trumpets  made  themselves 
ready  to  blow. 

7  And  the  first  blew  ;  and  there  came  hail  and  fire  mixed  with  blood, 
and  they  were  thrown  on  the  earth.  And  the  third  part  of  the  earth  was 
burnt  up,  and  the  third  part  of  the  trees  was  burnt  up,  and  all  green 
grass  was  burnt  up. 

8  And  the  second  angel  blew  ;  and  cts  it  were  a  great  mountain  burning 
with  fire  was  thrown  into  the  sea.     And  the  third  part  of  the  sea  became 


476  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [S^-O" 

9  Hood,  and  the  third  part  of  the  creatures  in  the  sea — of  living  things — 
died,  and  the  third  part  of  the  ships  was  destroyed. 

10  And  the  third  angel  blew;  and  there  fell  from  the  shj  a  great  star 
burning  like  a  torch,  and  it  fell  on  the  third  part  of  the  rivers  and  on  the 

11  fountains  of  the  waters.  And  the  name  of  the  star  is  called  "Worm- 
wood." And  the  third  part  of  the  waters  became  wormwood,  and  many 
men  died  of  the  waters,  because  they  had  become  bitter. 

12  And  the  fourth  angel  blew  ;  and  the  third  part  of  the  sun  was  smitten, 
with  the  third  part  of  the  moon  and  the  third  part  of  the  stars,  so  as  to 
darken  the  third  part  of  them,  and  prevent  a  third  of  the  day  from 
shining,  and  of  the  night  likewise. 

13  And  I  looked,  and  I  heard  an  eagle  flying  in  mid-heaven  and  saying 
with  a  loud  voice,  "  Woe,  woe,  woe  to  the  dwellers  on  the  earth,  for  the 
rest  of  the  trumpet-voices  of  the  three  angels  who  are  about  to  blow." 

9  1        And  the  fifth  angel  blew  ; 

And  I  saw  a  star  fallen  from  the  sky  to  the  earth. 
And  he  was  given  the  key  of  the  pit  of  the  abyss. 

2  And  he  opened  the  pit  of  the  abyss. 

And  smoke  rose  v.p  out  of  the  pit  liJx  the  smoke  of  a  greait  furnace, 
And  the  sun  and  the  air  were  darkened  with  the  smoke  from  the  pit. 

3  And  out  of  the  smoke  came  locusts  on  the  earth, 

And  they  were  given  power  like  the  power  of  the  scorpions  of  the  earth. 

4  And  they  were  told  not  to  injure  the  grass  of  the  earth  or  any  (jreen  thing 

or  any  tree, 
But  only  such  men  as  had  not  the  seal  of  God  w^)o?i  their  foreheads. 

5  And  they  were  permitted,  not  to  kill  but  to  torture  them  for  five  months, 

And  their  torture  was  like  the  torture  of  a  scorpion  stinging  a  man. 

6  And  in  those  days  men  shall  seek  death. 

Yet  they  shall  not  find  it : 
Yea,  they  shall  desire  to  die. 
Yet  death  flees  from  them. 

7  And  in  likeness  the  locusts  were  like  horses  armed /or  battle, 
And  on  their  heads  they  had  as  it  were  \vTeaths  like  gold, 
And  their  faces  were  like  men's  faces. 

8  And  they  had  hair  like  women's  hair. 
And  their  teeth  were  like  lion£  teeth, 

9  And  they  had  coats  of  mail,  as  it  were  iron  coats  of  mail. 

And  the  sound  of  their  wings  was  like  the  sound  of  chariots  with  many 
horses  rushing  into  battle ; 

10  And  they  have  tails  like  scorpions,  and  stings. 

And  their  ])Ower  of  injuring  men  for  five  months  is  in  their  tails. 

1 1  They  have  a  king  over  them,  tlie  angel  of  the  abyss. 

Who  is  called  in  Hebrew  "Abaddon,"  and  in 'Greek  "Apollyon." 

12  The  first  woe  has  passed  : 

Lo,  after  this,  two  woes  are  still  to  come. 

13  And  the  sixth  angel  blew  ;  and  I  heard  a  voice  from  the  four  ^  horns 

14  of  the  golden  altar  before  God,  saying  to  the  sixth  angel  with  the  trumpet, 

15  "Unloose  the  four  angels  bound  at  the  great  river  Euphrates."  And  the 
four  angels  were  iinloosed,  who  had  been  in  readiness  for  the  hour  and 

16  day  and  month  and  year,  to  kill  the  third  ]iart  of  men.  And  the  number 
of  the  troops  of  the  cavalry  was  twice  ten  thousand  times  ten  thousand  ; 

17  1  heard  their  number.  And  I  saw  the  horses  in  the  vision  and  those 
who  sat  on  them,  thus :  they  wore  coats  of  mail  the  colour  of  fire  and 

1  Reading  Tiero-dpuv. 


9i8_ii6j  T2g    APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  477 

jacinth  and  brimstone ;  the  heads  of  the  horses  were  like  lions'  heads,  and 

18  from  their  mouths  issue  fire  and  smoke  and  brimstone.  By  these  three 
plagues  the  third  part  of  men  was  killed,  by  the  fire  and  the  smoke  and 
the  brimstone  issuing  from  their  mouths. 

19  For  the  power  of  the  horses  is  in  their  mouth  and  in  their  tails  : 
Their  tails  are  like  serpents,  they  have  heads  and  with  them  they 

do  injury. 

20  And  the  rest  of  men,  who  were  not  killed  by  these  plagues,  did  not  '^ 
repent  of  the  works  of  their  hands,  to  give  up  worshipping  the  daemons  and 
the  idols  of  gold  and  silver  and  brass  and  stone  and  wood,  tvhich  can  neither 

•2 1  see  nor  hear  nor  walk ;  and  they  did  not  repent  of  their  murders,  nor  of 
their  sorcery,  nor  of  theiv  fo7-nication,  nor  of  their  thefts. 
10  1  And  I  saw  another  strong  angel  come  down  from  heaven,  clad  in 

a  cloud  ;  the  rainbow  on  his  head,  his  face  like  the  sun,  his  feet 

2  like  columns  of  fire,  and  in  his  baud  a  little  book  open.     And  he 

3  set  his  right  foot  on  the  sea  and  his  left  on  the  earth,  and  cried 
with  a  loud  voice,  as  a  lion  roars  ;  and  when  he  cried,  the  seven 

4  thunders  spoke  aloud.  And  when  the  seven  thunders  had  spoken, 
I  was  going  to  write  ;  but  I  heard  a  voice  from  heaven  saying, 
^' Seal  what   the  seven  thunders  have  spoken,  and  write  it  not." 

5  And  the  angel  whom  I  saw  standing  on  the  sea  and  earth,  lifted 

6  his  right  hand  to  the  shy  and  swore  by  him  who  lives  for  ever  and  ever, 
who  created  the  sky  and  the  things  in  it,  and  the  earth  and  the  things 
in  it,  and   the  sea  and  the  things  in  it,  that  there  shall  not  be  a 

7  respite  any  longer,  but  that  in  the  days  of  the  seventh  angel's  voice, 
when  he  is  to  blow,  then  shall  the  secret  of  God  be  finished,  according 

8  to  the  glad  tidings  which  he  gave  to  his  slaves  the  'prophets.  And 
the  voice  which  I  had  heard  from  heaven  talked  once  more  with  me 
and  said,  "  Go,  take  the  book  that  lies  open  in  the  hand  of  the  angel 

9  who  stands  on  the  sea  and  on  the  earth."  So  I  went  away  to  the 
angel  and  bade  him  give  me  the  little  book;  and  he  says  to  me, 
"  Take  and  eat  it,  and  it  shall  make  thy  belly  bitter,  but  in  thy  mouth 

10  it  shall  be  sweet  as  honey."  And  I  took  the  little  book  from  the 
hand  of  the  angel  and  ate  it,  and  it  was  siveet  as  honey  in  my  mouth ; 

1 1  yet,  when  I  had  eaten  it,  my  belly  became  bitter.  And  they  say  to 
me,  "  niou  must  again  prophesy  of  many  peoples  and  nations  and 
languages  and  kings." 

Ill  And  there  was  given  to  me  a  reed  like  a  staff,  with  the  words, 

''  Rise  and  measure  the  temple  of  God,  and  the  altar,  and  those  who 

2  worship  there  ;  yet  leave  out  the  court  which  is  outside  the  temple ; 
measure  it  not,  for  it  has  been  given  to  the  nations,  and  they  shall 

3  trample  on  the  holy  city  for  two  and  forty  months.  And  I  will 
permit  my  two  witnesses  to  prophesy  for  one  thousand  two  hundred 

4  and  sixty  days,  clad  in  sackcloth.  These  are  the  two  olives  and  the 
two  lampstands  which  stand  htfore  the  Lord  of  the  earth. 

5  And  if  anyone  would  injure  them, 

Fire  issues  from  their  mouth  and  devours  their  enemies  ; 
Yea,  if  anyone  should  wish  to  injure  them, 
So  must  he  be  killed ! 

6  These  have  the  power  of  closing  the  sky. 

So  that  no  rain  falls  during  the  days  of  their  prophesying ; 
And  they  have  power  over  the  waters. 
To  turn  them  into  blood, 

1  Reading  oi. 


478  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [llM2^ 

And  to  smite  the  earth 

JFith  every  plague,  as  often  as  they  wish. 

7  And  when  they  finish  their  testimony,  the  beast  who  ascends  out  of  the 
abyss  shall  make  tvar  against  them  aad  conquer  them  and  kill  them. 

8  And  their  corpses  lie  in  the  street  of  the  great  city  which  is  called 
spiritually  '  Sodom  '  and  '  Egypt,'  where  their  Lord  also  was  crucified. 

9  And  men  from  the  peoples  and  tribes  and  languages  and  nations 
look  on  their  corpses  for  three  days  and  a  half,  and  will  not  allow 

10  their  corpses  to  be  laid  in  a  tomb.  And  the  dwellers  on  earth 
rejoice  over  them  and  arc  glad,  yea,  they  shall  exchange  presents ; 

11  for  these  two  prophets  tortured  the  dwellers  on  the  earth.  And  after 
the  three  days  and  a  half,  llic  spirit  of  life  from  God  entered  them  unci 

12  then  ■'■^oo(/  on  tlteirfcd,  and  great  fear  fell  on  those  who  saw  them.  Then 
they  heard  a  loud  voice  from  heaven  saying  to  them,  "Come  up  hither." 
And  theyascendedMiio/ieaveu  in  the  cloud, and  their  enemies  sawthem. 

13  And  at  that  hour  agreed  eevrthi[uake  came,  and  the  tenth  part  of  the 
city  fell ;  and  in  the  earthquake  seven  thousand  persons  were  killed, 
and  the  rest  became  terrified  and  did  honour  to  the  God  of  heaven.'''' 

14  The  second  woe  lias  jiassed  : 

Lo,  the  third  woe  is  coming  speedily. 

15  And   the  seventh   angel   blew  ;   and   there  followed   loud  voices   in 
heaven  saying, 

"  The  realm  of  the  world  has  Ijecome  our  Lord's  and  his  Christ's, 
And  he  shall  reign  for  ever  and  ever." 

16  And  the  four  and  twenty  elders  who  sit  upon  their  thrones  before  God, 

17  fell  on  their  faces  and  worshipped  God,  saying, 

"  We  give  thanks  to  thee,  Lord  God  the  almighty, 
Who  art  and  who  wast, 
For  thou  hast  taken  thy  great  power 
And  entered  on  thy  reign. 

18  And  the  nations  were  rvroth ; 
Then  thy  wrath  came, 

And  the  time  for  the  dead  to  be  judged, 
And  for  their  reward  to  be  given  to  thy  slaves  the  prophets. 
And;, to  the  saints  ^  lohofear  thy  name. 
The  small  and  the  great,^ 
And  for  the  destroyers  of  the  earth  to  be  destroj'ed." 

19  And  the  temple  of  God  in  heaven  was  opened. 
And  the  ark  of  his  covenant  was  seen  in  his  temple ; 

And  ther(!  came  lirjhtnings  and  voices  and  thunders  and  an  earthquake  and 
great  hail. 
12  1        And  a  great  sign  was  seen  in  heaven,  a  woman  clad  with  the  sun, 
beneath  her  feet  the  moon,  and  on  her  head  a  wreath  of  twelve  stars ; 

2  and  being  with  child,  she  cries  out  in  her  pangs  of  travail,  in  anguish  for 

3  dfiiirerg.     And  another  sign  was  seen  in  heaven :  lo,  a  great  red  dragon 

4  with  seven  heads  and  ten  /(or«x,  and  on  his  heads  seven  diadems;  and  his 
tail  dragged  the  third  part  of  tlie  stars  of  the  sky  (Oid  threw  them  to  the 
eartli.  And  the  dragon  stands  before  the  woman  who  is  on  the  point  of 
being  delivered ;  so  that  when  she  is  delivered,  he  may  devour  her  child. 

5  And  she  bure  a  son,  a  male,  who  is  to  sliephcrd  all  tlie  nations  viih  an  iron 

6  rod ;  and  her  child  was  caught  up  to  God  and  to  his  throne.  Then  the 
woman  fled  into  the  wilderness,  where  she  has  a  place  prepared  by  God, 
that  they  may  nourish  her  there  for  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty 

1  Oniittillg  XKi.  -  Reading  ro'i;  fnxpoii  xeil  Tois  /^'.yoiXoit. 


12M3^]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  479 

7  days.  And  war  broke  out   in   heaven,  Michael  and  his  angels 

8  warring  with  the  dragon.  And  the  dragon  and  his  angels  fought,  yet 
they  prevailed  not ;   and  there  was  no  longer  any  place  for  them  in  heaven. 

9  And  the  great  dragon  was  thrown  down,  tlte  old  serpent,  who  is  called 
the  '■'■JJcvir^  and  "  Sataii,^''  who  seduces  the  whole  world — he  was  thrown 

10  down  to  the  earth,  and  his  angels  were  thrown  down  with  him.  And  I 
heard  a  loud  voice  in  heaven  saying, 

"  Now  has  come  the  salvation  and  the  power, 

And  the  reign  of  our  God  and  the  authority  of  his  Christ, 
Because  the  accuser  of  our  brothers  is  thrown  down. 
Their  accuser  day  and  night  before  our  God. 

11  And  they  conquered  him  by  the  blood  of  the  Lamb, 

And  by  the  word  of  their  testimony  ; 
Yea,  they  loved  not  their  life  to  the  death. 

12  Be  glad  for  this,  0  heavens. 
And  ye  that  dwell  in  them ! 

Woe  to  the  earth  and  the  sea ! 

Since  the  devil  has  gone  down  to  you  greatly  enraged, 

For  he  knows  that  his  time  is  short." 

13  And  when  the  dragon  saw  that  he  was  thrown  down  to  the  earth,  he 

14  pursued  the  woman  who  had  borne  the  male  child.  But  the  woman  had 
the  two  wings  of  the  great  eagle  given  her,  to  fly  into  the  wilderness  to 
her  place,  where  she  is  nourished  for  a  time  and  times  and  half  a  time, 

15  away  from  the  serpent.     And  out  of  his  mouth  the  serpent  threw  water 

16  after  the  woman  like  a  river,  to  get  her  swept  away  by  the  stream.  But 
the  earth  helped  the  woman,  and  opened  its  mouth,  and  swallowed  up 

17  the  river  which  the  dragon  threw  out  of  his  mouth.  And  the  dragon  was 
wroth  at  the  woman,  and  went  off  to  make  war  with  the  rest  of  her 
offspring,  with  those  who  keep  the  conmiandments  of  God,  and  hold  the 
testimony  of  Jesus. 

13  1        And  I  stood  ^  on  the  sand  of  the  sea  and  saw  a  beast  coming  up  out  of  the 
sea  with  ten  horns  and  seven  heads,  and  on  his  horns  ten  diadems,  and 

2  on  his  heads  a  blasphemous  name.^  And  the  beast  which  I  saw  was  like  a, 
leopard,  and  his  feet  were  like  a,  bear's,  and  his  jaws  like  a,  lion's  jaws  ;  and 
the  dragon  gave  him  his  power  and  his  throne  and  great  authority. 

3  And  I  saw  one  of  his  heads,  as  it  were  slain  and  dead  ;  yet  his  mortal 
wound  was  healed. 

And  the  whole  earth  went  after  the  beast  in  wonder  : 

4  And  they  worshipped  the  dragon  for  having  given  his  authority  to  the 
beast, 

And  they  worshipped  the  beast,  saying, 
"  Who  is  like  the  beast  1 
And  who  can  fight  with  him  ? " 

5  And  he  had  a  mouth  given  him  with  big  and  blasphemous  words, 

And  he  had  authority  given  him  to  exercise  for  two  and  forty  months. 

6  And  he  opened  his  mouth  for  blasphemies  against  God,  to  blaspheme  his 
name  and  his  dwelling  and  ^  the  dwellers  in  heaven. 

7  And  he  was  permitted  to  make  war  with  the  saints  and  to  conquer  them. 

And  he  had  authority  given  him  over  every  tribe  and  people  and 
language  and  nation. 

8  And  he  shall  be  worshipped  by  all  the  dwellers  on  the  earth. 

By  everyone  whose  name  has  not  been  written  from  the  foundation 
of  the  world  in  the  book  of  life  [of  the  slain  Lamb]. 
1  Reading  i(rTocSr,v.  -'  Reading  ovo^k.  3  Adding  xoci. 


480  HISTORICAL    NEW   TESTAMENT  [13^-14^ 

9  If  anyone  has  an  ear, 

Let  bim  hear. 

10  If  anyone  makes  captive, 

Captive  shall  he  go  : 
If  anyone  kills  'ipith  the  sword, 

With  the  sword  must  he  be  killed. 
Here  is  room  for  the  patience  and  the  faith  of  the  saints, 

1 1  And  I  saw  another  beast  coming  up  out  of  the  earth,  and  he 

12  had  two  horns  like  a  lamb,  and  he  spoke  like  a  dragon.  And  he  exercises 
the  entire  authority  of  the  first  beast,  in  his  presence,  and  makes  the  earth 
and  the  dwellers  on  it  worship  the  first  beast,  whose  mortal  wound  was 

13  healed.     And  he  performs  great  signs,  so  as  even  to   make  tire  come 

14  down  from  the  sky  upon  earth  before  men.  And  he  seduces  the 
dwellers  on  earth  by  the  signs  which  he  was  permitted  to  perform  in 
presence  of  the  beast,  bidding  the  dwellers  on  the  earth  make  an  image 

15  for  the  beast  who  has  the  wound  of  the  sword  and  yet  lives.  And  he  was 
permitted  to  give  breath  to  the  image  of  the  beast,  that  the  image  of  the 
beast  should  speak,  and  should  also  cause  all  ivho  do  not  worship  the  image 

16  of  the  beast  to  be  killed.  And  all,  the  small  and  the  great,  the  rich  and 
the  poor,  the  free  men  and  the  slaves,  he  causes  to  have  a  mark  set  on 

17  their  right  hand  or  on  their  forehead,  so  that  ^  no  one  can  buy  or  sell  unless 
he  is  marked  with  the  name  of  the  beast  or  the  number  of  his  name. 

18  Now  for  "wisdom":  let  him  who  has  understanding  count  the  number 
of  the  beast,  for  it  is  the  numljer  of  a  man ;  and  his  number  is  666. 

14  1  And  I  looked. 

And  lo,  the  Lamb  stood  on  the  mountain  of  Zion, 

And  with  him  one  hundred  and  forty-four  thousand,  who  had  his  name 
and  his  Father's  name  written  on  their  foreheads. 

2  And  I  heard  a  voice  from  heaven  like  the  sound  of  many  luaters  and  the 

sound  of  loud  thunder. 
And  the  voice  which  I  heard  was  like  the  sound  of  harpers  harjsing  on 
their  harps ; 

3  And  they  sing  a  ^  new  song  before  the  throne  and  before  the  four  living 

creatures  and  the  elders  ; 
And  no  one  could  learn  the  song,  except  the  hundred  and  forty-four 
thousand  who  are  bought  from  out  of  the  earth. 

4  These  are  men  who  have  not  defiled  themselves  with  women  ;  they 

are  celibates. 
These  are  men  who  follow  the  Lamb,  wherever  he  goes. 
These  are  bought  from  among  men  as  firstfruits  to  God  [and  to  the 

Lamb]. 

5  And  in  their  mouth  no  lie  was  found;  they  are  faultless. 

6  And  I  saw  another  angel  flying  in  mid-heaven  with  an  eternal  gospel 
for  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,  and  for  every  nation  and   tribe  and 

7  language  and  people,  saying  with  a  loud  voice, 

"  Fear  God  and  do  him  honour, 
Because  the  hour  of  his  judgment  is  come  ; 

And  worship  the  maker  of  the  sky  and  earth,  the  sea  and  fountains  of 
waters." 

8  And  another,  a  second,  angel  succeeded,  saying, 

"  Fallen,  fallen  is  Babylon  the  great. 

She  who  Acts  made  all  the  nations  drink 

Of  the  wine  of  the  passion  of  her  fornication." 

1  Oiiiittiug  [[**<']].  2  Omitting  i.t. 


14M5*]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  481 

9        And  another,  a  third,  angel  succeeded  them,  saying  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  If  anyone  worships  the  beast  and  his  image. 

And  accepts  the  mark  on  his  forehead  or  on  his  hand, 

10  He  too  drinks  of  the  wine  of  God's  wrath, 

Poured  out  unmixed  in  the  cwp  of  his  anger, 
And  shall  be  tortured  with^re  and  brimstone 

In  the  presence  of  the  holy  angels  [and  in  presence  of  the  Lamb]  ; 

11  And  the  smoke  of  their  torment  goes  up  for  ever  and  for  ever. 
And  they  have  no  rest  by  day  or  night, 

The  worshippers  of  the  beast  and  of  his  image, 
And  he  who  accepts  the  mark  of  his  name. 

12  [Here  is  room  for  the  i:)atience  of  the  saints, 

Of  those  who  keep  the  commandments  of  God  and  the  faith  of 
Jesus." 

13  And  I  heard  a  voice  from  heaven  saying,  "Write  : 

'  Happy  the  dead  who  die  from  henceforth  in  the  Lord  ! 
Yea,  saith  the  Spirit,  happy  to  rest  from  their  labours  ! 
For  their  works  follow  after  them.' "] 

14  And  /  looked  :  and  lo,  a  white  cloud,  and  on  the  cloud  one  sitting  like  a 
son  of  man,  with  a  golden  wreath  on  his  head,  and  in  his  hand  a  sharp 

15  sickle.  And  another  angel  came  out  of  the  temple,  crying  with  a  loud  voice 
to  him  who  sat  upon  the  cloud, 

"  Thrust  in  thy  sickle,  and  reap  : 

For  the  reaping  hour  is  come, 

For  the  harvest  of  the  earth  is  ripe  and  dry." 

1 6  Then  he  who  sat  on  the  cloud  threw  his  sickle  on  the  earth,  and  the  earth 

17  was  reaped.  And  another  angel  came  out  of  the  temple  which  is 

18  in  heaven,  he  too  with  a  sharp  sickle.  And  another  angel  came  out  of  the 
altar,  with  ^  power  over  the  fire  ;  and  he  cried  with  a  loud  voice  to  him  who 
had  the  sharp  sickle,  saying, 

"  llirust  in  thy  sharp  sickle 

And  pluck  the  clusters  of  the  vine  of  the  earth  ; 

For  her  grapes  are  fully  ripe." 

19  Then  the  angel  threw  his  sickle  to  the  earth  and  plucked  the  vintage  of 

20  the  earth  and  threw  it  into  the  great  winepress  of  God's  wrath.  And  the 
winepress  was  trampled  outside  the  city ;  and  out  came  blood  from  the 
winepress,  high  as  horse-bridles  and  covering  two  hundred  miles. 

15  1         And  I  saw  another  sign  in  heaven,  great  and  marvellous  ;  seven  angels 
with  seven  plagues — the  last  plagues,  because  in  them  the  wrath  of  God  is 

2  finished.  And  I  saw  as  it  were  a  sea  of  glass  mingled  with  fire, 
and  those  who  came  off  conquerors  from  the  beast  and  from  his  image  and 
from  the  number  of  his  name,  standing  beside  the  sea  of  glass  with  harps 

3  of  God.  And  they  sing  the  song  of  Moses  the  slave  of  God  [and  the  song  of 
the  Lamb],  saying, 

"  Great  and  marvellous  arc  thy  works, 

Lord  God  the  almighty  ! 
Just  and  true  thy  ways. 

King  of  the  nations ! 

4  Who  shall  not  fear,  0  Lord,  and  magnify  thy  name? 

For  thou  alone  art  holy, 
For  all  nations  shall  come  and  worship  before  thee, 
Because  thy  judgments  have  been  disclosed." 
1  Omitting  [[s*]]. 

31 


482  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [iS^-lB^i 

5  And  after  this  I  looked,  and  the  temple  of  the  tent  of  the  testimony  in 

6  heaven  was  opened  ;  and  out  of  the  temple  came  the  seven  angels  with 
the  seven  plagues,  arrayed  in  pure  dazzling  linen,  and  their  breasts  girt 

7  with  golden  girdles.  And  one  of  the  four  living  creatures  gave  the  seven 
angels  seven  golden  bowls,  full  of  the  wrath  of  the  God  who  lives  for  ever 

8  and  ever.  And  the  temple  was  filled  with  smoke  from  the  splendour  of  God 
and  from  his  power,  and  no  one  could  enter  the  temple  till  the  seven  plagues 

16  1  of  the  seven  angels  were  finished.  And  I  heard  a  loud  voice  out 

of  the  temple  saying  to  the  seven  angels,  "  Go  and  pour  out  the  seven  bowls 
of  God's  wrath  on  the  earth." 

2  And  the  first  went  off  and  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  earth  ;  and  a 
noisome  and  painful  ulcer  came  upon  the  men  who  had  the  mark  of  the 
beast  and  who  worshipped  his  image. 

3  And  the  second  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  sea  ;  and  it  became  blood 
as  of  a  dead  man  ;  and  the  things  in  the  sea,  every  living  soul,  died. 

4  And  the  third  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  rivers  and  the  fountains  of 

5  the  waters  ;  and  they  became  blood.  And  I  heard  the  angel  of  the  waters 
say, 

"  Just  art  thou. 
Who  art  and  who  wast,  0  holy  One, 
Because  of  these  thy  judgments  ! 

6  Blood  of  saints  and  prophets  they  poured  out, 

And  blood  thou  hast  given  them  to  drink, 
As  they  deserve." 

7  And  I  heard  the  altar  say, 

"  Yea,  Lord  God  the  almighty ! 
True  and  just  are  thy  judgments ! " 

8  And  the  fourth  poured  out  his  bowl  upon  the  sun ;  and  he  was  per- 

9  mitted  to  scorch  men  with  fire.  And  men  were  scorched  with  great  heat, 
and  they  blasphemed  the  name  of  the  God  who  has  the  power  over  these 
plagues  ;  yet  they  did  not  repent  and  do  him  honour. 

10  And  the  fifth  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  throne  of  the  beast ;  and 

11  his  realm  was  darkened,  and  men  gnawed  their  tongues  for  pain  and 
blasphemed  the  God  of  heaven  for  their  pains  and  for  their  ulcers ;  yet 
they  did  not  repent  of  their  works. 

12  And  the  sixth  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  great  river '^  Euphrates; 
and  its  water  was  dried  up,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  kings /rom  the  east. 

13  And  I  saw  issuing  from  the  mouth  of  the  dra^'on  and  from  the  mouth  of 
the  beast  and  from  the  mouth  of  the  false  pn>i)het,  three  unclean  spirits 

14  like /rof/s;  they  are  spirits  of  daemons,  performing  signs,  and  they  go  forth 
to  the  kings  of  the  whole  world  to  muster  them  for  the  M^ar  of  the  great 

15  day  of  God  the  almighty.  [Lo,  I  come  like  a  thief.  Happy  the  man  who 
is  wakeful  and  keeps  his  garments,  not  to  go  naked  and  have  his  shame 

16  seen  !]  And  they  mustered  them  at  the  place  called  in  Hebrew,  "  Har- 
Magedon." 

17  And  the  seventli  poured  out  his  bowl  on  the  air  ;  and  there  came  a 

18  loud  voice  out  of  the  temple,  from  the  throne,  saying,  "  It  is  done."  Tiien 
came  lightnings  and  voices  and  thunders;  and  a  great  earthquake  took 
place,  so  great,  so  mighty  an  earthc^uake  as  has  not  been  since  man  zvas 

19  upon  earth.  And  the  great  city  parted  in  three,  and  the  cities  of  the 
nations  fell.     So  God  remembered  Babylon  the  great,  to  give  her  the  cup 

20  of  the  wiyxc  of  the  wrath  of  his  anger.     And  every  island  fled  away,  and  the 

21  mountains  were  not  to  be  found.     And  great  hail,  stones  about  a  talent's 

»  Omitting  [[«►]]. 


171-182]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  483 

weight,  dropped  from  the  sky  upon  men  ;  and  men  blasphemed  God  for 
the  plague  of  the  hail,  because  the  plague  of  it  is  terribly  great. 

17  1  And  one  of  the  seven  angels  who  had  the  seven  bowls  came  and  talked 
with  me,  saying,  "Come  hither,  I  will  show  thee  the  judgment  of  the 
great  harlot  who  sits  upon  many  waters  : 

2  The  kings  of  the  earth 

Committed  fornication  with  her, 
And  the  dwellers  on  the  earth 

Were  made  drunk  with  the  wine  of  Iter  fornication." 

3  And  in  the  Spirit  he  bore  me  away  into  a  wilderness.  And  I  saw  a 
woman  sitting  on  a  scarlet  beast,  which  was  full  of  blasphemous  names, 

4  with  seven  heads  and  ten  horns.  And  the  woman  was  clad  in  purple 
and  scarlet,  and  she  had  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones 
and   pearls,   with   a  golden   cup    full   of    abominations,    the   impurities 

5  of  her   fornication,   in   her   right  hand,  and  on   her   forehead   a   name 
8  written    which    is    a    symbol :    "  Babylon    the    great,    mother     of 

6  THE    HARLOTS    AND    THE     ABOMINATIONS     OF    THE    EARTH."      And     I    SaW 

the   woman  drunk  with  the   blood   of  the   saints  [and  with  the  blood 
of   the   witnesses    of   Jesus].     And   mightily  I  wondered,  when    I   saw 

7  her.  And  the  angel  said  to  me,  "  Why  wonder  ?  I  will  explain  to 
thee  the  symbol  of  the  woman,  and  of  the  beast  with  the  seven  heads 

8  and  the  ten  horns  that  carries  her.  The  beast  whicli  thou  didst  see, 
was,  and  is  not,  and  is  to  come  up  oiht  of  the  abyss,  and  to  perdition  he 
goes.^  And  the  dwellers  on  the  earth  shall  wonder  (all  tohose  names  are 
not  written  from  the  foundation  of  the  world  in  the  book  of  life)  when  they 

9  find  that  the  beast  was  and  is  not  and  comes  again.  Now  for  the  mind 
which  has  '  wisdom ' : — the  seven  heads  are  seven  mountains  where  the 

10  woman  sits.  And  there  are  seven  kings  ;  five  are  fallen,  one  is,  the  other 
has  not   yet  come,  and  when  he  comes,  he    must   remain   but   a   little 

1 1  while.    And  the  beast  which  was  and  is  not,  is  the  eighth,  and  also  belongs 

12  to  the  seven  ;  and  to  perdition  he  goes.  And  the  ten  horns  which  thou 
didst  see  are  ten  kings,  who  have  received  no  royal  power  as  yet,  but 

13  receive  authority  for  an  hour  as  kings  along  with  the  beast.  These 
have  one  purpose,  and  their  power  and  their  authority  they  give  to 
the  beast. 

14  These  shall  fight  with  the  Lamb 

And  by  the  Lamb  shall  they  be  conquered — 
Because  he  is  Lord  of  lords  and  King  of  kings — 

And  by  those  who  are  with  him,  called  and  chosen  and  faithful." 

15  And  he  said  to  me,  "  The  ivaters  which  thou  didst  see,  where  the  harlot 

16  sits,  are  peoples  and  throngs  and  nations  and  languages.  As  for  the  ten 
horns  which  thou  didst  see,  and  the  beast,  these  shall  hate  the  harlot,  and 
make  her  desolate  and  naked,  and  devour  her  flesh,  and  burn  her  up  with 

17  fire.  For  God  has  put  it  in  their  hearts  to  execute  his  purpose,  to  agree 
upon  one  purpose  and  also  to  give  their  royal  power  to  the  beast,  till  the 

18  words  of  God  shall  be  fulfilled.  And  the  woman  whom  thou  didst  see, 
is  the  great  city  whose  reign  is  over  the  kings  of  the  earth." 

18  1        After  this  I  saw  another  angel  come  down  from  heaven  with  great 
2  authority,  and  the  earth  was  lit  up  with  his  brightness.     And  he  cried 
M'ith  a  mighty  voice,  saying, 

"  Fallen,  fallen  is  Babylon  the  great, 
And  become  a  dwelling  of  daemons, 

1  Reading  uriyu. 


484  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [18=^-" 

And  a  prison  of  every  spirit  unclean, 

And  a  prison  of  every  bird  unclean  and  hateful ; 

3  Because  of  the  wine  of  the  passion  of  her  fornication 

All  the  nations  have  drunk, 
And  the  kings  of  the  earth 

Have  committed  fornication  vnth  her, 
And  the  merchants  of  the  earth 

Have  become  rich  by  her  wealth  of  wantonness." 

4  And  I  heard  another  voice  from  heaven  say, 

"  Gome  out  of  her,  my  peojde, 
That  you  share  not  in  her  sins. 
And  that  you  partake  not  of  her  plagiies  ; 

5  For  heaped  uf  to  the  sky  are  her  sins, 
And  God  has  remembered  her  misdeeds. 

6  Render  to  her  even  as  she  rendered. 

Yea  double  her  measure  according  to  her  icorks ; 
In  the  cup  that  she  mixed,  mix  for  her  double  : 

7  As  she  magnified  herself  and  wantoned, 

Give  her  as  much  torture  and  mourning. 
Because  in  her  heart  she  says,  "  A  Queen  1  sit. 
No  loidoiv  am  I,  and  mourning  I  shall  not  see ;  " 

8  Therefore  in  one  day  her  plagues  shall  come, 

Death  and  mourning  and  famine. 
And  Avith  fire  she  shall  be  burned  up  ; 
For  strong  is  the  Lord  God  her  judge. 

9  And  over  her  shall  toeep  and  ivail  the  kings  of  the  earth. 

Who  comm.itted  fornication  icith  her  and  wantoned. 
When  they  look  on  the  smoke  of  her  burning — 

10  Standing  far  away  in  dread  of  her  torture. 
Saying  "  Woe,  woe  for  the  great  city, 

Babylon  the  strong  city! 

For  in  one  hour  has  thy  judgment  come." 

1 1  And  the  'merchants  of  the  earth  shall  weep  and  mourn  over  her, 
For  no  one  buys  their  merchandise  any  more  : 

12  Merchandise  of  gold  and   silver  and    precious    stones    and 

pearls, 
And  line  linen  and  purple  and  silk  and  scarlet, 
And  all  citron-wood  and  every  article  of  ivory, 
And  every  article  of  most  precious  wood. 
And  of  brass  and  iron  and  marble  : 

13  And  cinnamon  and  amoaium  and  incense  and  perfume  and 

frankincense. 
And  wine  and  oil  and  fine  Hour  and  wheat. 
And  cattle  and  sheep  and  horses  and  chariots, 
And  slaves  and  human  souls. 

15  The  merchants  of  these  things,  who  gained  wealth  !)}■  her, 

Far  away  shall  they  stand  in  dread  of  her  torture. 
Weeping  and  mourning : 

16  Saying,  "  Woe,  woe  for  the  great  city, 

Clacl  in  fine  linen  and  purple  and  scarlet. 

With  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious  stones  and  pearls  ! 

17  For  in  one  liour  all  this  wealth  has  come  to  ruin." 
And  every  shipmaster  and  every  coasting  mariner, 

And  sailors  and  all  whose  business  is  on  the  sea. 


1818-19^]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF    JOHN  485 

18  Stood  far  away  and  cried,  as  they  looked  on  the  smoke  of  her 

burning, 
"  JFJiat  is  like  the  great  city  1 " 

19  And  they  threiv  dust  on  their  heads  and  cried, 

TVeejnng  and  mourning ;  "  Woe,  woe  for  the  great  city, 
Where  all  who  had  shifs  in  the  sea  gained,  riches, 

By  means  of  her  ivealth! 
For  in  one  hour  she  has  come  to  ruin." 

20  Be  glad  over  her,  0  heaven, 

Ye  saints,  apostles,  and  i3rophets  : 

For  God  has  judged  her  with  your  judgment." 

21  And  a  strong  angel  took  up  a  stone  like  a  great  mill-stone,  and  threiv  it 
into  the  sea,  saying, 

"  So  shall  Babylo7i  the  grecU  city  be  thrown  down  with  sudden  onset, 
And  never  be  found  any  more. 

22  And   the  sound   of   harjiers   and   musicians    and    tluteplayers   and 

trumpeters 

Shall  never  he  heard  in  thee  more : 
And  a  craftsman  of  any  craft 

Shall  never  be  found  in  thee  more  : 
And  the  sound  of  a  mill-stone 

Shall  never  be  heard  in  thee  more  : 

23  And  the  light  of  a  lamp 

Shall  never  be  seen  in  thee  more  : 
And  the  voice  of  bridegroom  and  bride 
Shall  never  be  heard  in  thee  more. 
14  And  the  ripe  fruit  of  thy  soul's  desire 

Has  gone  from  thee  ! 
And  all  things  rich  and  radiant 
Have  j)erished  from  thee. 
Nevermore  shall  they  be  found  ! 
For  thy  merchants  were  the  magnates  of  the  earth ; 
For  by  thy  sorcery  all  the  nations  were  seduced. 

24  [And  in  her  was  found  the  blood  of  prophets  and  of  saints, 

And  of  all  who  have  been  slain  upon  the  earth.']  " 
19  1        After  this  I  heard  as  it  were  a  loud  voice  of  a  great  multitude  in 
heaven,  saying, 

"  Halleluiah ! 
The  salvation  and  the  majesty  and  the  power  belong  to  our  God, 

2  For  true  and  just  arc  his  judgments : 
For  he  has  judged  the  great  harlot, 

Who  destroyed  the  earth  with  her  fornication, 
And  has  avenged  the  blood  of  his  slaves 
At  her  hand." 

3  And  a  second  time  they  said, 

^'■Hallelujah ! 
And  the  smoke  of  her  goes  up  for  ever  and  ever  !  " 

4  And  the   four   and    twenty  elders   and   the   four   living  creatures   fell 
down  and  worshipped  the  God  who  sits  upon  the  throne,  saying,  "  Amen  : 

5  Hallelujah."     And  a  voice  came  out  of  the  throne,  saying, 

"  Extol  our  God,  all  ye  his  slaves. 
Ye  who  fear  him,  small  and  great." 
G  And  I  heard  as  it  ivere  the  voice  of  a  great  midtitude,  and  as  it  were  the 
'  of  many  waters,  and  as  it  were  the  sound  of  mighty  thunders,  saying, 


486  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l9^-20^ 

"  Hallelujah ! 
For  the  Lord  our  God  alrairjhiy  is  Icing. 

7  Let  us  joy  and  rejoice 

And  give  him  due  honour  ; 
For  the  marriage  of  the  Lamb  has  come, 
And  his  wife  has  made  herself  ready, 

8  And  she  is  permitted  to  put  on  fine  linen,  dazzling  and  pure 

(The  fine  linen  is  the  upright  deeds  of  the  saints)." 

9  And  he  says  to  me,  "  Write  :  '  Hapi3y  those  who  are  called  to  the  marriage- 
supper  of  the  Lamb  ! ' "     And  he  says  to  me,  "  These  are  the  ^  true  words 

10  of  God."  And  I  fell  down  before  his  feet  to  worship  him.  But  he  says 
to  me, 

"  Not  so  !  beware  ! 
I  am  a  fellow-slave  of  thine, 
And  of  thy  brothers  who  hold  the  testimony  of  Jesus. 

Worship  God  ! 
[For  the  testimony  of  Jesus  is  the  spirit  of  prophecy.] " 

11  And  I  saw  heaven  opened  : 
And  lo,  a  white  horse  ! 

And  he  who  sits  on  it  is  called  "  Faithful  "  and  "  True," 
And  icith  ^qmghtness  he  judges  and  fights. 

12  His  eyes  ave  a.  ^(ime  of  fire, 

And  on  his  head  are  many  diadems. 
And  he  has  a  name  Avhich  none  knows,  save  himself  ; 

13  And  he  is  clad  in  a  garment  dipped  in  blood 
[And  his  name  is  called  "  The  Logos  of  God  "]. 

14  And  tlie  troops  in  heaven  followed  him  on  white  horses. 

Clothed  in  fine  linen,  white  and  pure. 

15  And   from   his  mouth  issues  a  sharp  sword,  wherewith  to  smite  the 

nations : 
And  he  shall  shepherd  them  with  an  iron  rod. 
And  he  tramples  theioinepress  of  the  wrath  of  the  anger  of  the  almighty  God. 

16  And  on  his  garment  and  on  his  thigh  he  has  a  name  written, 

"King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords." 

17  And  I  saw  an  angel  stand  in  the  sun,  and  he  cried  with  a  loud  voice 
to  all  the  birds  that  fly  in  mid-heaven,  "  Gome,  gather  to  the  great  supper  of 

18  God,  to  eat  the  llesh  of  kings,  and  the  flesh  of  generals,  and  iha  flesh  of  the 
strong,  and  the  flesh  of  horses  and  of  their  riders,  and  the  flesh  of  all  men, 

19  free  and  slaves  and  small  and  great."  And  I  saw  the  beast  and  the 
Icings  of  the  earth  and  their  troops,  gathered  to  make  war  against  him  who 

20  sat  on  the  horse  and  against  his  troops.  And  the  beast  was  caught,  and 
along  with  him  the  false  prophet,  who  performed  in  his  presence  the  signs 
Ijy  which  he  seduced  those  who  had  accepted  the  mark  of  the  beast  and 
who  worshipped  his  image ;  they  were  thrown  down,  these  two,  alive 

21  into  the  lake  of  fire  that  burns  luith  brimstone.  And  the  rest  Avere  killed 
by  the  sword  of  him  who  sits  on  the  horse,  by  the  sword  which  went  out 
of  his  mouth  ;  and  all  the  birds  loere  glutted  with  their  flesh. 

20  1         And   I  saw  an  angel  come  down  from  heaven  with  the  key  of  the 

2  abyss  and  a  great  chain  upon  his  hand.  And  he  seized  the  diagon,  the 
old  serpent,  who   is  "the   Devil"  and  "  Sata7i,"  and    bound    him   for  a 

3  thousand  years,  then  threw  him  into  tlie  abyss,  and  shut  and  sealed  it  on 
the  top  of  him,  that  he  should  no  more  seduce  the  nations  until  the 
thousand  years  were  finished  ;  after  this  he  must  be  unloosed  for  a  little 

1  Reading  ol  khrfinoi. 


20*-21*']  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  4<S7 

4  while.  And  I  saiv  thrones^  and  they  sat  on  them  and  they  were  i^ermitted 
to  judge;  yea,  I  saw  the  souls  of  those  who  had  been  beheaded  for  the 
testimony  of  Jesus  and  for  the  word  of  God,  who  did  not  worship  the 
beast  or  his  image,  and  did  not  accept  the  mark  on  their  forehead  and  on 
their  hand  :  and  they  lived  and  reigned  with  the  Christ  for  a  thousand 

5  years.     The  rest  of  the  dead  lived  not  until  the  thousand  years  were 

6  finished.  This  is  the  first  resurrection.  Happy  and  holy  is  he  who  has 
part  in  the  first  resurrection  !  Over  such  the  second  death  has  no  power  ; 
they  shall  be  j)riests    of  God   and   of   the  Christ,  and  shall  reign  with 

7  him  for  the  thousand  years.  And  when  the  thousand  years  are 

8  finished,  the  Satan  shall  be  unloosed  from  his  prison,  and  he  shall  come 
out  to  seduce  the  nations  in  the  four  corners  of  the  earth,  Gog  and  Magog,  to 
muster  them  for  the  war  ;  and  their  number  is  as  the  sand  of  the  sea. 

9  And  they  went  up  over  the  broad  earth  and  encircled  the  camp  of  the 
saints  and  the  beloved  city.     And  fire  came  down  from  the  sky  and  devoured 

10  them.  And  the  devil,  their  seducer,  was  thrown  into  the  lake  of  fire  and 
brimstone,  where  the  beast  and  the  false  prophet  also  are  ;  and  they  shall 
be  tormented  day  and  night  for  ever  and  ever. 

11  And  I  saw  a  great  white  throne. 
And  him  ivho  sat  thereon  : 

Earth  and  sky  fled  from  his  face. 
And  no  flace  was  found  for  them. 

12  And   I   saw  the  dead,  the  great  and   the  small,   standing    before   the 

throne ; 
And  there  were  books  opened, 

And  another  book  was  opened,  which  is  the  book  of  life. 
And  the  dead  were  judged  from  what  was  written  in  the  books, 
According  to  their  works. 

13  And  the  sea  gave  up  the  dead  in  her, 

And  death  and  Hades  gave  up  the  dead  in  them  ; 
And  they  were  judged  each 
According  to  their  ivorks. 

14  And  death  and  Hades  were  thrown  into  the  lake  of  fire. 
This  is  the  second  death,  the  lake  of  fire. 

15  And  he  who  was  not  found  written  in  the  book  of  life,  was  thrown  into  the 

lake  of  fire. 

211  And  I  saw  a  iieiu  sky  and  a  new  earth, 

For  the  first  sky  and  the  first  earth  have  passed  away  : 
And  the  sea  is  no  more. 

2  And  I  saw  the  holy  city,  new  Jerusalem,  come  down  out  of  heaven  from 

God, 
Prepared  like  a  bride  adorned  for  her  husband. 

3  And  I  heard  a  loud  voice  out  of  the  throne,  saying  : 

"  Lo,  the  tabernacle  of  God  is  with  men. 

And  he  shall  dwell  with  them ; 
And  they  shall  be  his  peoples, 

A7id  God  himself  shall  be  with  them. 

4  A7id  he  shall  wipe  all  tears  from  their  eyes, 

And  death  shall  be  no  more. 
Nor  shall  mo^irning  or  crying  or  pain  be  any  more ; 
For  the  first  things  have  passed  away." 

5  And  he  who  sits  upon  the  throne  said,  "  Lo,  I  make  all  things  neiv."    And 

6  he  says,  "  Write  :  '  these  words  are  sure  and  true.'  "    And  he  said  to  me, 


488  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [21^-22- 

"  It  is  done.     I  am  tlie  alpha  and  tlie  omega, 

The  beginning  and  the  end. 
I  will  give  to  him  loho  is  athirst,  of  the  fountain  of  the  water  of  life  freely. 

7  He  who  conquers  shall  inherit  these  things, 

And  I  u-ill  he  his  God, 
Aiicl  he  shall  be  my  son. 

8  But  as  for  the  timid  and  faithless  and  abominable  and  murderers  and 
fornicators  and  sorcerers  and  idolaters  and  all  liars — tlieir  part  is  in  the 
lake  that  burns  with  fire  and  brimstone,  which  is  the  second  death." 

9  And  there  came  one  of  the  seven  angels  who  had  the  seven  bowls  full 
of  the  seven  last  flagues ;  and  he  talked  with  me,  saying,  "  Come  hither, 

10  I  will  show  thee  the  bride,  the  wife  of  the  Lamb."  And  in  the  Spirit  lie 
bore  me  away  to  a  great  and  high  mountain,  and  showed  me  the  holy  city 

1 1  Jerusalem  coming  down  out  of  heaven  from  God,  with  the  splendour  of  God ; 
her  brilliance  is  like  a  very  precious  stone,  as  it  were  a  jasper,  crystal  clear ; 

12  she  lias  a  great  and  high  wall  with  twelve  gates,  and  at  the  gates  twelve 
angels,  and  names  inscribed  which  are  the  names  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  the 

13  sons  of  Israel.     Three  gates  on  the  east,  and  three  gates  on  the  north,  and  three 

14  gates  on  the  south,  and  three  gates  on  the  west.  And  the  wall  of  the  city 
has  twelve  foundations,  and  on  them  twelve  names  of  the  twelve  apostles 

15  of  the  Lamb.     And  he  who  talked  with  me  had  a  golden  reed  for  a 

16  measure,  to  measure  the  city  with  her  gates  and  her  wall.  And  the  city 
lies  foursquare,  and  her  length  is  as  great  as  her  breadth.  So  he 
measured  the  city  with  the  reed,  fifteen  hundred  miles  ;  the  length  and 

17  the  breadth  and  the  height  of  her  are  equal.  And  he  measured  her  ivall, 
seventy-two  yards  by  a  man's  measure,  which  is  that  of  an  angel. 

18  And  her  wall  was  constructed  oi  jasper, 
And  the  city  was  jjure  gold,  like  pure  glass. 

IQ  [The  foundations  of  the  city  were  adorned  with  every  ^9?-ec?'oHs  stone; 
the  first  foundation  was  jasper,  the  second  sapphire,  the  third  chalcedony, 

20  the  fourth  emerald,  the  fifth  sardonyx,  the  sixth  sardius,  the  seventh 
chrysolite,  the  eighth  beryl,  the  ninth  topaz,  the  tenth  chrysoprasus,  the 
eleventh  jacinth,  the  twelfth  amethyst.] 

21  And  the  twelve  gates  were  twelve  pearls, 
Each  of  the  gates  was  formed  of  a  single  pearl. 

And  the  street  of  the  city  was  pure  gold,  transparent  as  glass. 
And  I  saw  no  temple  in  her. 

For  tlie  Lord  God  the  Almighty  and  the  Lamb  are  her  temple. 

23  And  the  city  needs  not  the  stin  or  the  moon  to  shine  on  her, 

For  thr  sjilniilimr  nf  llml  is  her  brightness. 
And  ll.T  l;uu|.tlic'l.;uub. 

24  And  tlir.  vai ions', Innl  in, Ik  in  her  light. 

And  the  kings  of  tlie  earth  bring  their  splendour  into  her. 

25  And  her  gates  shall  never  be  shut  by  day 

(For  night  shall  be  there  no  more), 

26  And    they  shall    bring   the   splendour   and    honour    of    tlie    nations 

into  her. 

27  (Yet  never  shall  nrnjUninj  vnrh,,,,  niirr  her. 

Nor  anyone  who  ]ir;irt i>cs  al.niniii.it ion  and  falsehood  : 
But  only  tlv,.-<r  ,rl,„  „rr  irrillm  in  the  Lamb's  book  of  life.) 
22  1  And  he  showed  me  a  river  of  the  water  of  life,  clear  as  crystal, 

2  Issuing  from  the  throne  of  God  and  of  the  Lamb,  in  the  midst  of 

her  street. 
And  on  either  side  of  the  river  was  the  tree  of  life, 


22 


22^"^^]  THE    APOCALYPSE    OF   JOHN  489 

Bearing  twelve  fruits,  yielding  its  fruit  according  to  each  month: 
And  the  leaves  of  the  tree  were /or  the  healing  of  the  nations. 

3  And  there  shall  be  no  more  anything  accursed. 

And  the  throne  of  God  and  of  the  Lamb  shall  be  in  her, 
And  his  slaves  shall  serve  him  : 

4  And  they  shall  see  his  face, 

And  his  name  shall  be  on  their  foreheads. 

5  And  there  shall  be  night  no  more. 
And  they  need  wo  lamplight  or  sunlight, 

For  the  Lord  God  shall  lie  their  brightness. 
And  they  shall  reign  for  ever  and  ever. 

6  And  he  said  to  me  : 

"  These  words  are  sure  and  true  ;  and  the  Lord  God  of  the  sjoirits  of  the 
prophets  has  sent  liis  angel  to  show  his  slaves  whctt  must  shortly  come  to  pass. 

7  And  lo,  I  come  speedily  ! 

HapjDy  he  who  keeps  the  words  of  the  projihecy  of  this  book." 

8  And  I  John  am  he  who  heard  and  saw  these  things.  And  wlien  I 
heard  and  saw,  I  fell  down  to  worship  before  the  feet  of  the  angel  wlio 

9  showed  these  things  to  me.     But  he  says  to  me, 

"  Not  so  !  Beware  ! 
I  am  a  fellow-slave  of  thine, 
And  of  thy  brothers  the  prophets, 
And  of  those  who  keep  the  words  of  this  Ijook. 

Worship  God  I " 

10  And  he  says  to  me  : 

"  Seal  not  the  words  of  the  prophecy  of  this  booh. 
For  the  time  is  near. 

11  Let  the  wicked  still  be  wicked. 
Let  the  filthy  still  be  filthy. 

Let  the  upright  act  uprightly  still. 
Let  the  holy  still  be  holy. 

12  Lo,  I  come  speedily  ! 

And  my  reward  is  ivith  me, 
To  render  to  every  man  according  as  his  work  is. 

13  I  am  the  alpha  and  the  omega, 
The  first  and  the  last. 

The  beginning  and  the  end. 

14  Hapjiy  they  who  toash  their  robes,  that  theirs  may  be  the  right  to  the  tree  of 

15  life,  and  that  they  may  enter  the  city  by  the  gates.  Outside  are  the  dogs 
and  the  sorcerers  and  the  fornicators  and  the  murderers  and  the  idolaters 
and  every  one  who  loves  and  practises  falsehood. 

16  I  Jesus  have  sent  my  angel  to  testify  these  things  to  you  in  the 

Communities. 
I  am  the  scion  and  the  offspring  of  David, 
The  bright  star  of  the  morning." 

17  And  the  Spirit  and  the  bride  say,  "  Come  "  : 
And  let  him  who  hears  say,  "  Come  "  : 

And  let  him  -who  is  athirst  come. 

Let  him  who  chooses  take  the  water  of  life  freely. 


18 


book 


I  testify  to  every  man  who  hears  the  words  of  the  prophecy  of  th: 


490  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [22^^-21 

If  any  man  add  to  them, 

God  shall  add  to  him  tlie  plagues  written  in  this  hook ; 

19  And  if  any  ]nan  take  aioay  from  the  words  of  the  book  of  this 

projihecy, 
God  shall  take  away  his  j^art  from  the  tree  of  life  and  out  of  the 
holy  city,  written  in  this  book. 

20  He  who  bears  this  testimony  saith  : 

"  Even  so,  I  come  speedily  !  " 
Amen,     Come,  Lord  Jesus. 

21  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  be  with  the  saints. 


THE  rOUETH  GOSPEL 

The  terminus  a  quo  for  this  book  is  fixed  by  the  date  of  the  synoptic 
gospels,  which  it  presupposes.  As  a  certain  interval  must  be  allowed  for 
their  circulation  and  the  rise  of  so  independent  a  narrative,  John  can- 
not be  placed  earlier  than  the  last  decade  of  the  first  century.  Mark, 
Matthew,  and  Luke  are  all  sources  for  the  author  of  the  fourth  gospel, 
who  omits,  corrects,  supplements,  and  reproduces  their  narrative  and 
sayings  (E.  Abbott,  New  JVorld,  1895,  pp.  459-483),  incorporating  as  much 
as  proved  suitable  for  his  purpose  along  with  his  own  original  materials.^ 
This  freedom  in  method  is  accompanied  by  an  equal  freedom  in  con- 
ception. Theological  reflection  i;pon  the  words  of  Jesus  himself,  which 
already  was  at  work  in  the  synoptic  gospels,  and  of  which  a  casual 
example  is  given  in  the  Oxyrhyncite  Logia,  assumes  a  wider  function  in 
the  fourth  gospel.  In  its  Christology,  the  fourth  gospel  is  an  advance  even 
ujion  Hebrews,  which  forms  (like  the  tradition  preserved  in  1  Ti  3^*')  an 
intermediate  stage  between  the  later  Pauline  epistles  and  the  Johannine 
conceptions.  Jesus  is  pictured  in  terms  of  a  current  metaphysic,  and  his 
pre-existence  developed  to  an  extent  hitherto  unparalleled.  In  fact,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  book  points  to  an  advanced  period.-  Mystical 
reflection  and  n;oralising  uj)on  reminiscences  of  Jesus  is  accompanied 
throughout  by  the  use  of  antitheses  (light  and  darkness,  life  and  death, 
etc.).  The  treatment  of  the  subject  in  form  and  contents  constantly 
exhibits  the  careful  skill  and  speculative  grasp  of  a  trained  thinker  who 
lived  at  a  time  when  he  was  no  longer  overpowered  by  the  primitive 
evangelic  tradition,  although  he  naturally  professes  to  base  his  account 
upon  the  direct  testimony ^  of  an  eye-witness  (19^^).      The  idealistic'* 

1  Good  summaries  in  Weudt,  LJ,  i.  p.  251  f.,  Das  Joh.  Evglm.  (1900),  pp.  8-44, 
and  Wernle,  Die  Synopt.  Frage,  pp.  234-248  ;  also  from  another  standpoint  in 
Zahn,  JSinL  ii.  pp.  498-518.  On  the  supremacy  of  the  fourth  gospel  in  the  develop- 
ment of  early  Christianity,  cp.  the  api^reciative  paragraphs  in  T.  H.  Green,  Works, 
iii.  pp.  170, 171,  214-220. 

-  Holtzmann  puts  it  in  a  sentence,  "Die  johanneische  Lehre  ist  der  popularisirte, 
vereiufachte  uud  durch  seine  Anwendung  auf  eiue  historische  Erscheinung,  liber- 
haupt  durch  Combination  mit  der  synoptischeu  und  paulinischeu  Tradition  modi- 
ficirte  Alexandrinismus." 

^  The  e.xact  I'ehition  of  this  tradition  to  the  author  is  hard  to  understand.  If  the 
identity  of  the  eye-witness  and  the  incognito  "disciple  whom  Jesus  loved"  (13^3 
1926.27  20--5)  were  beyond  dispute,  it  might  be  concluded  (i.)  that  a  historical  tradi- 
tion due  to  the  apostle  John  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  fourth  gospel,  and  (ii.)  that  the 
gospel  was  written  by  an  adherent  of  the  Johannine  school  in  Asia  Minor,  possibly 
by  John  the  presbyter.     In  both  of  these  conclusions  there  is  pith  and  moment. 

■*  A  candid  and  ingenious  attempt  has  recently  been  made  by  Loots  (Die  Avferste- 
hungsherichte  und  ihr  Wert,  1898,  pp.  33-36;  RTK,  iv.  p.  29  f.)  to  explain  this 
feature  of  the  book,  by  means  of  psychological  considerations  drawn  from  the  per- 
sonality of  the  apostle  John.  Loots  frankly  admits  the  lack  of  historicity  in  (a)  the 
speeches  of  Jesus,  (b)  the  representation  of  the  Jews,  (c)  the  miraculous  element. 
On  its  apologetic  and  polemical  features  cp.  Baldensperger,  Prolog,  pp.  152-165  ;  and 
Bruce,  Apologetics,  pp.  476-492. 

491 


492  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

method  of  the  author,  coupled  with  his  strong  mental  idiosyncrasies, 
leads  him  to  treat  the  preceding  ^  tradition  of  the  svnoptists  in  quite  a 
free  manner.  His  attitude  to  them  is  independent  and  unfettered, 
dominated  strongly  by  the  mystic's  sense  of  "  repose  and  hope  amid  eternal 
things."  Yet  all  "the  traces'^ of  omission,  tacit  correction,  and  variation, 
shown  in  his  treatment  of  the  earlier  histories,  are  less  notable  than  his 
adherence  notwithstanding  to  the  historical  plan,  upon  which  his  own 
work  is  often  a  symbolic  comment.  It  evidently  constituted  an  accept- 
able channel  for  conveying  new  Christian  teaching.  The  fourth  gospel 
certainly  proves  that  the  first  three  were  not  considered  adequate  or 
authoritative  by  the  whole  mass  of  Christians  at  that  time,  and  that  they 
did  not  satisfy  some  circles  in  the  church.  But  it  also  signifies  that, 
especially  for  those  who  were  deprived  of  direct  evidence  {20-^),  the 
historical  tradition  was  a  welcome  method  of  instruction  and  impression, 
altliough  for  the  "esoteric"-  purposes  of  this  writer  it  had  to  be  freely 
and  freshly  handled.  If  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  his  aim  was  to  pro- 
duce a  semi-philosophical  romance  (eine  philosophische  Dichtung  mit 
religioser  Tendenz),  it  was  at  least  to  furnish  an  exposition  of  God's 
mind  and  providence  in  the  personality  of  Jesus,  by  which  these  might 
be  accessible  and  intelligible  to  his  readers  as  they  were  defined  in  terms 
of  a  current  philosophy,  and  with  reference  to  an  environment  of  Hellen- 
istic thought  and  feeling.  "  Christianity,"  in  fact,  at  that  epoch  "  had  to 
become  speculative,  if  it  was  to  coalesce  with  human  intelligence " 
(Denney,  OR,  1900,  p.  258). 

It  was  owing  to  the  Alexandrian  culture  of  the  author  and  his  circle 
that  the  term  Xuyos  came  to  be  adopted,  and  adapted  as  a  practical 
and  timely  category  for  the  person  of   Jesus.     It  was   intelligible^  to 

1  It  is  most  luisafe  to  imagine  that  after  the  fourth  gospel  (c.  100  a.D.)  the 
synoptic  gospels  were  finally  edited  in  so  trenchant  a  style  as  to  permit  of  the 
omission  of  certain  discourses  and  narratives  because  John  had  already  recorded  them 
(Wilkinson,  Four  Lectures,  pp.  99-100).  This  is  to  invert  what  evidence  we  possess  for 
the  historicity  of  the  synoptists.  Similarly,  all  the  evidence  contradicts  cleverattempts 
like  those  made  by  Wuttig  {Das  Joh.  Evylm.  und  seine  Abfassungszeit,  1897),  and 
independently  by  Halcombe  {Histcrric  Relation  of  Gospels),  to  date  the  fourth  gos]iel 
before  the  synoptists.  Indications  of  the  late  period  are  to  be  heard  unequivocally 
in  passages  like  4-'^  10"'  15'*- •>  17^";  cp.  especially  Thoma,  Die  Genes,  d.  Joliannes- 
EcgliJi.  (1882)  pp.  353-372.  Discussions  on  Halcombe's  theory  in  Exp.  Ti.  iii.  iv.  ; 
reviews  of  Wnttig  by  Dr.  H.  A.  A.  Kennedy  (OR,  1897,  pp.  354-356),  Blass  (PG, 
241-243),  and  Holtzmann  (with  suitable  severity,  ThLz,  1897,  pp.  379-384).  Havet 
remarks  of  Luke  (iv.  296) :  "Son  evangile  a  ete  alors  par  excellence  celui  des  simples, 
comme  le  quatrieme  etait  celui  des  ratlines  "  ;  and  later  (p.  367) :  "  II  semble  quo  les 
premiers  evangiles  repondeut  autour  d'eux  ces  Henrs  des  champs  dont  ils  nons  jiarlent, 
qui  poussent  partout,  pour  la  Joie  de  tors  ;  celles  du  quatrieme  sont  des  tleurs  de 
serre  d'espece  rare,  reservees  a  quelques  uues  seulement,  qui  en  sont  eblouis  on 
enivres." 

-  The  expression  is  Zahn's  [Einl.  ii.  p.  528).  He  lays  stress  upon  the  obvious 
fact  that  the  gospel's  purpose  were  not  to  introduce  the  knowledge  of  Jesus  for  the 
first  time  to  men  hitherto  unacquainted  with  the  synoptic  tradition.  "  It  is  not  tlie 
herald  of  the  gospel  ))reacliing  to  the  whole  people,  but  the  later  pastor  of  individual 
souls  committed  to  his  care,  who  has  drawn  it  up  in  order  that  those  wlio  already 
believe  on  Jesus  may  believe  more  fully,  and  become  truer  disciples."  Cp.  on  this 
E.  H.  Hall,  Papilas  (1889),  ])p.  199-240. 

3  Weizsficker  (.1^1,  ii.  226-236),  0.  Holtzmann  {Das  Joh.-Evqhn.  1887,  p.  91). 
Ilarnack  {IID,  i.  ]).  329  u. ;  ZThK,  1892,  pp.  189-232)  carries  this  a  step  further. 
"  The  prologue  to  tlie  gospel,"  he  writes,  "  is  not  the  key  to  the  comprehension  of  the 
book,  but  it  prepares  llie  Hellenistic  readers  for  this  comprehension.  It  starts  with 
a  familiar  oliject,  the  Logos,  works  upon  it,  transforms  it — implicitly  opposing  false 
Christologies — in  order  to  substitute  for  it  Jesus  Christ  as  the  fjuivoyovri;  Biit,  or  in 


THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  493 

the  readers  for  wliom  the  author  wrote,  and  he  employed  it  as  the 
nearest  equivalent  in  order  to  suggest  to  them  the  standpoint  from  which 
they  could  view  Jesus.  "  Introite,  nam  et  hie  \6yos"  (TE,  1899,  p.  295). 
The  affinities  of  the  term  were  not  confined  to  the  idiosyncrasies  of  the 
writer's  own  mind,  nor  does  it  follow  that  the  Logos-idea,  with  its  dog- 
matic substructure  of  Incarnation-theology,  is  the  final  and  permanent 
expression  of  Christ's  person.  The  historical  evidence  points  to  a  much 
more  modest  scope.  It  also  distinctly  indicates  Philonic  influence,  how- 
ever vague  and  indirect  that  influence  may  have  been.  There  is  a 
modern  reaction  in  many  quarters  (Loofs,  Leit-faden,  pp.  10-12)  against 
the  older  view  which  referred  Johannine  thought  too  exclusively  to 
Alexandrian  influence,  as  though  Philo  Avere  some  Alexandrian  John  the 
baptizer.  The  reaction  is  healthy,  especially  in  its  emphasis  upon 
the  OT  elements  ^  in  the  Johannine  theology.  But,  as  Reville  has 
shown,  even  with  these  germs  or  anticipations,  the  Philonic  filiation  ^  is 
unmistakable.  The  appropriation  of  the  Logos-idea  in  early  Christianity 
was  merely  another  instance  of  the  way  in  which  Hebrew  originality  and 
independence  spoiled  the  Egyptians  for  the  sake  of  its  own  purposes, 
upon  the  threshold  of  fresh  progress.  It  was  for  this  fine  issue  that  the 
genius  who  composed  the  fourth  gospel  was  so  finely  touched,  for  the 
translation  of  the  evangelic  tradition  into  a  semi-allegorical  form,  which — 
although  not  final — was  most  timely  and  vital. 

The  wider  outlook  already  won  in  the  third  gospel  and  Acts  is  even 
more  conspicuous  in  the  spacious  atmosphere  of  Hellenism  which 
surrounds  the  fourth  gospel.^  Yet  the  passion  for  exhibiting  Jesus  as 
the  climax  and  fulfilment  of  Messianic  Judaism,  is  as  plain  here  as  the 
corresjjonding  eft'ort  to  present  him  under  the  category  of  the  Absolute, 

order  to  reveal  it  as  this  Jesus  Christ.  The  moment  this  takes  place,  the  Logos-idea 
is  allowed  to  drop."  It  is  true  that  the  author  does  not  seek  to  prove  Christ's 
diviuity  by  means  of  external  philosophical  and  cosmological  considerations,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  idea  of  the  Logos  is  so  sharply  and  totally  dropped  as  Harnack 
argues,  in  the  rest  of  the  gospel:  cp.  Resch  {TV,  x.  4,  p.  41  f.),  and  Holtzmanu 
(ZioTh,  1893,  pp.  385-406 ;  iVrrA,  ii.  p.  396  f. ;  HC,  iv.  i.  pp.  40-45),  and  for  the 
connection  of  the  prologue  with  the  gospel,  Prof.  R.  A.  Falconer  {Exjk^  March 
1897,  pp.  222-234),  Baldensperger  [Prolog,  pp.  165-171),  and  Wendt  (Joh.-Evglm. 
pp.  205-215). 

1  In  A.  H.  Franke's  monograph  (Das  Alte.  Testmnent  bei  Joh.  1885)  the  author  of 
the  gospel  is  made  a  Jewish-Christian  of  legal  proclivities  :  see  Riehm's  critique  (SK, 
1884,  pp.  563-582).  The  use  of  italics  in  the  text  of  the  present  edition  will  serve  to 
bring  out  the  facts  upon  which  such  theories  rest.  Yet,  even  when  full  allowance  is 
made  for  these,  it  must  be  said  that  to  discard  the  Philonic  atmosphere  is  to  assign 
early  Christianity  a  self-isolatiug  tendency  within  distinctly  Judaistic  lines,  for  which 
tlie  evidence  is  quite  insufficient.  By  the  last  quarter  of  the  first  century,  and  to 
some  extent  before  that,  outside  influences  were  beginning  to  make  themselves  felt 
on  most  sides  of  the  primitive  faith. 

-  Still,  Thoma's  standard  discussion  is  not  so  balanced  as  that  of  0.  Holtzmann. 
The  latter  rightly  gives  a  less  academic  and  more  natural  view  of  the  book  ;  he  takes 
it,  not  as  the  exposition  of  a  religious  philosophy  in  historical  guise,  but  as  a  life  of 
Jesus  written  for  the  purposes  of  Christian  devotion  by  an  author  who,  in  all  likeli- 
hood of  Jewish  birth  himself,  had  been  influenced  by  Alexandrian  Judaism,  and  was 
acquainted  with  Pauline  ideas.  This  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  that  the  Logos- 
speculations  throve  in  Ephesus  almost  independently  of  Alexandria  (Sabatier,  Revue 
de  I' Hist,  des  Re/ir/mis,  1897,  p.  173  f.). 

3  0.  Holtzmann,  Neutest.  Zeitgesch.  §§  38-40,  pp.  232-245.  As  Kueneu  points 
out  (Relig.  Israel  (Eug.  tr.)  iii.  p.  202  f.),  the  fruits  of  Hellenism  were  plucked  by 
philosophy  and  Christianity  rather  than  by  Judaism.  "  In  the  history  of  the  Jewish 
religion  after  the  year  70  of  our  era,  it  may  be  passed  over  almost  in  silence."  Cp. 
Harnack  (ThLz,  1889,  p.  173  ;  Das  Wcsc7i  des  Christentums,  1900,  pp.  126-128). 


494  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

Gud's  Sou  in  deed  aud  word.  These  tendencies  are  alike  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  l)Ook  is  jireoccupied  with  the  semi-Christian  and  anti- 
Christian  beliefs  of  the  age  ;  and  yet  it  is  easier  to  feel  in  its  pages  the 
contemporary  problem  of  Judaism  than  even  the  prevailing  errors  and 
needs  of  Hellenism.  Here  we  have  the  conception  of  an  antagonism 
between  Jesus  and  the  Jews,  which  steadily  deepens  through  revel- 
ation and  unbelief,  until  it  culminates  in  his  rejection  and  their  doom. 
But  this  is  more  than  an  interpretation  of  the  life  of  Jesus.  ^  It  is  meant 
to  be  a  symbol  of  the  actual  outcome,  in  history,  of  the  relation  between 
Christianity  and  Judaism  during  the  years  30-90  a.d.  The  e.xperience 
of  Christ  2  is  made  the  microcosm  of  the  church's  career  (compare 
Jo  12-'°  with  Ac  28" f).  Under  the  dialogue  and  discourses  there  is  the 
underlying  consciousness  of  Judaism  as  an  active  and  subtle  propaganda, 
whose  rivalry  and  polemic  have  to  be  dialectically  met.  This  helps  to 
explain  the  curiously  distant  tone  in  which  the  Jews  are  spoken  of 
throughout  the  book  (cp.  M.  Arnold,  God  and  the  Bible,  pp.  142,  143), 
and  throws  light  upon  theological  debates  like  those  in  chapters  5-10, 
which  turn  upon  questions  and  controversies  vital  mainly  to  the  age  of  the 
Epigoni,  when  the  character  and  authority  of  Jesus  had  come  to  be 
openly  canvassed  by  Jewish  critics. 

After  the  political  overthrow  of  Judaism,  Christianity  was  free  to 
trace  back  her  origin  to  the  older  national  faith,  without  the  fear  of 
being  misunderstood,  and  without  that  need  of  asserting  her  distinctiveness 
and  independence,  which  pressed  for  example  on  Paul  at  an  earlier  stage 
(Gal  li3-24)_  Even  then  Jerusalem  had  been  acknowledged  as  in  a  sense 
the  centre  of  the  world  (Ro  IS^^,  ano  'Iepovaa\r)fi).  But  this  germ  was 
developed  in  the  later  writings,  in  Acts  where  the  writer's  pragmatism 
leads  him  to  find  the  start  of  Christianity  in  the  old  capital  and  in  its 
church  (1^-81),  in  the  ai^ocalypse  of  John  with  its  "  new  Jerusalem  " — 
although  the  language  is  poetic,  and  the  aim  visionary— and  especiallv 
in  the  fourth  gospel,  where  Jerusalem  absorbs  almost  all  the  ministry  of 
Jesus.  It  is  present  to  a  lesser  degree  in  the  synoptic  gospels,  where  the 
Jerusalem  tendency  is  only  developing.  Christianity  in  fact  came  to  be 
more  and  n\ore  put  forward  (cp.  Ep.  Barnabas,  passim)  as  the  fruit  and 
fulfilment  of  Judaism.  This  view  must  have  prevailed  of  course  in 
embryo  previous  to  70  a.d._,  but  it  was  only  after  that  epoch  that  the 
conception  of  the  new  religion  as  a  sublimated  Judaism  could  become 
characteristic  and  dominant  in  the  literature  {vide  Hilgenfeld  on  "  the 
anti-Judaism  of  the  fourth  gospel":  ZioTh,  1898,  pp.  507-517). 

1  raJra  Ss  y;V/)aTTa;,  'iua  iria-TiCa-on  'irt  ^Ir,in>vs  lirrit  i  Xpiirrci  i  u'lls  T0\j  &iov,  xxi  I'v*  ^lo-TiCovif 

?«,/->,»  'ixnT-  Iv  Tu  ive,u.aT,  airoV  (Jo  20'^i).  It  is  curious  to  read  the  almost  contemporary 
language  of  Tacitus  at  the  close  of  his  biography  of  Agricola,  with  its  grave  ethical 
beauty:  "Id  flliae  quoque  uxorique  praeceperim,  sic  patris,  sic  mariti  memoriam 
venerari,  ut  omnia  facta  dictaque  eius  secum  resolvant,  formamque  ac  figuram  aninii 
magis  ([uam  corporis  coniplectantur  .  .  .  ut  vultus  hominum,  ita  simulacra  vultus 
niibecilla  ac  mortalia  sunt,  forma  mentis  aeterna,  quam  tenere  et  exprimere  non  per 
ahenam  materiam  et  artem,  sed  tuis  ipse  moribns  possis."  God  fully  and  finally 
revealed  ni  Jesus— that  is  the  theme  of  the  fourth  gospel.  To  justify  and  commend 
this  conviction  is  the  author's  purpose,  aud  under  this  dominating  tendencv  history 
Lecomes  essentially  the  handmaiden  of  faith.  See  this  argued  most  capably  by  Schurer 
in  the  work  cited  below,  and  compare  Philo's  use  of  Moses  to  illustrate  the  Logos. 

2  Perhaps  this  helps  to  account  for  the  argumentative  aspect  of  Christ's  self- 
revelatiou  in  the  gospel,  which  contrasts  strangely  with  the  synoptic  method  of  self- 
expression  through  deeds  and  dialogue.  "  Ici  le  Dieu  argumente  afin  de  demontrer 
sa  divinite.  C'est  la  rose  se  faisant  disputeuse  pour  prouver  son  parfum  "  (Renan, 
L  Er/lise  Chret.  p.  62).     See  also  above,  pji.  ;j5-.'?6. 


THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  495 

111  regard  to  the  question  of  tlie  date,  then,  the  Joliannine  problem 
has  now  been  brought  to  a  somewhat  final  if  approximate  (E.  H.  Hall, 
Papias,  pp.  301-314)  conclusion — and  that  upon  fairly  traditional  lines. 
Formerly  the  gospel  was  jDut  far  down  into  the  second  century  among 
currents  of  Gnosticism,  Montanism,  and  the  Easter-controversy  in  Asia 
Minor  (Baur  =  170  a.d.,  Zeller  =  before  150  c).  After  Hilgenfeld  (pp.  132- 
140)  and  Scholten,  Thoma  {Die  Gen.  d.  Johan.  Evangel.  1882)  came 
down  to  140  c.^  and  has  been  followed  more  recently  by  Martineau  {Seat 
of  Authority,  pp.  189-243),  H.  J.  Holtzmann  {HG,  iv.  i.  pp.  14,  15)  and 
Pfleiderer  (Urc.  pp.  776-786).  Still  furthe/,  110-115  a.d.,  or  later,  was 
adopted  by  Reuss,  Sabatier,  and  Renan  {UEglise  Ghre'tienne,  chaps,  iv.  v., 
dating  gospel  and  epistles  in  Hadrian's  reign),  after  Keim  (i.  pp.  183-207), 
who  subse(|uently  relapsed  to  130  a.d.  Dr.  Cone  {Gospel  Criticism,  pj).  224- 
253)  inclines  to  125-150  ;  Wendt  and  Julicher  {Einl.  pp,  247-250)  again 
choose  broadly  the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century,  while  100-150  is 
advocated  by  Oscar  Holtzmann  {Das  Joh.  Evglium.  1887)  and  A.  Reville 
(130-150).  Forty  years  ago,  however,  Ritschl  {Entstehung,  p.  48  n.)  had 
broken  quite  away  from  the  second-century  date,  and  his  instinct  has  been 
corroborated  by  some  modern  movements  in  criticism  which  tend  to  fix 
the  gospel  between  90  and  100.  "AVe  may  look  forward,"  wrote  Lightfoot, 
"  to  the  time  when  it  will  be  held  discreditable  to  the  reputation  of  any 
critic  for  sobriety  and  judgment  to  assign  to  this  gospel  any  later  date 
than  the  end  of  the  first  century,  or  the  very  beginning  of  the  second  " 
{Exp.  *  i.  10).  The  forecast  has  only  been  a  trifle  too  sanguine.  Besides  the 
fact  that  a  commentary  (Herakleon's)  could  be  written  upon  it,  as  an 
authoritative  book,  by  160  a.d.,  the  use  of  the  gospel  by  Justin  Martyr  (147 
A.D.)  and  Basileides  "(c.  125,  quoted  in  the  Philosophumena,  vii.  22)  points 
to  its  circulation  (Zahn,  GK,  i.  pp.  220-262)  comparatively  early  in  the 
second  century.  This  furnishes  a  terminus  ad  quern;  and  the  argument  is 
reinforced,  for  those  who  accept  the  Johannine  authorship,  by  the  tradition 
(but  cp.  Harnack,  Chron.  pp.  320  f.,  656  f.)  which  extends  the  lifetime 
and  Ephesian  residence  of  John  down  to  the  reign  of  Trajan,  when  the 
apostle  would  be 

Left  alive 

Like  a  sea-jelly  weak  on  Patmos  strand, 

To  tell  dry  sea-beach  gazers  how  1  fared 

"When  there  was  mid-sea,  and  the  miglity  things  ; 

Left  to  repeat,    "I  saw,   I  heard,   I  knew," 

And  go  all  over  the  old  ground  again, 

With  antichrist  already  in  the  world. 

Generally  between  95  and  115  —  nearer  the  latter  year,  in  all 
probability,  than  the  former — the  gospel  may  be  conjectured  to  have 
been  written,^  separated  from  the  period  of  its  subject  by  an  interval 
which,  it  is  interesting  to  notice,  roughly  corresponds  with  that  which  lies 
between  Oolumba  and  his  biographer  Adamnan.     Sanday,^  after  Godet 

1  Relying  on  the  rather  hazardous  interpretation  of  S'*^  11*^  as  reflections  of  the 
Jewish  revolt  and  annihilation  under  Bar-kokhba,  135  a.d.  For  a  conclusive  rejec- 
tion of  the  older  idea,  that  the  date  of  the  gospel  was  aflected  by  its  supposed  refer- 
ences to  the  quarto-deciman  controversy,  cp.  Drummond  {AJT,  i.  pp.  601-637). 

-  So  Wilkinson  (Four  Lectures  on  Early  History  of  Gospels),  attributing  the  author- 
ship to  John  the  presbyter.  Similarly  kcGififert  (A A,  pp.  609-614).  Apart  from 
the  question  of  authorship  (which^f  decided  in  favour  of  John  the  apostle — imposes 
c.  100  as  a  limit),  the  main  help  in  fixing  this  approximate  date,  as  has  been  indicated, 
comes  from  the  results  gained  in  the  criticism  of  the  synoptic  gospels. 

3  "The   present   position   of    the   Johannine   Question"    (Ex}}.*  v.    91).     Zahn 


496  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

("John''  (Eng.  tr.),  i.  pp.  184-251),  lunits  the  date  more  precisely  to  83-89, 
but  it  is  much  safer  ^  (with  Schanz  and  Schafer)  to  take  the  closing 
decade  of  the  century  as  the  earliest  limit.  So  M.  Arnold  {God  and  the 
Bible,  pp.  135-225),  VVeiss,  Westcott  {John  xxxv.-xl. ;  Study  of  the  Gospels, 
p.  239),  Plummer  {CGT,  80-95  a.d.),  Reith  {Gospel  of  John,  i.  p.  xxix), 
and  Adeney  {HI,  jj.  337).  Harnack,  denying  the  authorship  to  John 
the  apostle,  chooses  widely  80-110  a.d.  (Chron.  pp.  655-680);  and  cp. 
Weizsticker,  yl^,  ii.  pp.  150  f.,  166  f.,  206-236;  Untersuchungen,  Erster 
Theil.  The  universalism  of  the  writing  (17^^,  Koaixos  occurs  seventy-eight 
times  in  John,  fifteen  times  in  the  synoptists)  rests  upon  the  inherent 
nature  of  Jesus  (P)  and  his  resurrection  (12^-) :  and  it  is  quite  in  keeping 
with  this  "  catholic  "  tendency,  which  marks  the  opening  of  the  second 
century,  that  the  nations  share  in  Christ's  kingdom  owing  to  its  natural  ex- 
pansion, and  not  on  account  of  any  abrogation  of  the  obstacles  in  the  Jewish 
law.  "  It  is  no  longer  necessary  to  discuss  terms  with  the  obligatoriness 
of  the  law."  Christianity  is  itself  a  new  Law,  its  conditions  not 
natural  but  universal,  not  external  but  inward.  The  Jews  have  set  them- 
selves aside  by  their  hostility  to  Jesus  (12'^* -*'') ;  to  them  in  fact  he  appeared 
what  Julius  Caesar  had  become  for  Lucan,  the  embodiment  of  a  hateful 
and  ruinous  success.  Hence  the  saying,  eV  rfj  dfiaprla  ijxwv  airodavdade 
(8-1-  -*)  is  substantially  the  epitaph  of  Judaism,  written  by  Christianity 
as  the  first  century  closed. 

Evidently  also  the  period  was  one  when  the  primitive  tradition  of 
Jesus,  as  held  by  the  early  church,  could  no  longer  suffice  by  itself 
(16'--  ^^),  but  required  to  be  supplemented  by  expansion  (16-^)  into  fuller 
and  richer  developments  through  fresh  revelations  of  the  Spirit  in  its 
continuity  (U^'^-^'J- etc.).  Parallel  with  this  lie  traces  of  extensive 
activity  (4^8)  ^nd  its  results  (lO^^  17-°),  very  possibly  too  of  disappoint- 
ments and  failure  (lO^-  15^^^);  above  all,  the  need  of  unity  (17).^ 
Outward  and  inward  evidence,  then,  converge  to  a  date  ±100,  although 
they  do  not  permit  of  any  greater  precision  in  regard,  at  any  rate,  to  the 
time  of  this  book's  composition. 

The  way  in  which  the  Logos-conception  is  introduced  and  used, 
indicates  that  it  was  familiar  to  the  writer's  audience  ;  for,  as  Hebrews 
suggests,  the  gnostical  method  had  already  begun  to  permeate  certain 
circles  of  early  Christianity.  The  later  literature  not  merely  points  to 
the  popularity  of  the  method  {e.g.  Barnabas),  but  shows  that  it  was  not 
without  dangers  for  the  faith.  Signs  of  a  reaction  are  not  awanting. 
The  first  epistle  of  John  is  a  protest  against  certain  inferences  which  were 
drawn   from   such   gnostical   treatment   of    the   evangelic   history,   and 

singularly  puts  tlie  gospel  and  epistles  between  80  and  90  a.d.  {EiM.  ii.  pp.  549-564). 
Schiirer's  invaluable  paper  (Uehe.rdiegefjenwdrtirjen  Stand  d.  .I«]i.  Fn^ie),  read  at  the 
Giessen  Conference  of  1889,  has  been  reproduced  in  the  '".',//./,//''.  Review  for 
September  1891,  pp.  1388-417,  with  a  conservative  reply  from  S.iinl.iv  {ihid.  pp.  529- 
544)  containing  some  important  admissions  on  the  question  nl  tlic  .lohannine  style 
as  an  exact  historical  medium. 

1  Especially  if  it  is  held  that  while  our  synoptic  gospels  belong  to  the  years  pre- 
ceeding  90,  atid  the  Joliannine  gospel  came  into  existence  shortly  afterwards,  the 
canon  of  our  four  gospels  rose  soon  after  the  publii-ition  of  Mie  fourth  gospel  in 
Asia  Minor.  So,  with  Harnack  and  Zahn,  Dr.  l':iul  Unln  l.arli  {Der  Schluss  des 
MitrkusevanqeUuns,  p.  66) ;  cp.  also  Eclc  [Preussisrln-  J,ihrh„rhc,-,  1898,  pp.  25-45), 
who  makes  John  tlie  presbyter  the  author  of  the  book. 

2 Compare  the  fine  eucharistic  prayer  (DidachG)  almost  contemporary  with  the 

fourth^  gospel  :  uctTif,  ?>  Tturo  tl  >.>.i.cry.a  hia-xepTKr/Aivov  'frayu  tuv  ipiuv  xai  truvccxSi* 
iyiaro  it,  ivra  a-viayjiiru  irtu  r,  ixx>.yiina.  lirro  ruiv  mpxruv  r'/t  yr(  u(  ry,v  <rr,ti  fixiriXu'av. 


THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  497 

threatened  to  dissipate  the  faith  (particularly  the  human  life  and  death 
of  Jesus)  in  a  subjective  spiritualism.  So  afterwards,  e.g.  in  2  Ti  2'^, 
the  resurrection  ^  (and  with  it  the  return  of  Jesus)  had  to  be  recovered 
from  this  thaw  of  abstract  speculation,  and  in  Judas  and  2  Peter  the 
distinctive  eschatological  hopes  are  reiterated  in  their  archaic  forms 
against  the  novel  disparagement  which  they  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
semi-philosophic  conceptions.  Thus  the  fourth  gospel  marks  an  epoch 
in  two  senses.  It  denotes  the  entrance  of  this  Hellenistic  gnosis  on  a 
large  scale  into  early  Christian  literature,  while  it  furnishes  at  the  same 
time  a  standpoint  from  which  the  later  literature  can  be  definitely 
estimated  in  its  varied  currents.  The  strength  of  the  gnostical  spirit  in 
early  Christianity  is  shown  not  merely  by  the  way  in  which  the  author 
of  the  fourth  gospel  exploited  it  for  the  sake  of  presenting  the  historical 
faith,  but  by  the  fact  that  its  fascination  soon  I'equired  a  corrective  and 
almost  a  protest  in  the  very  circles  where  it  had  first  been  welcomed 
(Wendt,  Joh.  Evglm.  p.  211  f.).  As  the  first  epistle  of  John  indicates, 
the  interests  of  historical  religion  and  piety  alike  required  a  check  to  be 
placed  upon  the  tendencies  that  made  for  the  identification  of  Philonic 
conceptions  with  the  Christian  doctrines  of  Jesus  and  his  central 
personality. 

The  possibility  that  all  the  gospels  were  finally  edited  (in  Asia  Minor, 
or  even  Ephesus)  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century  hardly 
affects  the  main  problem  of  their  dates.  Such  editing  involved  the  har- 
monising and  supplementing  of  the  synoptic  texts,  but  these — with  the 
exception  of  one  or  two  obvious  passages— already  existed  in  what  is  sub- 
stantially their  present  form.  The  extent  and  the  nature  of  this  process 
are  questions  which  belong  rather  to  the  literary  criticism  of  the  writings 
or  to  the  history  of  the  canon,  than  to  the  chronological  determination 
of  the  original  texts.  Upon  the  latter  problem  they  throw  little  light. 
Thus  even  Zahn,  after  a  rather  unsuccessful  endeavour  to  minimise  the 
difterences  of  style  between  the  fourth  gospel  and  the  apocalypse,  is  forced 
to  conclude  M-ith  the  admission  that  John  may  have  allowed  the  style  of 
his  writings  to  be  revised  by  more  accomplished  friends  {Einl.  ii.  p.  617). 
A  similar  device  was  adopted  by  Josejjhus  (c.  Apion.  i.  9).  Wendt  again 
identifies  the  author  of  his  "  source  "  used  in  the  fourth  gospel  with  the 
author  of  the  first  epistle,  but  refuses  to  identify  either  this  author 
or  the  fourth  evangelist  with  the  author  of  the  apocalypse. 

Finally,  the  terms  "  genuine "  and  "  Johannine "  are  out  of  place  in 
strictly  scientific  work  upon  the  fourth  gospel.  It  is  genuine  upon  the 
score  not  of  authorship  but  of  contents — thanks  to  the  fidelity  and 
insight  with  which  it  serves  to  ex2:)ress  certain  elements  of  Christianity 
as  the  personal  spirit  and  mind  of  Jesus.  Similarlj-  it  is  Johannine, 
many  critics  would  admit,  upon  any  theory  of  its  origin.  Even  although 
they  see  no  adequate  reason  for  accepting  the  tradition  which  assigns  the 
book  to  the  apostle  John,  and  several  cogent  reasons  to  the  contrary,  they 
would  hardly  deny  that  nevertheless  the  volume  is  Johannine — in  the 
sense  that  any  historical  element  throughout  its  pages  may  be  traced 
back  directly  or  indirectly  to  that  apostle  and  his  school. 

lAkin  perhaps  to  the  system  of  Simon  Magus'  pupil,  Meiiauder  (Iren.  Adv. 
Haer.  i.  23.  5),  who  taught  that  his  baptism  involved  freedom  from  deatli  ('•  eius 
discipulos  ultra  non  posse  mori,  sed  perseverare  non  seuescentes  et  immortales  "). 


32 


The  gosjicl  was  written  under  tlie  colours  of  a  primitive  apostle.  But 
under  cover  of  that  teacher's  passionately  defended  authority  we  have  a 
new  spirit,  views  that  go  far  beyond  those  of  tlie  primitive  church.  This 
teaching  does  not  merely  presup[)Ose  Paulinism  and  its  consequences,  to  which 
indeed  there  is  nowhere  a  clear  reference.  It  already  implies  the  existence 
of  that  Christianity  which  had  begun  on  heathen  soil  to  develop  into  an 
unfettered  world -religion,  and  had  carried  with  it  all  the  healthier  elements 
of  Jewish  Christianity.  .  .  .  The  union  at  so  early  a  date  of  the  personal  faith 
in  Jesus  with  the  doctrine  of  the  Logos,  in  itself  became  of  the  greatest 
significance  for  the  history  of  Christianity.  It  meant  neither  more  nor  less 
than  that  the  church  had  come  to  regard  its  religion  as  universal,  and  that, 
in  a  form  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  whole  future  amalgamation  of  the 
Christian  idea  with  the  highest  thought  of  Greek  philosophy.  .  .  .  For  a 
primitive  apostle,  this  is  inconceivable.  But  by  one  who  wrote  at  second-hand 
the  communications  of  an  apostle  could  be  related  to  a  theology  which  justified 
and  explained  faith  in  Christ  as  faith  in  the  Logos  of  God  ;  by  such  a  writer 
the  whole  life,  the  whole  aspect  of  it,  could  be  transformed  into  a  great 
haggadic,  didactic  work. — Weizssicker. 


THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL 


Jl-18 
]^1'J-51 


Prologue  :  the  Logos,  God,  and  the  world. 
The  preparation :  witness  borne  to  Jesus  by 


rjolm:  his  ministry  and 
<      confession. 
[the  tirst  disciples. 


The  earlier  ministry 


7'-10^- 


The  conflict : 


Galilee  :  (i)  miracle  of  water  and  wine. 
Jerusalem  :  festival  of  passover. 
Samaria :  two  days. 

Galilee  :  (ii)  miracle,  cure  of  officer's  son. 
Jerusalem  :  festival,  (iii)  miracle  :  sjieech — 

the  Son  and  the  Father. 
Galilee  :  (iv)  miracle  of  loaves,  (v)  miracle 

of  walking  on  sea  :  speech — 

Christ  and  men,  the  bread  of 

life. 


/Jerusalem  :  festival  of  tabernacles,  renewed 
opposition  of  priests  and 
Pharisees : 

teaching  in  temple,  con- 
troversy, 
(vi)  miracle,  cure  of  blind 
man, fresh  controversy, 
festival  of  dedication, debate  and 
controversy. 
'  retirement  of  Jesus  out- 

\  side  Judaea. 

Judaea :  (vii)  miracle,  resurrection  of 
Lazarus,  conspiracy  of  priests 
and  Pharisees  : 

retirement  of  Jesus, 
triumphal  entry  and  welcome  into 
Jerusalem  : 
\  close  of  public  ministry. 


festival  of  _ 
'  the  last  supper, 


13-17     Jesus  and  thcdi8ciples:<   the  last  speeches  on 


the  union  of  Christ 

and  his  disciples, 
the   Spirit  and  the 

future, 
the  work   of  Christ 

in     and    for    his 

disciples. 


the  Lord's  prayer, 
n  the  garden — betrayal  by  Judas. 


18-19      Jesus  and  the  passion 


fin 

I  before  Annas    and    Kaiaphas 
:  -      Peter. 
I  before    Pilate — trial,    crucifixion 


and  burial. 


lenial  by 
death, 


TMary  Magdalene. 

20  After  death:  the  threefold  appearanceof  Jesus  to-  the  ten  disciples. 

[the  eleven  disciples. 

21  [Appendix  :  Jesus  and  the  disciples  at  the  lake  of  Galilee.] 

499 


THE  FOUETH  GOSPEL 

1  1  I.\  the  beginning  was  the  Logos, 

And  the  Logos  was  with  God, 
And  the  Logos  was  God  : 

2  The  same  was  in  the  beginning  with  God. 

3  All  things  were  made  through  him, 

And  apart  from  him  not  one  thing  was  made  that  has  Ijeen  made. 

4  In  him  was  life, 

And  the  life  was  the  light  of  men. 

5  And  the  light  shines  in  the  darkness. 

Yet  the  darkness  has  not  extinguished  it. 

6  There  a^jpeared  a  man  sent  from  God,  whose  name  was  John. 

7  The  same  came  to  bear  witness, 

To  witness  concerning  the  light. 

That  all  might  believe  through  him. 

8  He  was  not  the  light, 

But  he  came  to  witness  concerning  the  light. 

9  The  true  light  which  lightens  every  man  was  coming  into  the  world. 

10  In  the  world  he  was. 

And  through  him  the  world  was  made. 
Yet  the  world  knew  him  not : 

11  He  came  to  his  home, 

Yet  his  own  people  did  not  welcome  him. 

12  But  to  all  who  accepted  him  he  gave  the  power  of  becoming  God's 

children — 
Even  to  those  who  believe  on  his  name — 

13  Who  were  born,  not  of  blood,  nor  of  the  inclination  of  the  ilesli,  nor 

of  the  inclination  of  man,  but  of  God. 

14  And  the  Logos  became  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us. 

And  we  beheld  his  majesty,  majesty  such  as  the  only  Son  has  from 
the  Father, 
Full  of  grace  and  truth ; 

15  (John  bears  witness  of  him,  and  cries,  saying,  "  This  is  he  of  whom  I  said  : 

'  He  who  comes  after  me  is  put  before  me, 
For  he  was  earlier  than  I.' ") 

16  For  out  of  his  fulness  we  have  all  received. 

Even  grace  upon  grace. 

17  For  the  law  was  given  through  Moses  : 

The  grace  and  the  truth  came  through  Jesus  Clirist. 

18  No  one  has  ever  seen  God  : 

The  only  Son,  who  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  it  was  he  who 
unfolded  him. 

19  And  this  is  the  witness  of  John.     When  the  Jews  sent  priests  and 

20  Levites  to  liim  from  Jerusalem  to  ask  him,  "Who  art  thou?"  he  owned 
— he  wouM  not  deny  it — he  owned,  "  It  is  not  I  who  am  tin-  Christ." 

500 


l^i-^*']  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  501 

21  And  they  asked  liim,  "  What  then  ?    Art  thou  Elijah  ?"    And  he  says,  "  I 

22  am  not."  "  Art  thou  the  Prophet  ? "  And  he  answered,  "  No."  They 
said  to  him  then,  "  Who  art  thou  ?  tell  us,  that  we  may  have  a  reply  to 

23  give  to  those  who  sent  us.     What  sayest  thou  of  thyself  ? "     He  said,  "  I  am 

The  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness, 
'  Alake  level  the  way  of  the  Lord ' ; 

24  even  as  the  prophet   Isaiah  said."     And  it  was  some  of  the  Pharisees 

25  who  had  been  sent ;  and  they  asked  him,  and  said  to  him,  "  Why  art 
thou  baptizing  then,  if  thou  art  neither  the  Christ,  nor  Elijah,  nor  the 

26  Prophet  ?"     John  answered  them,  saying, 

"  With  water  I  baptize. 

In  the  midst  of  you  stands  one  whom  you  know  not, 

27  He  who  comes  after  me  : 

The  thong  of  whose  sandal  I  am  not  worthy  to  untie." 

28  This  took  place  in  Bethany  across  the  Jordan,  where  John  was  baptizing. 

29  On  the  next  day  he  sees  Jesus  coming  to  him,  and  says,  "  Behold  !  it  is 

30  the  Lamb  of  God,  who  takes  the  sin  of  the  world  away.  This  is  he  of 
whom  I  said,  '  After  me  comes  a  man  who  is  put  before  me  ;  for  he  was 

31  earlier  than  I.'     And  I  did  not  know  him  myself  ;  but  I  have  come 

32  baptizing  with  water,  in  order  that  he  may  be  disclosed  to  Israel."  And 
John  bore  witness,  saying,  "  I  have  beheld  the  Spirit  descending  like  a 

33  dove  out  of  the  sky,  and  it  rested  upon  him.  And  I  did  not  know  him 
myself;  but  he  who  sent  me  to  baptize  with  water,  he  said  to  me,  'On 
whomsoever  thou  shalt  see  the  Spirit  descending  and  resting  upon  him, 

34  the  same  is  he  who  baptizes  with  the  holy  Spirit. '  And  I  have  seen, 
and  I  have  borne  witness  that  this  is  the  Son  of  God." 

35  On  the  next  day  again  John  was  standing  along  with  two  of  his 

36  disciples,  and  as  Jesus  walked  he  looked  at  him  and  says,  "  Behold  !  it  is 

37  the  Lamb  of  God  ! "     And  the  two  disciples  heard  him  speak,  and  they 

38  followed  Jesus.  Now  Jesus  turned  and  observed  them  following  ;  and 
he  says  to  them,  "  What  do  you  want  1 "  And  they  said  to  him, 
" Rabbi,"— (that    is,    when    translated,    "Teacher")— "where    art    thou 

39  staying  1 "  He  says  to  them,  "  Come,  and  you  shall  see."  So  they 
came  and  saw  where  he  stayed,  and  they  stayed  with  him  that  day  (it 

40  was  about  the  tenth  hour).     One  of  the  two  men  who  heard  what  John 

41  said  and  followed  him,  was  Andrew,  Simon  Peter's  brother.  First  of  all 
he  finds  his  own  brother  Simon,  and  says  to  him,  "  We  have  found  the 

42  Messiah"  (that  is,  when  translated,  "'Christ").  He  brought  him  to 
Jesus.  Jesus  looked  at  him  and  said,  "Thou  art  Simon,  the  son  of 
John.     Thou  shalt  be  called  Kephas  "  (that  is,  when  translated,  "  Peter  "). 

43  On  the  next  day  he  desired  to  depart  into  Galilee,  and  there 

44  he  finds  Philip.  And  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Follow  me."  Now  Philip 
was  from  Bethsaida,  he   belonged   to   the   city  of  Andrew  and   Peter. 

45  Philip  finds  Nathanael  and  says  to  him,  "  We  have  found  him  of  whom 
Moses  wrote  in  the  law,  and  of  whom  the  prophets  wrote,  Jesus  the  son 

46  of  Joseph,  who  is  from  Nazaret."  And  Nathanael  said  to  him,  "  Can 
anything  good  come  out  of  Nazaret  ? "     Philip  says  to  him,  "  Come  and 

47  see."     Jesus  saw  Nathanael  coming  to  him,  and  says  of  him,  "  Look  ! 

48  there  is  an  Israelite,  to  be  sure,  in  whom  there  is  no  guile  ! "  Nathanael 
says  to  him,  "  Whence  knowest  thou  me  ? "  Jesus  answered  and  said  to 
him,  "  Before  Philip  called  thee,  I  saw  thee,  when  thou  wast  under  the 

49  fig-tree."     Nathanael  answered  him,  "Rabbi,  thou  art  the  Son  of  God, 

50  thou  art  king  of  Israel!"  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  him,  "Believest 
thou,  because  I  said  to  thee  that  I  saw  thee  below  the  fig-tree  ?    Thou  shalt 


502  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [l^^-3'' 

51  see  greater  tilings  than  these."  And  he  says  to  him,  "  Truly,  I  tell  yon, 
truly,  you  shall  see  the  sky  opened,  and  the  aiujels  of  God  ascending  and 
descending  upon  the  Son  of  man." 

2  1        And  on  the  third  day  a  marriage  took  place  in  Kana  of  Galilee ;  and 

2  the  mother  of  Jesus  was  there.     Now  Jesus  had  also  been  invited  to  the 

3  marriage,  with  his  disciples.    And  on  the  wine  running  short,  the  mother 

4  of  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  They  have  no  wine."  But  Jesus  says  to  her, 
"Woman,  vvhat  have  I  to  doVith  thee?     My  hour  has  not  come  yet." 

5,  G  His  mother  says  to  the  servants,  "  Do  whatever  he  tells  you."     Now 
there  were  six  stone  water-jars  lying  there,  in  accordance  with  the  Jews' 

7  practice  of  purification,  each  holding  about  twenty  gallons.  Jesus  says 
to  them,  "Fill  the  water-jars  with  water."     And  they  filled  them  up  to 

8  the  l)rim.     And  he  says  to  them,  "Now,  draw  some  out  and  take  it  to 

9  the  master  of  the  table."  And  tliey  took  it.  Now  when  the  master  of 
tiie  table  tasted  the  water  which  had  become  wine,  and  knew  not  where 
it  had  come  from  (but  the  servants  who  had  drawn  the  water  knew),  the 

10  master  of  the  table  calls  the  bridegroom  and  says  to  him,  "Every  man 
serves  the  good  wine  first,  and  when  people  have  got  drunk  he  serves  the 
poorer  wine.     Thou  hast  kept  the  good  wine  iintil  now  !  " 

11  Jesus  made  this  beginning  of  the  signs  in  Kana  of  Galilee,  and  disclosed 
his  majesty  ;  and  his  disciples  believed  on  him. 

12  After  this  he  went  down  to  Kapharnahum,  he  and  his  mother  and 
his  brothers  and  his  disciples  ;  and  there  they  stayed  for  a  few  days. 

13  And  when  the  passover  of  the  Jews  was  near,  Jesus  went  up 

14  to  Jerusalem.     And  he  found  sitting  in  the  temple  sellers  of  oxen  and 

15  sheep  and  doves,  and  money-brokers.  Then,  making  a  scourge  of  cords 
he  drove  them  all,  sheep  and  oxen  together,  out  of  the  temple,  and  he 

IG  scattered  the  coins  of  the  money-changers  and  upset  their  tables  ;  and  he 
said  to  the  sellers  of  doves,  "Take  these  hence.     Make  not  my  Father's 

17  house    a    house    of    trade."     (His    disciples    remembered    that    it    was 

18  written.  Zeal  for  thy  house  consumes  me.)  The  Jews  then  addressed  him, 
saying,  "  What  sign  hast  thou  to  show  us,  since  thou  art  acting  thus?" 

19  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "Destroy  this  sanctuary,  and  in  three 

20  days  I  will  raise  it  up."  The  Jews  then  said,  "Six  and  forty  years 
this  sanctuary  took  to  build.     And  thou  wilt  raise  it  up  in  three  days' 

21,  22  time  !"  But  he  was  speaking  of  the  sanctuary  of  his  body.  (So  when 
he  rose  from  the  dead,  his  disciples  remembered  that  he  said  this  ; 
and  they  believed  the  scripture  and  the  word  which  Jesus  had 
spoken.) 

23  Now  when  lie  was  in  Jerusalem  at  the  passovex",  celebrating  the 
festival,  many  believed  on  his  name  when  they  saw  his  signs  wliicli  he 

24  was  performing.     But  he,  Jesus,  would  not  trust  himself  to  them,  since 

25  he  knew  them  all,  and  because  he  required  no   one   to   bear  witness 

3  1  concerning  man  ;  for  he  knew  what  was  in  man.  Now  there 

was  a  man  belonging  to  the  Pharisees  named  Nikodemus,  a  ruler  of  the 

2  Jews.     He  came  to  him  by  night  and  said  to  him, 

"  Rabbi,  we  know  thou  hast  come  as  a  teacher  from  God  : 

For  no  one  can  perform  those  signs  which  thou  art  performing, 
unless  God  lie  with  him." 

3  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  him, 

"  Truly,  I  tell  thee,  truly. 

Unless  a  man  be  born  from  above 
He  cannot  see  the  reign  of  God." 

4  Nikodemus  says  to  him, 


3^-']  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  503 

"  How  can  a  man  be  born  when  lie  is  old  ? 
Can  he  enter  his  mother's  womb  a  second  time  and  be  born  1 " 
5  Jesus  replied, 

"  Truly,  I  tell  thee,  truly. 

Unless  a  man  be  born  of  water  and  Spirit, 
He  cannot  enter  the  reign  of  God. 
G  What  is  born  of  the  flesh  is  flesh  : 

And  what  is  born  of  the  Spirit  is  spirit. 

7  iMarvel  not  that  I  said  to  thee, 

'  You  must  be  born  from  above.' 

8  The  wind  blows  where  it  wills,  and  thou  hearest  its  sound, 
But  whence  it  comes  and  whither  it  goes,  thou  knowest  not : 

So  is  it  with  every  one  born  of  the  Spirit." 

9  Nikodemus  answered  and  said   to   him,  "  How  can  these  things  l^e  ? " 

10  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  him,  "Art  thou  the  teacher  of  Israel,  and 

1 1  understandest  thou  not  these  things  ?     Truly,  I  tell  thee,  truly. 

We  speak  of  what  we  know  and  bear  witness  to  what  we  have 
seen. 
Yet  you  accept  not  our  witness. 

12  If  I  told  you  earthly  things  and  you  believe  not, 

How  shall  you  believe  if  I  tell  you  heavenly  things  ? 

13  And  no  one  has  ascended  into  heaven  except  he  who  descended 

from  heaven. 
The  Son  of  man  who  is  in  heaven. 

14  And  as  Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent  in  the  wilderness. 

So  must  the  Son  of  man  be  lifted  up, 

15  That  every  one  who  believes  in  him  may  have  life  eternal. 
IG            For  God  so  loved  the  world  that  he  gave  his  only  Son, 

That  every  one  who  believes  on  him  might  not  perish  l3ut  have 
life  eternal. 

17  For  God  sent  not  his  Son  that  he  might  judge  the  world, 

But  that  the  world  might  be  saved  through  him. 

18  He  who  believes  on  him  is  not  condemned  : 

Whoever  believes  not,  is  condemned  already. 

Because  he  has  not  believed  on  the  name  of  the  only  Son  of  God. 

19  And  the  condemnation  is  this ;  that  the  light  has  come  into  the 

world. 
Yet  men  have  loved  the  darkness  rather  than  the  light. 
For  their  deeds  are  evil. 

20  For  every  one  who  does  ill  hates  the  light  and  comes  not  to  the 

light, 
Lest  his  works  should  be  exposed. 

21  But  he  who  practises  the  truth  comes  to  the  light. 

That  his   deeds  may  be  disclosed,  because   they  have  been 
wrought  in  God." 

22  After  this,  Jesus  and  liis  disciples  went  into  the  land  of  Judaea  ;  and 

23  there  he  spent  some  time  with  them  and  baptized.  Now  John  also  was 
baptizing  in  Aenon  near  Salim,  as  there  was  plenty  of  water  there ;  and 

24  people  came  and  had  themselves  baptized  (for  John  was  not  yet  thrown 

25  into  prison).     Thereupon  a  controversy  arose  between  some  of  John's 

26  disciples  and  a  Jew  in  regard  to  purification.  And  they  came  to  John 
and  said  to  him,  "  Rabbi,  he  who  was  with  thee  across  the  Jordan,  to 
whom  thou  hast  borne  witness — lo,  he  is  baptizing,  and  all  men  come  to 

27  him  ! "     John    answered   and   said,  "  A   man   cannot    receive    anything, 


504  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [3-^-42'' 

2vS  v;nless  it  lias  been  given  him  from  heaven.     Yon  yourselves  bear  me 

29  witness  that  I  said,  '  I  am  not  the  Christ,  but  I  am  sent  before  him.'  He 
who  has  the  bride  is  the  bridegroom.  But  tlie  friend  of  the  bridegroom 
who  stands  and  listens  to  him,  rejoices  keenly  at  the  bridegroom's  voice  : 

30  this  my  joy,  then,  is  complete.     He  must  increase,  but  I  must  decrease." 

31  He  who  comes  from  above  is  far  above  all, 

He  who  is  of  the  earth,  of  the  earth  he  is  and  of  the  earth  he 
speaks : 

32  He  who  comes  from  heaven  ^  bears  witness  to  what  he  has  seen 

and  heard. 
Yet  no  man  accepts  his  witness  : 

33  He  who  has  accepted  his  witness  has  certified  that  God  is 

truthful. 

34  For  he  whom  God  has  sent  speaks  the  words  of  God, 

For  he  gives  not  the  Spirit  sparingh". 

35  The  Father  loves  the  Son, 

And  he  has  given  all  things  into  his  hand. 

36  He  who  believes  on  the  Son  has  life  eternal : 

And  he  who  is  disobedient  to  the  Son  shall  not  see  life, 
But  the  wrath  of  God  rests  upon  him. 

4  1        "When  therefore  the  Lord  learned  that  the  Pharisees  had  heard  of 

2  Jesus  making  and  baptizing  more  disciples  tlian  John  (though  indeed 

3  Jesus  did  not  himself  baptize,  it  was  his  disciples),  he  left  Judaea  and 
4,  5  went  away  again  to  Galilee.     Now  he  had  to  pass  through  Samaria.     So 

he  comes  to  a  city  of  Samaria  called  Sychar,  near  the  piece  of  land  that 

6  Jacob  gave  to  his  son  Joseph  ;  and  Jacob's  spring  was  there.     Wearied 

8  therefore  with  his  journey,  Jesus  sat  as  he  was  beside  the  spring ;  for 
his  disciples  had  gone  away  into  the  city  to  buy  provisions.     It  was 

7  about   the   sixth  hour.     A  woman   of  Samaria   comes   to  draw  water. 

9  Jesus  says  to  her,  "Give  me  a  drink?"  The  Samaritan  woman  says  to 
him  therefore,  "  How  is  it  that  thou,  who  art  a  Jew,  askest  drink  from 
me,  a  Samaritan  woman  ? "     (For  Jews  did  not  associate  with  Samaritans.) 

10  Jesus  answered  and  said  to  her,  "  Hadst  thou  known  the  free  gift  of  God, 
and  who  it  is  that  says  to  thee,  '  Give  me  to  drink,'  thou  wouldst  have 

11  asked  him,  and  he  would  have  given  thee  living  water?"  The  woman 
says  to  him,  '  Sir,  thou  hast  nothing  to  draw  with,  and  the  well  is  deep  ! 

12  From  whence  then  hast  thou  the  living  water?  Thou  !  art  thou  greater 
than  our  father  Jacob  who  gave  us  the  well,  and  drank  of  it  himself,  with 

13  his  sons  and  his  cattle  ? "     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  her, 

"Every  one  who  drinks  of  this  water 
Shall  thirst  again. 

14  But  every  one  who  drinks  of  the  water  that  I  shall  give  him. 

Shall  never  thirst  at  all  ; 
But  the  water  that  I  shall  give  him 

Shall  ])ecome  in  him  a  spring  of  water  welling  up  to  life  eternal." 

15  The  woman  says  to   him,   "Sir,  give  me  this  water,  that   I   may  not 
IG  thirst,  or  have  to  come  here  all  the  way  to  draw."     Jesus  says  to  her, 

17  "Go,  call  thy  husband,  and  come  back  here."  The  woman  answered 
and  said,2  "  I  have  no  husl)and."     Jesus  says  to  her,  "  Thou  wert  right  in 

18  saying,  'I  have  no  liusband';  for  thou  hast  had  five  husbands,  and  he 
whom  thou  hast  now  is  not  thy  husband.     Therein  thou  hast  spoken 

19,  20  truly."     The  woman  says  to  hiiii,  "  Sir,  I  see  thou  art  a  prophet.     Our 

1  Omitting  ira^a  -T^v:»,v  Cirr/v    .    .    .    TcZr„.  2  Omitting  [[airf.]] 


4^1-^^  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  505 

fathers  worshipped  on  this  mountain  ;  and  you  say  that  the  place  where 

21  men  ought  to  worship  is  at  Jerusalem."     Jesus  says  to  her, 

"  Believe  me,  woman,  the  hour  is  coming 
When  neither  at  Jerusalem  nor  on  this  mountain 
Shall  you  worship  the  Father. 

22  You  worship  what  you  know  not : 
We  worship  what  we  know 

(For  salvation  comes  from  the  Jews). 

23  But  the  hour  is  coming  and  now  is. 

When  the  true  worshijjpers  shall  worship  the  Father  in  spirit  and 

truth  ; 
For  such  indeed  the  Father  seeks  to  be  his  worshippers. 

24  God  is  a  Spirit : 

And  those  who  worship  him  must  worship  m  spirit  and  truth." 

25  The  woman  says  to  him,  "I  know  that  Messiah  (that  is  'Christ')  is 

26  to  come.     When  he  has  come,  he  will  disclose  everything  to  us."     Jesus 

27  says  to  her,  "  I  am  he,  I  who  speak  to  thee."  And  at  this  point 
his  disciples  came,  and  they  wondered  that  he  was  talking  with  a 
woman.     However,  no  one  said,  "What  dost  thou  want?"  or  "Why  art 

28  thou  talking  with  her?"     So  the  Avoman  left  her  water-jar  and  went 

29  away  to  the  city  ;  and  she  says  to  the  people,  "  Come  !  see  a  man  who 

30  told"  me  all  that  ever  I  did.     Can  this  be  the  '  Christ '  ? "     They  left  the 

31  city  and  went  on  their  way  to  him.  Meanwhile  the  disciples 

32  were  begging  him,  saying,  "  Rabbi,  eat."     But  he  said  to  them,  "  I  have 

33  food  to  eat,  of  which  you  know  nothing."     So  the  disciples  began  to  say 

34  to  one  another,  "  Has  anyone  brought  him  something  to  eat  ? "  Jesus 
says  to  them,  "  My  food  is  to  obey  the  will  of  him  who  sent  me,  and 
to  accomplish  his  work. 

35  Do  you  not  say,  '  Four  months  still,  then  harvest  comes  '  ? 

Lo,  I  say  to  you,  lift  up  your  eyes  and  look  on  the  fields,  they  are 
white  for  harvest. 

36  Already  the   reaper  gets   his  wages   and   gathers   fruit   to   life 

eternal ; 
That  the  sower  and  the  reaper  may  rejoice  together. 

37  For  herein  is  the  saying  true, 
'  One  sows,  another  reaps ' : 

38  I  sent  you  to  reap  what  you  have  not  laboured  at ; 

Others  have  laboured,  and  into  their  labour  you  have  entered." 

39  Now  many  of  the  Samaritans  of  that  city  believed  on  him,   owing  to 

40  the  woman's  word  of  witness  :  "  He  told  me  all  that  ever  I  did."  So 
when  the  Samaritans  came  to  him,  they  begged  him  to  stay  with  them. 

41  And  he  stayed  there  for  two  days.     And  many  more  believed  on  account 

42  of  his  word  ;  and  they  said  to  the  woman,  "  It  is  no  longer  owing  to  thy 
story  that  we  believe.  For  we  have  heard  for  ourselves,  and  we  know 
that  this  man  really  is  the  Saviour  of  the  world." 

I  44  Now  after  the  two  days  he  departed  thence  to  Galilee  (for  Jesus 
himself  testified  that  a  "prophet   has   no   honour   in   his   own   native 

45  place ").  So  when  he  came  to  Galilee,  the  Galilaeans  received  him, 
because  they  had  seen  all  he  did  in  Jerusalem  at  the  festival  (for  they 
too  went  to  the  festival). 

46  So  he  came  once  more  to  Kana  of  Galilee,  where  he  had  made  the 
water   wine.      And   there   was   a   king's   officer   whose   son   was   ill   at 

47  Kapharnahum.  On  hearing  that  Jesus  had  arrived  in  Galilee  from  Judaea, 
this  man  went  to  him  and  begged  him  to  come  down  and  cure  his  son 


50G  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4*^^-520 

48  for  lie  was  at  the  point  of  death.     Jesus  said  to  him  therefore,  "  Unless 

49  you  see  signs  and  wonders,  you  will  not  believe."      The  king's  officer 

50  says  to  him,  "  Come  down,  Sir,  before  the  child  dies."  Jesus  says 
to  him,  "  Go  thy  way ;  thy  son  is  alive."     The  man  believed  the  word 

51  that  Jesus  spoke  to  him,  and  went  on  his  way.  Now  when  he  was  still 
on  the  way  down,  his  slaves  met  him  ^  with  the  news  that  his  son  was 

52  living.  So  he  inquired  of  them  the  hour  at  which  he  began  to  improve. 
They  said  to  him  therefore,  "  Yesterday  at  the  seventh  hour,  the  fever  left 

53  him?'  So  the  father  knew  it  had  left  him  at  the  very  hour  at  which 
Jesus  had  said  to  him,  "Thy  son  lives."     And  he  believed,  he  and  the 

51  whole  of  his  household.  This  was  the  second  sign  that  Jesns  performed 
once  more  after  coming  out  of  Judaea  into  Galilee. 

5  1        After  this-  there  was  a  festival  of  the  Jews  ;  and  Jesus  went  up  to 

2  Jerusalem.     Now  in  Jerusalem  there  is  a  pool   beside   the   sheep-gate, 

3  which  is  called  in  Hebrew  "  Beth-zatha,"  and  has  five  porticoes.  In  these 
a  crowd  of  invalids  used  to  lie,  blind,  lame,  withered  ^  [[,  awaiting  the 

4  bubbling  of  the  water.  For  an  angel  of  the  Lord  stepped  down  from  time 
to  time  into  the  pool  and  stirred  the  water.    He  then  who  stepped  in  first 

5  was  made  whole,  no  matter  what  disease  he  was  subject  to]].     And  one 

6  Hian  was  there,  who  had  been  ill  for  thirty-eight  years.  When  Jesus  saw 
him  lying  and  learned  that  he  had  been  ill  for  a  long  time  now,  he  saj^s  to 

7  him,  "  Wouldst  thou  be  made  whole  ? "  The  invalid  answered  him,  "  Sir, 
I  have  no  man  to  put  me  into  the  pool  when  the  water  is  stirred  ;  and 

8  while  I  am  coming  myself,  another  steps  down  before  me."    Jesus  says  to 

9  him,  "Rise,  take  up  thy  pallet  and  walk."  And  the  man  immediately 
liecame  whole,  and  he  took  up  his  pallet  and  began  to  walk. 

10  Now  it  was  the  sabbath  on  that  day.  So  the  Jews  said  to  him  who  had 
been  cured,  "It  is  the  sabbath  ;  and  thou  hast  no  right  to  take  up  thy  pallet." 

11  But  he  answered  them,  "  The  man  who  made  me  whole,  told  me, '  Take  up 

12  thy  pallet  and  walk.'"     They  asked  him,  "  Who  is  the  fellow  who  told 

13  thee,  '  Take  it  up  and  walk '  ? "  Now  he  who  had  been  cured  did  not  know 
who  it  was  ;  for  (owing  to  the  crowd  at  the  spot)  Jesus  had  slipped  away. 

14  After  this,  Jesus  comes  upon  him  in  the  temple,  and  he  said  to  him,  "  Be- 
hold, thou  hast  been  made  whole  :  sin  no  more,  lest  something  worse  befall 

15  thee."     Away  went  the  man  and  told  the  Jews  that  it  was  Jesus  who  had 

16  made    him    whole.      And  for  this  reason  the  Jews  began  to  persecute 

17  Jesus,  because  he  did  these  deeds  on  the  sabbath.     But  Jesus  addressed 

18  them,  "  My  Father  is  working  up  till  now,  and  I  am  working."  For  this 
reason  then  the  Jews  sought  all  the  more  to  kill  him,  because  he  was  not 
merely  Ijreaking  the  sabbath  but  also  calling  God  his  own  "  Father," 

19  making  himself  equal  to  (tocI.  Jesus  then  answered  and  said 
to  tliem,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

The  Son  can  do  nothing  of  himself, 

Unless  he  sees  the  Father  doing  it  ; 

For  whatever  things  he  does, 
These  also  the  Son  does  in  the  same  way. 

20  For  the  Father  loves  the  Son, 

And  shows  him  all  that  he  does  himself. 
And  he  will  show  him  greater  works  than  these — 


1  Omitting  [*«/  iiy-yux^,]. 

-  Addiug   [[iy.hfxo.u.'-"^"  '!■■>," 

ToXl    'Shv.TCi   Xi\ri(7iV 

"Ay/O.ct  ykp  xvpU-j  xetTo.  xxipi 

iv  Tvi  xoXvfjL^iOfxf.  xa,i   irxpxira-i  i 

0   Ciup'  i  civ  T/jiV 

c(    'ff/.l3eis    ■>/!■>,;   iy'iv'.To    o'iu    Jr,rroT 

,o,rr.^r,]]. 

5^^-^"]  THE    FOUETH    C40SPEL  507 

To  your  wonder. 

21  For  as  the  Father  raises  the  dead  and  makes  them  live, 

So  the  Son  also  makes  those  live  whom  he  will : 

22  For  indeed  the  Father  condemns  no  man, 

But  has  given  the  judgment  entirely  to  the  Son, 

23  That  all  may  honour  the  Son, 

Even  as  they  honour  the  Father. 
He  who  honours  not  the  Son, 

Honours  not  the  Father  who  sent  him. 

24  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

He  who  hears  my  word  and  believes  him  who  sent  me, 

Has  life  eternal,  and  comes   not  under  condemnation,  but  has 
passed  from  death  into  life. 

25  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

The  hour  is  coming  and  now  is,  when  the  dead  shall  hear  the  voice 
of  the  Son  of  God, 
And  those  who  hear  shall  live. 

26  For  as  the  Father  has  life  in  himself,  so  has  he  granted  the 

Son  also  to  have  life  in  himself, 

27  And  he  has  given  him  authority  to  execute  judgment,  Ijecause 

he  is  a  son  of  man. 

28  Wonder  not  at  this  : 

For  the  hour  comes  iu  which  all  who  are  in  the  tomhs  shall  hear 
his  voice  ; 

29  A  ndthey  shall  come  out. 

Those  who  have  done  good,  for  a  resurrection  to  life, 
And   those   who   have   done   ill,    for   a   resurrection   to   con- 
demnation. 

30  I  cannot  do  anything  of  myself.     As  I  hear,  I  judge  : 

And  my  judgment  is  just,  because  I  seek  not  my  own  will  but 
the  will  of  him  who  sent  me. 

31  If  I  should  bear  witness  concerning  myself,  my  witness  is  not  true. 

32  It  is  another  who  bears  witness  concerning  me,  and  I  know  that 
his  witness  concerning  me  is  true. 

33  You  have  sent  to  John  and  he  has  borne  Avitness  to  the  truth  : 

34  (The  witness  I  accept  is  not  from  man. 

But  I  say  this  that  you  may  be  saved) 

35  He  was  the  burning  and  shining  lamp,  and  for  a  time  you  were 

pleased  to  rejoice  in  his  light. 

36  But  the  witness  which  I  have  is  greater  than  John's  ; 

For  the  works  that  the  Father  has  given  me  to  accomplish,  the 

very  works  I  am  doing, 
Bear  witness  concerning  me  that  the  Father  has  sent  me. 

37  And  the  Father  who  sent  me,  he  has  borne  witness  concerning  me. 

His  voice  you  have  never  heard,  and  his  form  you  have  never  seen  ; 

38  And  you  have  not  his  word  abiding  in  you,  for  you  believe  not 

him  whom  he  sent. 

39  You  search  the  scriptures,  for  you  imagine  that  in  them  you  have 

life  eternal 
(And  indeed  they  are  what  bears  witness  concerning  me), 

40  Yet  you  will  not  come  to  me,  that  you  may  have  life. 

41  I  catch  at  no  credit  from  men, 

42  But  I  know  that  you  have  not  love  to  God  in  you. 
I  have  come  in  the  name  of  my  Father,  yet  you  accept  me  not : 


43 


508 


-15-24  fil-17 


If  another  comes  in  his  own  name,  him  you  will  accept. 

44  How  can  you  believe,  when  you  catch  at  credit  from  one  another, 

And  seek  not  the  credit  that  is  from  the  only  God  1 

45  Do  not  imagine  I  will  accuse  you  before  the  Father  : 

There  is  one  who  accuses  you,  even  Moses  on  whom  your  hope 
is  set. 

46  For  if  you  Ijelieved  Moses,  you  would  believe  me  ;  for  it  was  of  me 

that  he  wrote. 

47  But  if  you  believe  not  his  writings,  how  shall  you  believe  my 

words'?" 
V  15  The  Jews  then  marvelled,  saying,  "How   does  this  man  know  letters 

16  when  he  has  never  studied  ?"     So  Jesus  answered  them  and  said, 

"  My  teaching  is  not  my  own,  but  his  who  sent  me. 

17  If  anyone  chooses  to  obey  his  will,  he  shall  know  about  the  teach- 

ing, whether  it  be  of  God,  or  whether  I  sjoeak  from  myself. 

18  He  who  speaks  from  himself  seeks  his  own  credit : 

But  he  who  seeks  the  credit  of  him  who  sent  him,  he  is  truthful 
and  no  dishonesty  is  in  him. 

19  Has  not  Moses  given  ^  you  the  law  ?   yet  none  of  you  obeys  the  law. 

20  Why  seek  to  kill  me?"     The  crowd  answered,  "Thou  hast  a  daemon! 

21  Who  seeks  to  kill  thee  ?"    Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  One  work 

22  I  did,  and  you  are  all  marvelling.     Moses  has  given  you  circumcision 
(not  that  its  source  is  Moses,  it  is  the  fathers),  and  on  the  sabbath  you 

23  circumcise  a  man.     If  a  man  receives  circumcision  on  the  sabbath,  that 
the  law  of  Moses  may  not  be  broken,  are  you  wroth  with  me,  because  I 

24  made  a  man  entirely  whole  on  the  sabbath?     Judge  not  by  appearances, 
judge  uprightly." 

6  1        After  this  Jesus  went  away  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  sea  of  Galilee, 

2  (which  is  the  sea  of  Tiberias).     Now  a  large  crowd  used  to  follow  him, 

3  because  they  saw  the  signs  he  performed  among  those  who  were  ill.   And 

4  Jesus  went  up  the  mountain,  and  there  he  sat  with  his  disciples.     (Now 

5  the  passover,  the  festival  of  the  Jews,  was  near.)     On  lifting  up  his  ej'es 
then,  and  seeing  that  a  large  crowd  was  coming  to  him,  Jesus  says  to 

6  Philij),  "  Where  are  we  to  l)uy  bread  that  these  })eople  may  eat  ?"     (Now 
he  said  this  to  make  trial  of  him  ;  for  he  knew  himself  what  he  was  going 

7  to  do.)     Philip  answered  him,  "  Two  hundred  shillings'  worth  of  Ijread  is 

8  not  enough  to  enable  each  of  them  to  get  a  little."     One  of  his  disciples, 

9  Andrew  the  brother  of  Simon  Peter,  says  to  him,  "There  is  a  little  boy 
here,  who  has  live  baidey  loaves  and  two  fish.     But  what  are  these  among 

10  so  many?"    Jesus  said,  "Make  the  people  lie  down."    (Now  there  was 
plenty  of  grass  at  the  spot.)     So  the  men  lay  down,  numbering  about 

1 1  five  thousand.     Jesus  then  took  the  loaves,  and  after  giving  thanks  he 
distributed  them  to  those  who  were  reclining  ;  so  also  with  the  fish,  as  much 

12  as  they  wished.     And  when  they  were  satisfied,  he  says  to  the  disciples, 
"  Gather  up  the  fragments  that  are  left  ovei',  so  that  nothing  may  be  lost." 

13  So  they  gathered  them  up,   and   filled  twelve  baskets   with  fragments 
of  the  five  l)arley  loaves,  which  had  been  left  over  by  those  who  had 

14  eaten.  When  the  people  therefore  saw  the  sign  which  he  jjer- 
formed,  they  said,  "Tliis  is  really  the  Prophet,  who  is  to  come  into  the 

15  world."     So  on  learning  that  they  were  about  to  come  and  seize  him,  in 
order  to  make  him  king,  Jesus  retired  once  more  to  the  mountain  by 

IG  himself  alone.  When  it  was  evening  his  disciples  went  down 

17  to  tlie  sea,  and  after  embarking  in  a  boat  proceeded  across  the  sea  to 
1  Reading  hliux'.v. 


e^s-""^]  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  509 

Kapliarnahum.     By  this  time  it  bad  become  dark,  and  Jesus  bad  not  yet 

18,  19  come  to  them  ;  the  sea  too  was  rising,  as  a  strong  wind  blew.     Now  after 

rowing  for  three  or  four  miles,  they  see  Jesus  walking  on  the  sea  and 

20  drawing  near  to  the  boat.     And  they  were  afraid.     But  he  says  to  them, 

21  "  It  is  I  ;  be  not  afraid."  Then  they  were  ready  to  take  him  into  the 
boat.  And  immediately  the  boat  was  at  the  land  for  which  they  were 
making. 

22  On  the  next  day,  the  crowd  that  stood  on  the  otlier  side  of  the  sea  saw 
that  no  small  boat  had  been  there  except  one,  and  that  Jesus  had  not 
entered  the  boat  witli  his  disciples,  but  that  his  disciples  had  gone  away 

23  alone.     (Still,  small  boats  had  arrived  from  Tiberias  near  to  the  spot 

24  whei-e  they  ate  the  bread  after  the  Lord  had  given  thanks.)  When  the 
crowd  therefore  saw  that  Jesus  was  not  there,  nor  his  disciples,  they  em- 
barked in  the  small  boats  themselves  and  went  to  Kapharnahum  in  search 

25  of  Jesus.     And  after  finding  him  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea,  they  said  to 

26  him,  "  Rabbi,  when  didst  thou  come  here  1 "  Jesus  answered  them  and 
said,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly,  you  are  seeking  me,  not  because  you  saw 
signs,  but  because  you  ate  of  the  loaves  and  were  satisfied. 

27  Work  not  for  the  food  that  perishes. 

But  for  the  food  that  lasts  to  life  eternal  ; 
And  that  shall  the  Son  of  man  give  you. 

For  the  Father,  even  God,  has  authorised  him." 

28  Accordingly  they  said  to  him,  "  What  are  we  to  do,  that  we  may  perform 

29  the  works  of  God  ? "     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  them,  "  This  is  the  work 

30  of  God,  to  believe  on  him  whom  he  has  sent."  So  they  said  to  him, 
"  What  dost  thou  perform  then  as  a  sign,  that  we  should  see  and  believe 

31  thee?     What  workest  thou?     Our  fathers  ate  the  manna  in  the  wilder- 

32  ness  ;  even  as  it  is  written,  He  gave  them  bread  out  of  heaven  to  eat."  So 
Jesus  said  to  them,  "Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

Moses  did  not  give  you  the  bread  out  of  heaven  ; 

It  is  my  Father  who  gives  you  the  true  bread  out  of  heaven. 

33  For  the  bread  of  God  is  what  comes  down  out  of  heaven  and  gives 

life  to  the  world." 
34,  35  They    said    to   him   therefore,  "  Lord,  ever  give  us  this  bread."     Jesus 
said  to  them, 

"  I  am  the  bread  of  life  : 

He  who  comes  to  me  shall  never  hunger. 

And  he  who  believes  on  me  shall  never  thirst  any  more. 

36  But  I  said  to  you,  that  you  have  seen,i  yet  you  believe  not. 

37  All  that  the  Father  gives  me  shall  come  to  me. 

And  him  who  comes  to  me  I  never  will  cast  out. 

38  For  I  have  come  down  from  heaven 

Not  to  obey  my  own  will  but  the  will  of  him  who  sent  me. 

39  And  this  is  the  will  of  him  who  sent  me  : 

That  I  should  lose  nothing  of  all  that  he  has  given  me. 
But  that  I  should  raise  it  up  at  the  last  da}'. 

40  For  this  is  the  will  of  my  Father  : 

That  every  one  who  sees  the  Son  and  believes  on  him,  should 

have  life  eternal, 
And  that  I  should  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day." 

41  The  Jews  then  began  to  murmur  about  him,  because  he  said,  "  I  am 

42  the  bread  which  came  down  out  of  heaven."  And  they  said,  "  Is  not  this 
Jesus,  the  son  of  Joseph  ?     We  know  his  father  and  mother  !     How  is  he 

1  Omittiug  f^i. 


510  HISTOEICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [6^^-^^ 

43  now  saying,  '  I  liave  come  down  out  of  heaven '  ? "     Jesus  answered  and 
said  to  tliem,  "  Murmur  not  among  yourselves. 

44  No  one  can  come  to  me,  unless  the  Father  who  sent  me  draws  him  : 

And  I  will  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day. 

45  It  is  written  in  the  projDhets,  and  they  shall  all  he  instructed  hij  God. 

Every  one  who  has  been  taught  by  the  Father  and  has  learned, 
comes  to  me. 

46  Not  that  anyone  has  seen  the  Father, 

Save  he  who  is  from  God,  he  has  seen  the  Father. 

47  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

48  He  who  l)elieves  has  life  eternal.     I  am  the  bread  of  life. 

49  Your  fathers  ate  the  manna  in  the  wilderness,  and  they  died  : 

50  This  is  the  bread  which  comes  down  out  of  heaven, 

That  a  man  may  eat  of  it  and  may  not  die. 

51  I  am  the  living  bread  which  came  down  out  of  heaven  : 

If  anyone  eats  of  this  bread,  he  shall  live  for  ever. 
And  moreover,  the  bread  that  I  will  giA-e  is  my  flesh, 
AYhich  I  will  give  ^  for  the  life  of  the  world.'" 

52  The  Jews  then  began  to  wrangle  with  one  another,  saying,  "  How  can 

53  this  man  give  us  his  flesh  to  eat  ?"     So  Jesus  said  to  them,  "  Truly,  I  tell 
you,  truly, 

Unless  you  eat  the  flesh  of  the  Son  of  man  anrl  drink  his  blood. 
You  have  no  life  in  you. 

54  He  who  eats  ni}^  flesh  and  drinks  my  blood 

Has  life  eternal  :  and  I  will  raise  him  up  at  the  last  day. 

55  For  my  flesh  is  genuine  food,  and  my  blood  is  genuine  drink. 

56  He  who  eats  my  flesh  and  drinks  my  blood 

Abides  in  me  and  I  in  him. 

57  As  the  living  Father  sent  me, 

And  I  live  owing  to  the  Father  : 
So  he  who  eats  me. 

He  also  shall  live  owing  to  me. 

58  This  is  the  bread  which  came  down  out  of  heaven — 

Not  such  as  the  fathers  ate  and  died — 
He  who  eats  this  bread  shall  live  for  ever." 

59  This  he  said  in  the  synagogue,  as  he  taught  in  Kapharnahum. 

60  Many  of  his  disciples  then,  on  hearing  it,  said,  "  This  is  a  harsh  say- 

61  ing !     Who  can  listen  to  it?"     But  Jesus,  conscious  that  his  disciples 
were  murmuring  at  this,  said  to  them,  "  Does  this  make  you  stumble  ? 

62  What  then  if  you  see  the  Son  of  man  going  up  to  where  he  was  before  ? 

63  It  is  the  spirit  that  makes  alive. 

The  flesh  is  of  no  avail. 
The  words  that  I  have  spoken  to  you  are  spirit  and  life  : — 
61  Yet  there  are  some  of  you  who  believe  not." 

(For  Jesus  knew  from  the  beginning  who  they  were  wlio  did  not  believe,  and 

65  who  was  to  betray  him.)     And  he  said,  "  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  told 
you,  '  No  one  can  come  to  me,  unless  it  be  granted  him  by  the  Father.' " 

66  Upon  this  many  of  his  disciples  drew  back  and  walked  no  longer 

67  with  him.     So  Jesus  said  to  the  twelve,  "You  will  not  leave  me,  too?" 

68  Simon  Peter  answered  him,  "  Lord,  to  whom  shall  we  go  1     Thou  hast 

69  words  of  life  eternal.     And  for  our  part  we  have  believed  and  know  that 

70  tliou  art  the  holy  One  of  God."     Jesus  answered   them,  "  Have  I  not 

71  cho'^en  you,  the  twelve  ?     Yet  one  of  you  is  a  devil."     (He  meant  Judas 

1  Adding  »iv  iyij  li^iTu. 


►71-14.  •25-40"l 


THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  511 


the  son  of  Simon  of  Keriotli ;  for  it  was  lie  who  was  to  betray  him, 
though  he  was  one  of  the  twelve.) 

7  1        And  after  this  Jesus  walked  in  Galilee  ;  for  he  would  not  walk  in 

2  Judaea,  because  the  Jews  were  seeking  to  kill  him.     Now  the  Jews' 

3  festival,  the  festival  of  tabernacles,  was  near.     So  his  brothers  said  to 
him,  "  Depart  from  here  and  go  away  into  Judaea,  so  that  thy  disciples 

4  also  may  see  thy  works  which  thou  art  doing.     For  no  one  who  seeks  to 
be  publicly  known  does  anything  in  secret.     If  thou  really  doest  those 

5  things,  disclose  thyself  to  the  world."     (For  even  his  brothers  did  not 

6  believe  on  him.)     So  Jesus  says  to  them,  "My  time  has  not  yet  arrived, 

7  but  your  time  is  always  at  hand.     The  world  cannot  hate  you  ;  but  it 

8  hates  me,  because  my  witness  about  it  is  that  its  deeds  are  evil.     Go  you 
up  to  the  festival  :  I  am  not  going  up  to  this  festival,  because  my  time 

9  is  not  yet  fulfilled."     And  after  saying  this  to  them,  he  remained  in 

10  Galilee.  But  when  his  brothers  had  gone  up  to  the  festival, 

11  then  he  also  went  up,  not   openly  but  secretly.      The   Jews   therefore 

12  were  seeking  him  at  the  festival,  and  saying,  "  Where  is  he  1 "  And  there 
was  great  discussion  among  the  crowds  in  regard  to  him  ;  some  said,  "  He 
is  a  good  man,"  but  others  said,  "  No  :  he  is  leading  the  mob  astray." 

13  However,  no  one  spoke  of  him  openly,  for  fear  of  the  Jews. 

14  Now  when  the  festival  was  by  this  time  half-done,  Jesus  went  up  into 

25  the  temple  and  proceeded  to  teach.  Some  of  the  Jerusalemites 
therefore  Itegan  to  say,  "  Is  this  not  the  man  they  are  seeking  to  kill  ? 

26  Yet  behold,  he  speaks  openly  and  they  say  nothing  to  him  !     Surely  the 

27  rulers  cannot  have  really  discovered  that  this  man  is  the  Christ?  No 
indeed,  we  know  where  this  man  is  from  ;  but  when  the  Christ  comes,  no 

28  one  knows  where  he  is  from."  So  Jesus  cried  in  the  temple,  as  he  taught, 
and  said,  "  You  know  me  and  you  know  where  I  am  from. 

Yet  I  have  not  come  of  myself,  but  he  who  sent  me  is  real,  and 
him  you  know  not. 

29  I  know  him  ;  for  I  am  from  him,  and  he  sent  me." 

30  They  sought  therefore  to  arrest  him  ;    yet  no  one  laid  hands   on   him, 

31  because  his  hour  had  not  yet  come.  But  many  out  of  the  crowd  believed 
on  him,  and  said,  "  When  the  Christ  comes,  will  he  perform  more  signs 

32  than  what  this  man  performs  ?  "  The  Pharisees  heard  the  crowd  discuss- 
ing him  thus,  and  officers  were  sent  by  the  high  priests  and  the  Pharisees 

33  to  arrest  him.     So  Jesus  said, 

"  A  little  while  yet  I  am  with  you  ; 
Then  I  go  to  him  who  sent  me. 

34  You  shall  seek  me  and  shall  not  find  me  ; 

And  where  I  am,  you  cannot  come." 
05  The  Jews  then  said  to  themselves,  "  Where  will  this  man  go,  that  we 
shall  not  find  him  ?     Will  he  go  to  the  dispersion  among  the  Greeks,  and 
3G  teach  the  Greeks  ?     What  is  the  meaning  of  this  saying  that  he  spoke, 
'You  shall  seek  me  and  shall  not  find  me  ; 
And  where  I  am,  you  cannot  come '  ? " 

37  Now  on  the  last  day,  the  great  day  of  the  festival,  Jesus  stood  and 
cried,  saying, 

"  If  anyone  thirst,  let  him  come  to  me  and  drink. 

38  He  who  believes  on  me,  even  as  the  scripture  hath  said,  'out  of  him 

39  shall  flow  rivers  of  living  waters.' "  (He  said  this  with  reference  to  the 
Spirit,  which  those  who  believed  on  him  were  to  receive — for  as  yet  there 

40  was  no  Spirit  present,  because  Jesus  had  not  yet  been  exalted.)     Some  of 


512  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [7*1-8^^ 

the  crowd  then,  on  hearing  these  words,  said,  "  This  really  is  the  Pro- 

41  phet."     Others  said,  "  Tliis  is  the  Christ."     But  some  said,  "  What  !  the 

42  Christ  come  out  of  Galilee  ?  Hath  not  the  scripture  said  that  the  Christ 
comes  of  the  offspring  of  David  and  from  Bethlehem,  the  village  where  David 

43,  44  lived  ?  "     So  a  division  arose  among  the  crowd  over  him.     Some  of  them 

45  would  have  arrested  him  ;  yet  no  one  laid  hands  on  him.  The  officers 
therefore  came  to  the  high  priests  and  Pharisees  ;  and  they  said  to  them, 

46  "Why  did  you  not  bring   him  ?"     The  officers  answered,  "Never  did 

47  man  speak  as  this  man  speaks."     So  the  Pharisees  answered  them,  "  Are 

48  you  led  astray  as  well  1     Has  anyone  of  the  rulers  believed  on  him,  or 

49  anyone  of  the  Pharisees  ?     But  as  for  this  mob,  with  its  ignorance  of  the 

50  law — it  is  accursed."     Nikodemus,^  who  was  one  of  them,  says  to  them, 

51  "  Does  our  law  pass  judgment  on  a  man,  without  first  hearing  what  he 

52  has  to  say  and  understanding  his  offence  1 "  They  answered  and  said  to 
him,  "  Art  thou  out  of  Galilee  too  1  Search  and  learn  that  out  of  Galilee 
no  prophet  ever  arises." 

53,  8  1         [[And  every  one  of  them  went  home,  but  Jesus  went  to  the  mount  of 

2  Olives.     Now  early  in  tlie  morning  he  again  arrived  at  the  temple,  and  all 

3  the  people  came  to  him  ;   and  he  sat  down  and  began  to  teach  them.     And 
the  scribes  and  the  Pharisees  bring  a  woman  who  had    been   caught   in 

4  adultery;   and  after  placing  her  in  the  midst,  they  say  to  him,  "  Teacher, 

5  this  woman  has  been  caught  in  the  very  act  of  committing  adultery.     Now 
in  the  law  Moses  commanded  us  to  stone  such  women.     What  sayest  thou, 

(')  then  ?  "     (Now  they  said  this  to  make  trial  of  him,  that  they  might  have 
something   to  accuse  him  of.)      Jesus  stooped  and   began  to  write  with 

7  his  finger  on  the  ground.     But  as  they  persisted  with  their  question,  he 
raised  himself  and  said  to  them,   "Let  him  who  is  sinless  among  you  be 

8  the  tirst  to  throw  a  stone  at  her."     And  once  more  he  stooped  and  went 
y  on  writing  with  his  finger  on  the  ground.     Now  when  they  heard  that, 

they  went  out  one  by  one,  beginning  with  the  eldest;  and  he  was  left 

10  alone  with  the  woman  in  the  midst.     Raising  himself,  Jesus  said  to  her, 

11  "Woman,  where  are  they  ?  did  no  one  condemn  thee  ?  "  "  No  one,  Sir," 
she  said.  Jesus  said  to  her,  "Neither  do  I  condemn  thee.  Go  thy  way. 
Henceforward  sin  no  more."]] 

12  Jesus  then  spoke  to  them  once  more,  saying, 

"  I  am  the  light  of  the  world  : 

He  who  follows  me  shall  not  walk  in  the  darkness,  but  shall  have 
the  light  of  life." 

13  The    Pharisees   then  said    to    him,    "Thou   art    bearing  witness   con- 

14  cerning  thyself  :  thy  witness  is  not  true."  Jesus  answered  and  said  to 
them, 

"  Even  if  ever  I  bear  witness  concerning  myself,  my  witness  is  true. 
For  I  know  whence  I  came  and  where  I  go. 

But  you  know  not  whence  I  come  or  where  I  go. 

15  You  judge  after  the  flesh  :  I  judge  no  one. 

16  Moreover,  even  if  I  do  judge,  my  judgment  is  true  : 

For  I  am  not  alone,  but  he  -  who  sent  me  is  along  with  me. 

17  Besides,  in  your  law  it  is  written,  the  evidence  of  two  men  is 

true : 

18  I  am  one  who  bears  witness  concerning  myself  ;  also,  the  Father 

who  sent  me  bears  witness  concerning  me." 

1  Oinittillgo'  t^Buy  -rpU  alTOv  Tfir-pov.  -  Omitting  [[T«T)ja]]. 


8^9-^2j  rjjjg    FOURTH    GOSPEL  513 

19  Tliey  said  to  him  then,  "  Where  is  thy  father  1 "    Jesus  answered, 

"  You  know  neither  me  nor  my  Father  : 

Had  you  knowii  me,  you  would  have  known  my  Father  also." 

20  These  words  he  spoke  in  the  treasury,  as  he  taught  in  the  temple  ;  yet 
no  one  arrested  him,  because  his  hour  had  not  yet  come. 

21  Once  more  then  he  said  to  them, 

"  I  go  away  : 

And  you  shall  seek  me,  yet  you  shall  die  in  your  sin. 

"Where  I  go,  you  cannot  come." 

22  The  Jews  therefore  said,  "  Will  he  kill  himself,  that  he  says,  '  Where  I 

23  go,  you  cannot  come  '  ? "     And  he  said  to  them, 

"  You  are  from  below, 

I  am  from  above. 
You  are  of  this  world, 

I  am  not  of  this  world. 

24  I  said  to  you  therefore,  '  You  shall  die  in  your  sins '  : 
For  unless  you  believe  it  is  I,  you  shall  die  in  your  sins." 

25  They  said  therefore  to  him,  "  Who  art  thou  1 "    Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  How  is  it  that  I  speak  to  you  at  all  ? 

26  Much  have  I  to  say  and  judge  regarding  you  ; 
But  he  who  sent  me  is  truthful. 

And  to  the  world  I  speak  what  he  has  taught  me." 

27  They  did  not  understand  that  he  was  speaking  to  them  of  the  Father. 

28  So  Jesus  said, 

"  When  you  have  lifted  up  the  Son  of  man. 

Then  shall  you  know  it  is  I,  and  that  I  do  nothing  of  myself, 
But  that  I  speak  even  as  the  Father  has  taught  me. 

29  And  he  who  sent  me  is  with  me,  he  has  not  left  me  alone  : 

Because  I  always  do  what  pleases  him." 
30,  31  As  he  spoke  thus,  many  iaelieved  on  him.  So  Jesus  said  to  the 

Jews  who  had  believed  him, 

"  If  you  remain  in  my  word,  you  are  really  my  disciples  : 

32  So  shall  you  know  the  truth,  and  the  truth  shall  make  you  free." 

33  They  made  answer  to  him,  "  We  are  Abraham's  offspring,  and  never  have 
been  slaves  to  any  one.     How  is  it  that  thou  sayest,  '  You  shall  become 

34  free '  ? "     Jesus  answered  them,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

Every  one  who  commits  sin  is  the  slave  of  sin. 

35  And  the  slave  abides  not  in  the  house  for  ever  : 
The  son  abides  for  ever. 

36  So  if  the  Son  shall  make  you  free,  you  shall  be  really  free. 

37  I  know  you  are  Abraham's  offspring ; 

Yet  you  seek  to  kill  me,  because  you  have  no  room  for  my  word. 

38  I  speak  what  I  have  seen  with  my  Father  : 

And  you  do  also  what  you  have  been  taught  by  your  father." 

39  They  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  Abraham  is  our  father."     Jesus  says  to 
them, 

"  If  you  are  Abraham's  children, 
Do  ^  the  deeds  of  Abraham. 

40  But,  as  it  is,  you  seek  to  kill  me,  a  man  who  has  told  you  the  truth 

which  God  has  taught  me  : 

41  Abraham  did  not  do  this.     You  do  your  father's  deeds." 

They  said  to  him,  "  We  Avere  not  born  of  fornication  :   we  have  one 

42  Father,  God."    Jesus  said  to  them, 

1  Reading  ircnTn. 

33 


514  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [S^^-S^ 

"Were  God  your  Father,  you  would  love  me  ; 
For  from  God  I  came  out  and  I  am  here ; 
Nor  have  I  come  of  myself,  it  was  he  who  sent  me. 

43  Why  do  you  not  understand  my  speech  ? 

It  is  because  you  cannot  listen  to  my  word. 

44  You  have  a  father — the  devil, 

And  the  lusts  of  your  father  you  choose  to  obey. 
He  was  a  man-slayer  from  the  beginning,  and  stands  not  in  the 
truth. 

For  there  is  no  truth  in  him. 
When  he  tells  a  lie  he  speaks  from  his  own  nature, 

For  a  liar  is  he  and  the  liar's  father. 

45  But  because  I  speak  the  truth. 

You  believe  me  not. 

46  Wliich  of  you  convicts  me  of  sin  ? 

If  I  speak  truth,  why  not  believe  me  1 

47  He  who  is  of  God  listens  to  the  words  of  God  : 

For  this  reason  you  do  not  listen  to  them,  because  vou  are  not  of 
God." 

48  The  Jews  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  Are  we  not  right  in  saying  thou 

49  art  a  Samaritan  and  hast  a  daemon  ?  "     Jesus  answered, 

"  I  have  no  daemon  ;  I  honour  my  Father,  yet  you  dishonour  me. 

50  Still,  I  seek  not  my  own  credit :  there  is  one  who  seeks  it  and  he  is 

judge. 

51  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly,  if  anyone  keeps  my  word,  he  shall  never  look 

on  death." 

52  The  Jews  said  to  him,  "  Now  we  are  sure  thou  hast  a  daemon.  Abraham 
is  dead,  and  also  the  prophets.     Yet  thou  sayest,  'If  anyone  keej^s  my 

53  word,  he  shall  never  taste  death ' !  Art  thou  greater  than  our  father 
Abraham  ?     He  is  dead,  and  the  prophets  are  dead.     Whom  dost  thou 

54  make  thyself  out  to  be  ? "  Jesus  answered,  "  If  I  magnify  myself,  my 
credit  is  a  mere  nothing.     It  is  my  Father  who  magnifies  me  ;  and  of  him 

55  you  say,  he  is  your  God.  But  you  know  him  not.  I  know  him  ;  and 
were  I  to  say,  '  I  know  him  not,'  I  should  be  a  liar  like  you.  But  I  do 
know  him,  and  I  keep  his  word. 

56  Your  father  Abraham  rejoiced  that  he  was  to  see  my  day  : 

He  did  see  it,  and  was  glad." 

57  The  Jews  then  said  to  him,  "  Thou  art  not  yet  fifty  years  old,  and  hast 

58  thou  seen  Abraham  ? "    Jesus  said  to  them,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

Before  Abraham  was  born,  I  am." 

59  At  this  they  lifted  stones  to  throw  at  him,  but  Jesus  hid  himself  by 
going  out  of  the  temple. 

9  1        And  as  he  passed  by,  he  saw  a  man  who  had  been  blind  from  his 

2  birth.     And  his  disciples  asked  him,  saying,  "  Ral)bi,  who  sinned — this 

3  man  or  his  parents — so  that  he  should  be  born  blind  1  "  Jesus  answered, 
"  Neither  this  man  nor  his  parents  sinned  ;  he  was  born  blind  that  the 
works  of  God  might  be  disclosed  in  him. 

4  We  must  ])crform  the  works  of  him  who  sent  me,  while  it  is  day  : 
The  night  comes,  when  no  man  can  work. 

5  When  I  am  in  tlie  world,  I  am  the  light  of  the  world." 

6  Saying  this,  he  spat  on  the  ground,  and  made  clay  with  the  spittle,  and 

7  rubbed  his  eyes  witli  the  clay ;  and  he  said  to  him,  "  Go,  wash  in  the 
pool  of  Siloam  "  (which  is  translated,  "  sent  ").      So  he  went  away  and 

8  washed  ;  and  lie  came,  seeing.     The  neighbours  tlien,  and  those  who  had 


9^-"]  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  515 

formerly  known  him  by  sight  as  a  beggar,  began  to  say,  "  Is  not  this  the 
9  man  who  vised  to  sit  and  beg?"     Others  said,  "It  is  he"  ;  others  said, 

10  "  No,  but  it  is  like  him."     The  man  said,  "  It  is  I."    So  they  said  to  him, 

11  "  How  then  were  thine  eyes  opened  ?"  He  answered,  "  The  man  who  is 
called  '  Jesus '  made  clay,  and  rubbed  my  eyes,  and  said  to  me,  '  Go 
to  Siloam   and  wash.'     So  I  went  away  and   washed,  and   I   regained 

12  my  sight."     They  said   to  him,  "Where  is  he?"     He  says,  "I  do  not 

13  know."  They   bring  him   who   had   once   been  blind,  to  the 

14  Pharisees.     (Now  on  the  day  when  Jesus  made  the  clay  and  ojaened  his 

15  eyes,  it  was  the  sabbath.)  Once  more  then  the  Pharisees  also  asked  him 
how  he  had  regained  his  sight.     And  he  said  to  them,  "  He  put  clay 

16  upon  my  eyes  ;  I  washed,  and  I  see."  Some  of  the  Pharisees  therefore 
said,  "  This  man  is  not  from  God,  because  he  does  not  keep  the  sabl:)ath." 
But  others  said,  "  How  can  a  man  who  is  a  sinner  perform  such  signs  ? " 

17  And  there  was  a  division  among  them.  So  once  more  they  said  to  the 
blind   man,  "  What  sayest  thou  of  him,   seeing  that   he  opened  thine 

18  eyes?"  And  he  said,  "He  is  a  prophet."  Now  the  Jews  would  not 
believe  that  he  had  been  blind  and  had  regained  his  sight,  until  they 

19  called  the  parents  of  him  who  had  regained  his  sight  and  asked  them, 
saying,  "  Is  this  your  son  who  was  born,  as  you  say,  blind  ?     How  then 

20  does  he  now  see  ?"     His  parents  answered  and  said,  "  We  know  that  this 

21  is  our  son,  and  that  he  was  born  blind.  But  how  he  now  sees,  we  know 
not ;  nor  do  we  know  who   opened  his  eyes.     Ask  him ;  he  is  of  age, 

22  he  will  speak  for  himself."  (His  parents  spoke  in  this  way  because  they 
were  afraid  of  the  Jews  ;  for  the  Jews  had  already  agreed  that  if  anyone 
should  confess  him  to  be  Christ,  he  should  be  excommunicated  from  the 

23  synagogue.     This  was  why  his  parents  said,  "  He  is  of  age,  ask  him.") 

24  So  a  second  time  they  called  the  man  who  had   been  blind,  and  said 

25  to  him,  "  Give  God  the  honour  :  we  know  this  man  is  a  sinner."  He 
answered  then,  "  Whether  he  is  a  sinner,  I  do  not  know.     One  thing  I 

26  do  know  :  blind   as  I   was,  I  now  see."     They  said  to   him  therefore, 

27  "  What  did  he  do  to  thee  ?  How  did  he  open  thine  eyes  ? "  He  answered 
them,  "  I  told  you  already,  and  you  did  not  listen.    Why  would  you  hear 

28  it  again?     Would  you  also  become  disciples  of  his  ?"     They  reviled  him 

29  and  said,  "  Thou  art  his  disciple,  but  we  are  disciples  of  Moses.  We 
know  God  has   spoken   to  Moses  ;    but  as  for  this  man,  we  know  not 

30  where  he  is  from."  The  man  answered  and  said  to  them,  "Now  here 
is  the  surprising  thing  !     You  know  not  where  he  is  from,  and  yet  he 

31  opened  my  eyes  !     We  know  that  God  does  not  listen  to  sinners ;  but 

32  that  if  anyone  is  religious  and  obeys  his  will,  he  listens  to  him.  Since 
the  world  began  it  is  a  thing  unheard  of,  for  anyone  to  open  the  eyes  of 

33  a   man  born  blind.      Unless  this   man  were   from   God,   he   could    do 

34  nothing."  They  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  Thou  wast  born  in  sins 
every    whit,    and    wouldst    thou    teach     us  ? "      And    they   cast    him 

35  out.  Jesus  heard  tliat  they  had  cast  him  out ;  and  coming  upon 

36  him,  he  said,  "  Believest  thou  on  the  Son  of  man  ? "     He  answered  and 

37  said,  "  And  who  is  he.  Sir,  that  I  may  believe  on  him  ? "     Jesus  said  to 

38  him,  "  Thou  hast  seen  him,  and  it  is  he  who  is  talking  with  thee."    And 

39  he  said,  "  Lord,  I  believe";  and  he  did  him  reverence.     And  Jesus  said, 

"  For  judgment  I  came  into  this  world  : 
That  those  who  see  not  may  see. 
And  that  those  who  see  may  turn  blind." 

40  Some  of  the  Pharisees,  those  who  were  with  him,  heard  this  ;  and  they 

41  said  to  him,  "  Then  are  we  blind  too  ?  "    Jesus  said  to  them, 


516  HISTORICAL  NEW    TESTAMENT  [lO^'" 

"  If  you  were  blind, 

You  would  have  no  sin  : 
But,  as  it  is,  you  say, '  We  see  ' — 
Your  sill  remains. 
10  1  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

He  who  enters  not  by  the  door  into  tlie  sheep-fold,  ])ut  climlxs  uj) 
elsewhere. 
Tie  is  a  thief  and  a  robber  ; 

2  But  he  who  enters  by  the  door 

Is  shepherd  of  the  sheep. 

3  To  him  the  door-keeper  opens,  and  the  sheep  listen  to  his  voice, 

And  he  calls  his  own  sheep  by  name  and  leads  them  out. 

4  When  he   has   put  out  all   his  own,  he  goes   before   them  ;   and 

the  sheep  follow  him, 
Because  they  know  his  voice. 

5  A  stranger  they  will  never  follow,  but  will  flee  from  him. 

Because  they  know  not  the  voice  of  strangers." 

6  Jesus  spoke  this  allegory  to  them,  but  they  did  not  understand  what  he 

7  was  saying  to  them.    Once  more  then  he  said  to  them,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you, 
truly, 

I  am  the  door  to  the  sheep. 

8  All  who  came  before  me  were  thieves  and  robbers. 
But  the  sheep  did  not  listen  to  tiiem. 

9  I  am  the  door. 

If  anvone  enters  by  me,  he  shall  be  saved. 
And  iie  shall  go  in  and  go  out  and  find  pasture. 

10  The  thief  comes  only  to  steal  and  kill  and  destroy  : 

I  came  that  they  might  have  life,  and  have  it  amply. 

11  I  am  the  true  shepherd  : 

The  true  shepherd  lays  down  his  life  for  the  sheep. 

12  The   hired   servant,   who  is  no   shepherd,   whose  own  the  sheep 

are  not. 
Sees  the  wolf  coming  and  leaves  the  sheep  and  flees 
— And  the  wolf  snatches  and  scatters  them — 

13  Because  he  is  a  hired  servant,  and  cares  not  for  the  sheep. 

14  I  am  the  true  shepherd. 

And  I  know  my  own  and  my  own  know  me — 

15  Even  as  the  Father  knows  me  and  1  know  the  Father — 
And  I  lay  down  my  life  for  the  sheep. 

16  And  other  sheep  have  I,  which  are  not  of  this  fold  : 

Those  I  must  also  bring. 
And  they  shall  listen  to  my  voice  ; 
And  there  shall  come  to  be  one  flock,  one  shepherd. 

17  For  this  my  Father  loves  me,  because  I  lay  down  my  life  in  order 

to  take  it  again. 

18  No  one  takes  it  away  from  me  ;  I  lay  it  down  of  myself. 

I  have  a  right  to  lay  it  down,  and  I  have  a  right  to  take  it 
again. 
This  commandment  I  received  from  my  Father." 

19  Once  more  a  division  arose  among  the  Jews  on  account  of  these  words. 

20  And  many  of  them  said,  "  He  has  a  daemon,  and  is  mad  !     Why  listen 

21  to  him  ? "     Others  said,    "  These   are   not  the   sayings  of  one   who   is 
possessed  by  a  daemon.     Can  a  daemon  open  the  eyes  of  the  blind  ? " 

22  Now  the  festival   of  dedication  took  place   in  Jerusalem.     It   was 


1q23_jj12j  r[,gji    FOURTH    GOSPEL  517 

23,  24  winter,  and  Jesus  was  walking  in  the  temple,  in  Solomon's  portico.     So 
the  Jews  surrounded  him  and  kept  saying  to  him,  "  How  long  wilt  thou 

25  keep  us  in  suspense  ?  If  thou  art  the  Christ,  tell  us  frankly."  Jesus 
answered  them, 

"  I  told  you, 

Yet  you  believe  not. 
The   works  that  I  do  in   my   Father's   name,  these  bear  witness 
concerning  me  ; 

26  But  you  believe  not,  because  you  are  not  of  my  sheep. 

27  My  slieep  listen  to  my  voice. 

And  I  know  them  and  they  follow  me  : 

28  I  give  them  life  eternal,  and  never  shall  they  perish, 

And  no  one  shall  snatch  them  out  of  my  hand. 

29  ^ly  Father  ^  who  has  given  me  them  is  greater  than  all, 

And  no  one  can  snatch  aught  out  of  the  Father's  hand. 
30,31  I  and  the  Father  are  one — "     The  Jews  again  took  up  stones  to 

32  stone  him.     Jesus  answered  them,  "  Many  good  works  have  I  shown  you 

33  from  the  Father.  For  which  of  these  works  would  you  stone  me  1 "  The 
Jews  answered  him,  "  We  do  not  stone  thee  for  a  good  work,  but  for 

34  blasphemy  ;  because  indeed,  man  as  thou  art,  thou  makest  thyself  out  to 

35  be  God."     Jesus  answered  them,  "  Is  it  not  written  in  your  law,  /  said, 

36  '  You  are  gods '  ?  If  he  called  them  '  gods,'  to  whom  the  word  of  God 
came — and  the  scriptures  cannot  be  broken— do  you  say  of  hiui,  whom 
the  Father  consecrated  and  sent  into  the  world,  '  Thou  blasphemest,' 
because  I  said,  '  I  am  God's  Son  '  1 

37  If  I  am  not  doing  the  works  of  my  Father,  believe  me  not. 

38  But  if  I  am  doing  them,  believe  the  works,  even  should  you  believe 

me  not ; 
That  you  mav  know  and  be  sure  that  the  Father  is  in  me,  and  I  in 
the 'Father.'" 

39  Once  more  then  they  sought  to  arrest  him  ;  but  he  escaped  from  their  hands. 

40  And  he  went  away  again  across  the  Jordan  to  the  place  where  John 

41  had  baptized  at  first,  and  there  he  remained.  And  many  came  to  him  ; 
and  they  said,  "  John  performed  no  sign,  but  all  that  John  ever  said  of 

42  tliis  man  was  true."     And  many  believed  on  him  there. 

Ill        Now  there  was  a  man  Lazarus  ill,  who  belonged  to  Bethany,  the 

2  village  of  Mary  and  her  sister  Martha.  (The  Mary  whose  brother 
Lazarus  was  ill,  was  the  Mary  who  anointed  the  Lord  with  perfume,  and 

3  wiped  his  feet  with  her  hair.)     So  the  sisters  sent  to  him,  saying,  "  Lord, 

4  behold,  he  whom  thou  lovest  is  ill."  But  on  hearing  it  Jesus  said,  "  This 
illness  is  not  to  death  ;  it  is  for  the  honour  of  God,  that  the  Son  of  God 

5  may  be  magnified  thereby."    (Now  Jesus  loved  Martha  and  her  sister  and 

6  Lazarus.)     So  on  hearing  that  he  was  ill,  he  still  remained  for  two  days 

7  in  the  place  where  he  was  ;  then,  after  that,  he  says  to  his  disciples,  "  Let 

8  us  go  once  more  into  Judaea."  The  disciples  say  to  him,  "  Eabbi,  the 
Jews  sought  but  recently  to  stone  thee  !     And  art  thou  going  thither 

9  again  ? "     Jesus  answered,  "  Are  there  not  twelve  hours  in  the  day  ? 

If  a  man  walks  in  the  day,  he  stumbles  not ; 
For  he  sees  the  light  of  this  world. 

10  But  if  a  man  walks  in  the  night,  he  stuml)les  ; 

For  the  light  is  not  in  him." 

11  Thus  he  spoke.     And  after  that,  he  says  to  them,  "  Our  friend  Lazarus 

12  has   fallen  asleep  ;   but   I   am   going   to   wake   him  from   sleep."     The 

1  Readiug  eg  liiuxiv    .    .    .   ^e/^a*. 


518  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [ll^^-*^ 

disciples  therefore  said  to  him,  "  Lord,  if  he  has  fallen  asleep,  he  will 

13  recover."     Now  Jesus  had  spoken  of  his  death,  but  they  imagined  that  he 

14  was  speaking  of  taking  rest  in  sleep.     So  Jesus  then  said  to  them  frankly, 

15  "  Lazarus  is  dead.     And  for  your  sakes  I  am  glad  I  was  not  there,  that 

16  you  may  believe.  But  let  us  go  to  him."  At  this,  Thomas  (that  is,  "the 
Twin  "/said  to  his  fellow-disciples,  "  Let  us  go  too,  that  we  may  die  with 

17  him."  Now  when  Jesus  came,  he  found  that  he  had  been  four 

18  days  already  in  the   tomb.     (Now   Bethany   was  near  Jerusalem,  at  a 

19  distance  of  nearly  two  miles  ;  and  many  of  the  Jews  had  come  to  visit 

20  Martlia  and  Mary,  to  console  them  about  their  brother.)  So  on  hearing 
that  Jesus  was  coming,  Martha  went  and  met  him  ;  but  Mary  sat  in  the 

21  house.     Martha  then  said  to  Jesus,  "  Lord,  hadst   thou  been  here,  my 

22  brother  would  not  have  died.     And  even  now  I  know  that  God  will  give 

23  thee  whatever  thou  shalt  ask  of  God."     Jesus  says  to  her,  "  Thy  brother 

24  shall  rise  again."     Martha  says  to  him,  "  I  know  he  shall  rise  again  in  the 

25  resurrection  at  the  last  day."  Jesus  said  to  her,  "  I  am  the  resurrection 
and  the  life  ; 

He  who  believes  on  me,  though  he  die,  shall  live  : 

26  And  whoever  lives  and  believes  on  me  shall  never  die  at  all. 

27  Believest  thou  this  ? "  She  says  to  him,  "  Yes,  Lord.  I  do  believe  thou 
art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  he  'who  is  to  come  into  the  world,'" 

28  And  after  saying  this  she  went  off  and  called  her  sister  Mary,  saying 

29  to   her  secretly,  "  The  Teacher  is  here,  and   he   is   calling   thee."     On 

30  hearing  it  she  arose  quickly  and  went  to  him.  (Jesus  had  not  yet 
entered  the  village,  but  was  still  in  the  spot  where  Martha  met  him.) 

31  The  Jews  then,  who  were  with  her  in  the  house  consoling  her,  saw  that 
Mary  rose  up  quickly  and  went  out  ;  and  they  followed  her,   as   they 

32  imagined  that  she  was  going  to  the  tomb  to  wail  there.  Now  when  Mary 
came  to  where  Jesus  was  and  saw  him,  she  fell  down  at  his  feet,  saying  to 
him,  "  Lord,  hadst  thou  been  here,  my  brother  would  not  have  died." 

33  When  Jesus  therefore  saw  her  wailing,  and  the  Jews  who  accompanied 

34  her  wailing,  he  groaned  in  his  spirit  and  was  in  distress  ;  and  he  said, 

35  "Where  have  you  laid  him?"  They  say  to  him,  "  Come,  Sir,  and  see."  Jesus 
36,  37  wept.     So  the  Jews  began  to  say,  "Behold,  how  he  loved  him  !  "     But 

some  of  them  said,  "  Could  not  this  man,  who  opened  the  blind  man's 

38  eyes,  have  also  prevented  this  man  from  dying  ? "  Jesus  then,  groaning 
once  more  within  himself,  goes  to  the  tomb.     It  was  a  cave,  and  a  stone 

39  lay  against  it.  Jesus  says,  "  Remove  the  stone."  Martha,  the  dead  man's 
sister,  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  by  this  time  he  is  stinking;  for  he  has  been 

40  four  days  dead."    Jesus  says  to  her,  "  Did  I  not  tell  thee  that  if  thou 

41  wouldst  believe,  thou  shouldst  see  the  majesty  of  God  1 "  So  they  removed 
the  stone.     And  Jesus  lifted  up  his  eyes  and  said,  "  Father,  1  thank  thee 

42  for  listening  to  me.  I  knew  indeed  that  thou  ever  listenest  to  me  ;  but  I 
have  spoken  for  the  sake  of  the  crowd  which  is  standing  round,  that  they 

43  may  believe  that  thou  hast  sent  me."     And  after  saying  this  he  exclaimed 

44  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Lazarus,  come  forth  !  "  Forth  came  the  dead  man, 
his  hands  and  feet  swathed  with  grave-bands,  and  his  face  tied  round 
with  a  napkin.     Jesus  says  to  tliem,  "  Loose  him  and  let  him  go." 

45  Many  of  tlie  Jews,  then,  who  had  come  to  visit  Mary,  and  who  saw  the 

46  deed  he  had  done,  believed  on  him  ;  but  some  of  them  went  away  to  the 

47  Pharisees  and  told  them  what  Jesus  had  done.  So  the  high  priests 
and  the  Pharisees  gathered  a  Sanhedrin,and  said,  "What  arewe  to  do?  This 

48  man  is  performing  many  signs.  If  we  let  him  alone  like  this,  every  one 
will  believe  on  him  ;  and  the  Romans  will  come  and  take  away  both  our 


n^O-12-^]  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  519 

49  land  and  our  nation."     But  one  of  them,  Kaiaphas,  who  was  high  priest  for 

50  that  year,  said  to  them,  "  You  know  simply  nothing.  You  do  not  keep 
in  mind  that  it  is  for  your  advantage  that  one  man  should  die  for  the 

51  people,  instead  of  the  whole  nation  perishing."  (Now  he  did  not  say  this 
of  himself ;  he  was  high  priest  for  that  year,  and  he  spoke  prophetically, 

52  inasmuch  as  Jesus  was  to  die  for  the  nation,  and  not  merely  for  the  nation, 

53  but  also  for  the  gathering  of  God's  scattered  children  into  one.)  So  from 
that  day  f or warcl  their  plan  was  to  put  him  to  death. 

54  Jesus  therefore  no  longer  walked  in  public  among  the  Jews,  but  went 
away  from  there  into  the  coiintry  near  the  wilderness,  to  a  city  called 

55  Ephraim,  where  he  remained  with  the  disciples.  Now  when  the  passover 
of  the  Jews  was  near,  many  went  up  from  the  country  to  Jerusalem 

56  before  the  passover,  to  purify  themselves.  So  they  sought  for  Jesus,  and 
said  to  one  another  as  they  stood  in  the  temple,  "  What  do  you  think  ? 

57  He  will  not  come  to  the  festival."  The  high  j^riests  and  the  Pharisees 
had  issued  orders  that  if  any  person  knew  where  he  was,  he  was  to  give 
them  information,  so  that  they  might  arrest  him. 

12  1        Six  days  before  the  passover,  then,  Jesus  came  to  Bethany,  where 

2  Lazarus  stayed,  whom  Jesus  had  raised  from  the  dead.     So  they  made 
him  a  supper  there  ;  and  Martha  waited  upon  them,  while  Lazarus  was 

3  one  of  his  fellow-guests.  But  Mary  took  a  pound  of  expensive  pure 
nard  perfume,  and  anointed  the  feet  of  Jesus,  and  wiped  his  feet  with  her 

4  hair.     And  the  house  was  filled  with  the  odour  of  the  jDerfume.     But  one 

5  of  his  disciples,  Judas  of  Iverioth,  who  was  to  betray  him,  says,  "  Why 
was  not  this  perfume  sold  for  three  hundred  shillings  and  given  to  poor 

6  people  1 "  (Now  he  said  this,  not  that  he  cared  for  the  poor,  but  because  he 
was  a  thief  ;  and  because  he  pilfered  what  was  put  into  the  purse,  of 

7  which  he  had  charge.)     Then  said  Jesus,  "  Let  her  alone  ;  let  her  keep  it 

8  for  the  day  of  my  burial.    For  you  have  the  poor  always  beside  you,  but  you 

9  have  not  always  me."  Now  the  common  folk  of  the  Jews  learned 
that  he  was  there  ;  and  they  came,  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  Jesus,  but 

10  also  to  see  Lazarus  whom  he  had  raised  from  the  dead.     So  the  high 

11  priests'  plan  was  to  put  Lazarus  also  to  death,  since  it  was  owing  to  him 
that  many  of  the  Jews  went  and  believed  on  Jesus. 

12  On  the  next  day,  when  a  large  crowd,  who  had  come  to  the  festival, 

13  heard  that  Jesus  was  coming  to  Jerusalem,  they  took  branches  of  the 
palms  and  went  out  to  meet  him.     And  they  exclaimed, 

"  Hosanna  I 
Blessed  is  he  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord, 
Even  the  king  of  Israel ! " 

14  And  Jesus  came  across  a  young  ass  and  sat  on  it  :  even  as  it  is  written, 

15  "  Feai'  not,  daughter  of  Zion : 

Lo,  thy  king  is  coming, 
Seated  on  an  ass's  colt ! " 

16  (His  disciples  did  not  understand  these  things  at  first ;  but  when 
Jesus  was  exalted,  then  they  remembered  that  these  things  had  been 

17  written  of  him,  and  that  they  had  acted  thus  to  him.)  Now  witness  was 
borne  by  the  crowd  that  was  with  him  when  he  called  Lazarus  out  of  the 

18  tomb  and  raised  him  from  the  dead.  This  indeed  was  the  reason  why  the 
crowd  went  and  met  him,  because  they  heard  that  he  had  performed  this 

19  sign.  The  Pharisees  therefore  said  to  each  other,  "  You  are  helpless,  you 
see.     Behold,  the  world  has  gone  after  him ! " 

20  Now  there  were  some  Greeks  among  those  who  came  up  to  worship  at 

21  the  festival.     So  these  men  came  to  Philip  (who  belonged  to  Bethsaida  of 


520  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT       [i222-36a- 44-50.  366 

22  Galilee)  and  asked  him,  saying,  "  Sir,  we  want  to  see  Jesus."    Philip  comes 

23  and  tells  Andrew;  Andrew  accompanies  Philip,  and  they  tell  Jesus.    And 
Jesus  answers  them,  saying,  "  The  hour  has  come  for  the  Son  of  man  to 

24  be  exalted.     Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

Unless  the  grain  of  wheat  falls  into  the  earth  and  dies,  it  remains 
by  itself  alone  : 
But  if  it  dies,  it  bears  plentiful  fruit. 

25  He  who  loves  his  life,  loses  it  : 

And  he  who  hates  his  life  in  this  world,  shall  preserve  it  to  life 
eternal. 

26  If  anyone  serves  me,  let  him  follow  me  : 

And  where  I  am,  there  also  shall  my  servant  be. 
If  anyone  serves  me. 

Him  will  the  Father  honour. 

27  Now  is  my  soul  in  distress ;  and  what  am  I  to  say  ? 

'  Father,  save  me  from  this  hour '  ? 
Nay,  it  was  for  this  that  I  came  to  this  hour. — 

28  Father,  magnify  thy  name ! ' 

At  this  a  voice  came  out  of  the  sky,  "  I  have  magnified  it,  and  I  will 

29  magnify  it  again."    The  crowd  then,  who  stood  by  and  heard  it,  said  there 

30  had  been  thunder  ;  others  said,  "  An  angel  has  spoken  to  him."     Jesus 
answered  and  said,  "  Not  for  my  sake  has  this  voice  come,  but  for  yours. 

31  Now  is  this  world  condemned. 

Now  shall  the  ruler  of  this  world  be  cast  out. 

32  Yet  I,  when  I  am  lifted  up  from  the  earth, 

Will  draw  to  myself  all  men." 

33,  34  (In  saying  this,  he  indicated  the  kind  of   death  he  was  to  die.)     The 

crowd  then  answered  him,  "We  have  learned   from   the   law  that  the 

Christ  abides  for  ever.     How  is  it  then  that  thou  sayest,  '  The  Son  of  man 

35  must  be  lifted  up '  %    Who  is  this  '  Son  of  man'  1 "    So  Jesus  said  to  them, 

"  For  a  little  while  yet  the  light  is  among  you ; 

Walk  while  you  have  the  light,  that  darkness  overtake  you  not. 
He  who  walks  in  the  darkness  knows  not  where  he  is  going  ; 
36(X  While  you  have  the  light,  believe  on  the  light,  that  you  may 

become  sons  of  light." 

44  And  Jesus  cried  and  said, 

"  He  who  believes  on  me, 

Believes  not  so  much  on  me  as  on  him  who  sent  me  : 

45  And  he  who  sees  me. 

Sees  him  who  sent  me. 

46  I  have  come  into  the  world  as  a  light. 

That  whoever  believes  on  me  may  not  remain  in  the  darkness. 

47  Yet  if  anyone  hears  my  sayings  and  observes  them  not,   I  do  not 

judge  him  : 
For  I  came  not  to  judge  the  world,  but  to  save  the  world. 

48  He  who  rejects  me  and  accepts  not  my  sayings  has  one  to  judge 

him  : 
The  word  I  have  spoken,  that  shall  judge  him  on  the  last  day. 

49  For  I  have  not  spoken  of  myself. 

But  the  Father  who  sent  me  has  himself  commanded  me  what 
to  say  and  what  to  speak  ; 

50  And  I  know  his  commandment  is  life  eternal. 

In  my  speaking,  then,  I  sjjeak  even  as  tlie  Father  has  told  me." 
366        After    saying    this,    Jesus    departed    and    hid    himself    from    them. 


J 237-43  J 3^-20]  rpjjg    FOURTH    GOSPEL  521 

37  But  for  all  the  signs  he  had  performed  before  them,  they  would   not 

38  believe  on  him  ;  that  the  word  might  be  fulfilled  which  Isaiah  the 
prophet  spoke, 

Lord,  who  has  had  faith  in  our  message  ? 

And  to  whom  has  the  arm  of  the  Lord  been  disclosed  ? 

39  This  was  the  reason  why  they  could  not  believe ;  because  Isaiah  had 
again  said, 

40  He  has  blinded  their  eyes  and  hardened  their  heart, 

That  they  might  not  see  with  their  eyes,  nor  understand  ivith  their  heart, 
and  turn. 
For  me  to  cure  them. 

41  Isaiah  spoke  thus  because  he  saw  his  majesty;  indeed  he  spoke  of  him. 

42  All  the  same,  however,  many  even  of  the  rulers  believed  on  him  ;  but  on 
account  of  the  Pharisees  they  would  not  confess  him,  in  case  of  being  ex- 

43  communicated  from  the  synagogue.  For  they  loved  the  praise  of  men 
more  than  the  praise  of  God. 

13  1  Xow  before  the  festival  of  the  passover  Jesus  was  aware  that  the  hour 
had  come  for  him  to  depart  out  of  this  world  to  the  Father  ;  he  had 
loved  his  own  who  were  in  the  world,  and  he  loved  them  to  the  end. 

2  And  at  supper-time — after  the  devil  had  already  put  it  into  the  heart  of 

3  Judas  Iskariot,  son  of  Simon,  to  betray  him — as  he  knew  that  the  Father 
had  given  all  things  into  his  hand,  and  that  he  had  come  out  from  God  and 

4  was  going  to  God,  he  rises  from  supper  and   lays  his   garments   aside. 

5  Then  he  took  a  towel  and  girded  himself.  Next,  he  pours  water  into  the 
basin,   and  started  to  wash  the  disciples'  feet,  and   to  wipe  them  with 

6  the   towel  which  he  was  girded  with.     So   he   comes  to   Simon  Peter. 

7  "Lord,"  says  he  to  him,  "thou  wash  my  feet!"  Jesus  answered  and 
said  to  him,  "  What  I  am  doing  thou  kuowest  not  now,  but  afterwards 

8  thou  shalt  understand."  Peter  says  to  him,  "  Never  shalt  thou  wash  my 
feet."     Jesus  answered  him,  "  Unless  I  wash  thee,    thou   hast  no   part 

9  in  me."     Simon  Peter  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  not  only  my  feet  but  my  head 
]  0  and  hands  as  well  !  "     Jesus  says  to  him, 

"  He  who  is  bathed  does  not  need  to  be  washed,^  but  is  wholly  clean. 
And  you  are  clean — but  not  all." 

11  (For   he  knew  his   betrayer;  that  was  why  he  said,  "You  are  not  all 

12  clean.")  So  when  he  had  washed  their  feet  and  resumed  his 
garments  and  reclined  again,  he  said  to  them,  "  Do  you  know  what  I 
have  done  to  you  ? 

13  You  call  me  '  Teacher'  and  '  Lord,' 

And  you  say  rightly  :  for  so  I  am. 

14  If  I,  the  Lord  and  Teacher,  then,  have  washed  your  feet, 

You  also  are  bound  to  wash  the  feet  of  one  another. 

15  For  I  have  given  you  an  example. 

That  you  also  should  do  even  as  I  have  done  to  you. 

16  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

A  slave  is  not  greater  than  his  owner. 

Nor  is  a  messenger  greater  than  he  who  sent  him. 
]  7,  18  Since  you  know  this,  happy  are  you  if  you  do  it.     (I  am  not  speaking 
of   you  all :  I  know  whom  I  have   chosen— but  all  has  happened  that 
the  scripture  may  be  fulfilled.  He  who  eats  my  bread,  has  lifted  up  his  heel 

19  against  me.     In  future  I  tell  you  before  it  comes  to  pass  ;   that  when 

20  it  does  come  to  pass,  you  may  believe  it  is  I.)     Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly, 

1  Omitting  [[si  fn-n  rout  ^o'Sas]]. 


522  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT      [idr^-^^"  U?''^^ 

He  who  accepts  whomsover  I  send,  accepts  me  ; 
And  he  who  accepts  me,  accepts  him  whom  I  sent." 

21  On  saying  this  Jesus  became  distressed  in  his  spirit,  and  he  testified  and 

22  said,  "  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly,  one  of  you  shall  betray  me."    The  disciples 

23  looked  at  one  another,  puzzled  to  know  whom  he  meant.     One  of  his 

24  disciples,  whom  Jesus  loved,  was  reclining  on  the  bosom  of  Jesus.     So 
Simon  Peter  nods  to  him  and  says  to  him,  "  Tell  us  who  it  is  that  he  means." 

25  He  leant  back,  as  he  was,  on  the  breast  of  Jesus,  and  says  to  him,  "  Lord, 

26  who  is  it?"     Jesus  then  answers,  "It  is  he  for  whom  I  shall  dip  the 
morsel,  and  to  whom  I  shall  give  it."    So  after  dipping  the  morsel,  he  takes 

27  and  gives  it  to  Judas,  son  of  Simon  of  Kerioth.     Thereupon,  after  the 
morsel,  Satan  entered  him.     Jesus  then  says  to  him,  "  What  thou  doest, 

28  do  quickly."     (Now  none  of  the  guests  knew  why  he  said  this  to  him. 

29  Some  imagined,  because  Judas  held  the  purse,  that  Jesus  told  him,  "  Buy 
what  we  require  for  the  festival,"  or  bade  him  give  something  to  the  poor.) 

30  He  took  the  morsel  therefore,  and  immediately  went  out.     And  it  was 
31a  night.  So  when  he  had  gone  out,  Jesus  says, 

15  1  "  I  am  the  real  vine,  and  my  Father  is  the  vine-dresser  ; 

2  Every  branch  in  me  that  bears  not  fruit,  he  takes  it  away, 

And  every  branch  that  does  bear  fruit  he  prunes,  that  it  may  bear 
more  fruit. 

3  — You  are  pruned  clean  already,  by  the  word   that  I   have 

spoken  to  you. 

4  Remain  in  me,  and  I  in  you. 

As   the  branch  cannot  bear  fruit  by  itself,  unless  it  remains  in 
the  vine ; 
No  more  can  you,  unless  you  remain  in  me. 

5  I  am  the  vine,  you  are  the  branches. 

He  who  remains  in  me — and  I  in  him — he  bears  plentiful  fruit : 
For  apart  from  me  you  can  do  nothing. 

6  If  anyone  remains  not  in  me,  he  is  cast  out  like  a  branch  and  withers : 

And    they  gather    them   and   throw   them   into  the    fire,    and 
they  are  burned, 

7  If  you  remain  in  me,  and  my  words  remain  in  you, 

Ask  whatever  you  will,  and  it  shall  be  done  for  you. 

8  Herein  is  my  Father  exalted. 

That  you  bear  plentiful  fruit  and  thus  show  yourselves  disciples 
of  mine. 

9  As  the  Father  has  loved  me,  I  also  have  loved  you  : 

Remain  in  my  love. 

10  If  you  keep  my  commandments, 

You  shall  remain  in  my  love  : 
As  I  have  kept  the  ^  Father's  commandments, 
And  remain  in  his  love. 

11  (These  things  I  have  spoken  to  you,  that  mj'-  joy  may  be  in  you, 

And  that  your  joy  may  be  complete.) 

12  This  is  my  commandment. 

That  you  love  one  another  as  I  have  loved  you. 

13  No  one  has  greater  love  than  this. 

That  one  lay  down  his  life  for  his  friends  : 

14  You  are  my  friends, 

If  you  do  what  I  command  you. 
16  I  call  you  'slaves'  no  longer, 

1  Oinitting  [[/*»«]]. 


15^^-16^  THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  523 

For  the  slave  knows  not  what  his  owner  is  doing : 
I  have  called  you  '  friends,' 

For  all  that  I  have  been  taught  by  my  Father,  I  have  made 
known  to  you. 

16  You  have  not  chosen  me,  but  I  have  chosen  you, 

And  appointed  you  to  go  and  bear  fruit,  and  your  fruit  to  remain ; 
That  the  Father  may  give  you  whatever  you  shall  ask  from  him 
in  my  name. 

17  This  I  command  you. 

That  you  love  one  another. 

18  If  the  world  hates  you, 

Knov/  that  it  has  hated  me  tirst.^ 

19  Were  you  of  the  world, 

The  world  would  love  what  was  its  own  ; 
But  because  you  are  not  of  the  world 
(Nay,  I  have  chosen  you  out  of  the  world). 

For  this  the  world  hates  you. 

20  Kemember  the  word  that  I  said  to  you, 

'  A  slave  is  not  greater  than  his  owner ' : 
If  they  have  persecuted  me,  they  will  also  persecute  you  ; 

If  they  have  kept  my  word,  they  will  keep  yours  also.  % 

21  But  all  this  they  will  do  to  you  on  account  of  my  name. 

For  they  know  not  him  who  sent  me. 

22  Had  I  not  come  and  spoken  to  them,  they  had  not  had  sin  : 

23  But  now  they  have  no  excuse  for  their  sin.     He   who  hates   me, 

hates  my  Father  also. 

24  Had  I  not    performed    among    them    the  works  which  none   else 

performed,  they  had  not  had  sin  : 
But  now  they  have  seen,  and  they  have  hated,  both  me  and  my  Father. 

25  Yea,  they  do  so  that  the  word  written  in  their  law  may  be  fulfilled, 

TJiey  hated  me  witlwut  a  cause. 

26  When  the  advocate  comes,  whom  I  shall  send  you  from  the  Father, 
The  Spirit  of  truth  which  issues  from  the  Father, 

He  shall  bear  witness  concerning  me  : 

27  Moreover,  do  you  bear  witness  also, 

Because  you  have  been  with  me  from  the  beginning. 
16  1  I  have  spoken  of  these  things  to  you,  that  you  may  not  be  made 

to  stumble. 

2  They  shall  have  yoii  excommunicated  from  the  synagogue : 
Yea,  an  hour  is  coming  when  every  one  who  kills  you  shall  imagine 

he  is  offering  a  sacrifice — a  service  to  God. 

3  And  these  things  they  will  do. 

Because  they  have  known  neither  the  Father  nor  me. 

4  But  I  have  spoken  of  these  things  to  you,  that  when  the  hour  for 

them  comes,  you  may  remember  that  I  told  you  of  them. 
I  did  not  tell  you  these  things  at  the  beginning  ;  because  I  was 
with  you. 

5  But  I  am  going  now  to  him  who  sent  me  ;   yet  none  of  you  asks 

me,  '  Where  art  thou  going  ? ' 

6  Nay,  because  I  have  spoken  of  these  things  to  you,  sorrow  has  filled 

your  heart. 

7  Yet  I  am  telling  you  the  truth  :  it  is  for  your  advantage  that  I  go 

away. 

1  Omitting  O/aSv. 


524  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [16^-27 

For  if  I  go  not  away,  the  advocate  will  not  come  to  you  ; 
But  if  I  go,  I  sliail  send  liim  to  you. 

8  And  wlien   he  comes,  he  will  convince  the  world  of  sin,  and  of 

ujirightness,  and  of  condemnation  ; 

9  Of  sin,  because  they  believe  not  on  me  : 

10  Of  ui^rightness,  because  I  go  to  the  Father  and  you  no   longer 

see  me  : 

11  Of   condemnation,   because    the   ruler   of  this   world   has   been 

condemned. 

12  I  have  many  things  to  tell  you  still  ; 

But  you  cannot  bear  them  at  this  moment. 

13  Yet  when  he  comes,  the  Spirit  of  truth. 

He  shall  guide  you  into  all  the  truth  ; 
For  he  shall  not  speak  from  himself, 
But  he  shall  sjjeak  all  that  he  hears. 
And  he  shall  disclose  to  you  all  that  is  coming. 

14  He  shall  exalt  me. 

For  he  shall  take  of  what  is  mine  and  disclose  it  to  you. 

15  All  that  the  Father  has  is  mine  : 

Hence  I  said,  he  takes  of  what  is  mine  and  shall  disclose  it  to 

16  A  little  while,  and  you  shall  see  me  no  longer  ; 

And  again  a  little  while,  and  jou  shall  see  me." 

17  Some  of  his  disciples  then  said  to  one  another,  "What  is  this  he 
is  saying  to  us  ? — '  A  little  while,  and  you  shall  not  see  me  ;  and  again  a 
little  while,  and  you  shall  see  me,'  and  '  because  I  go  to  the  Father '  !  " 

18  They  kept  saying  then,  "  What  is  this  '  little  while  '  of  which  he  speaks  ? 

19  We  do  not  understand  what  he  is  saying."  Jesus  understood  that  they 
wished  to  question  him  ;  so  he  said  to  them,  "  Is  this  why  you  are 
inquiring  one  with  another,  because  I  said, 

'  A  little  while,  and  you  shall  not  see  me. 
And  again  a  little  while,  and  you  shall  see  me '  ? 

20  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

You  shall  wail  and  lament,  while  the  world  shall  rejoice  : 

Sorrowful  shall  you  be,  but  your  sorrow  shall  be  turned  into  joy. 

21  When  a  woman   is  in  travail  she  has  sorrow,  for  her  hour  has 

come ; 
But  when   the   child   is   born,  she   remembers   the   distress  no 
longer, 
In  her  joy  that  a  human  being  is  born  into  the  world. 

22  So  then  witli  you  ;  now,  you  have  sorrow, 

But  I  will  see  you  again  and  your  heart  shall  rejoice, 
And  no  one  shall  take  your  joy  away  from  you. 

23  And  on  that  day  you  shall  not  question  me  at  all. 

Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly,  if  you  shall  ask  anything  from  the  Father,  he 
will  give  you  it  in  my  name. 

24  Up  till  now  you  have  asked  nothing  in  my  name  ; 

Ask  and  you  shall  receive,  that  your  joy  may  be  complete. 

25  (I  have  spoken  to  you  of  these  things  in  figures. 

The  hour  is  coming,  when  I  shall  no  longer  speak  to  you  in  figures, 

But  bring  you  word  of  the  Father  openly.) 
2G  On  that  day  you  shall  ask  in  my  name  : 

And  I  do  not  say  to  you  that  I  will  ask  the  Father  for  you, 
27  For  the  Fatlier  loves  vuu  himself. 


JQ28-33  i33i''-38-14i-9]       THE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  525 

Because  you  have  loved  me  and  believed  that  I  came  out  from 
the  Father. 

28  I  came  out  from  the  Father,  and  I  have  come  into  the  world  : 

Again,  I  am  leaving  the  world  and  going  to  the  Father." 

29  His  disciples  say, 

"  Behold,  now  thou  art  talking  openly  and  speaking  no  figure. 

30  Now  we  know  that  thou  knowest  all    and   requirest  no  one  to 

question  thee  ; 
Hereby  we  believe  thou  camest  out  from  God." 
31,  32  Jesus  answered  them,  "You  now  believe  ?     Lo,  the  hour  is  coming  (and 
has  come)  for  you  to  be  scattered,  each  to  his  home,  leaving  me  alone. 
Yet  I  am  not  alone,  for  the  Father  is  with  me. 
33  I   have  spoken  of  these  things  to  you  that  in  me  you  may  have 

peace : 
In  the  world  you  shall  have  distress  ;  but  be  of  good  cheer,  I  have 
conquered  the  world. 
13  316  Now  is  the  Hon  of  man  exalted. 

And  in  him  God  is  exalted  ! 

32  Yea,  God  shall  exalt  him  in  himself. 

And  shall  exalt  him  immediately. 

33  Little  children,  only  for  a  little  while  I  shall  be  with  you  now. 

You  shall  seek  me  ;  but  as  I  said  to  the  Jews,  so  now  I   say  to  you, 
'  Where  I  go,  you  cannot  come.' 

34  I  give  you  a  new  commandment,  to  love  one  another, 

Even  as  I  have  loved  you,  that  you  also  love  one  another. 

35  Herein  all  men  shall  recognise  that  you  are  my  disciples, 

If  you  have  love  for  one  another." 

36  Simon  Peter  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  where  art  thou  going  1 "     Jesus  answered, 

"Where  I  go,  thou  canst  not  follow  me  now  ; 
But  thou  shalt  follow  me  afterwards." 

37  Peter  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  why  cannot  I  follow  thee  at  this  moment  ?     I 

38  will  lay  down  my  life  for  thee."  Jesus  replies,  "  Lay  down  thy  life  for 
me  !  Truly,  I  tell  thee,  truly,  the  cock  shall  not  crow,  till  thou  liast  three 
times  disowned  me." 

14  1  "  Let  not  your  heart  be  troubled  : 

Believe  in  God,  believe  also  in  me. 

2  In  my  Father's  house  are  many  abodes  ; 

Were  it  not  so,  would  I  have  told  you  that  '  I  go  to  prepare  you 
a  place '  ? 

3  And  when  I  go  and  prepare  you  a  place, 

I  am  coming  again  and  I  will  welcome  you  to  my  home. 
That  where  I  am,  you  may  be  also. 

4  And  you  know  the  way  to  where  I  am  going — " 

5  Thomas  says  to  him,  "Lord,  we  do  not  know  where  thou  goest ;  how 

6  then  are  we  to  know  the  way  1 "     Jesus  says  to  him, 

"  I  am  the  way,  and  the  truth,  and  the  life  ; 
No  one  comes  to  the  Father  exce2:)t  through  me. 

7  Had  you  known  me,  you  would  have  known  my  Father  also  : 

Henceforward  you  know  him  and  have  seen  him." 

8  Philip  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  show  us  the  Father,  and  we  are  satisfied." 

9  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Have  I  been  all  this  time  with  you,  and  dost  thou  not 
know  me,  Philip  1  He  who  has  seen  me,  has  seen  the  Father.  How  is  it 
that  thou  sayest,  '  Show  us  the  Father '  1 


526  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT  [i4^o-3i  17I 

10  Believest  thou  not  that  I  am  in  the  Father,  and  the  Father  in  me  1 

The  words  that  I  speak  to  you,  I  speak  not  from  myself  ; 
The  Father  who  abides  in  me  performs  his  works. 

11  Believe  me,  I  am  in  the  Father,  and  the  Father  in  me  : 

Or  else  believe  me  on  account  of  the  works  themselves. 

12  Truly,  I  tell  you,  truly. 

He  who  believes  on  me,  he  also  shall  perform  the  works  that  I  do  : 
And  greater  works  than  these  shall  he  perform,  because  I  am  going 
to  the  Father. 

13  And  whatever  you  shall  ask  for  in  my  name,  I  will  do  it  ; 

That  the  Father  may  be  exalted  in  the  Son. 

14  If  you  shall  ask  ^  for  anything  in  my  name,  I  will  do  it. 

15  If  you  love  me,  you  will  keep  my  commandments. 

16  And   I   will  pray   the   Father,   and   he   shall   give    you   another 

17  advocate  to  be  with  you  for  ever,  even  the  Spirit  of  truth  : — 
Which  the  world  cannot  receive,  for  the  world  neither  sees  it  nor 

knows  it ; 
But  you  know  it,  because  it  remains  with  you  and  is  in  you. 

18  I  will  not  leave  you  orphans  ;  I  am  coming  to  you. 

19  A  little  while  yet,  and  the  world  no  longer  sees  me  ; 

But  you  shall  see  me,  since  I  live  and  since  you  shall  live. 

20  On  that  day  you  shall  know  that  I  am  in  my  Father,  and    you 

in  me,  and  I  in  you. 

21  He  who  holds  fast  my  commandments  and  keeps  them, 

He  it  is  who  loves  me  : 
And  he  who  loves  me  shall  be  loved  by  my  Father, 
And  I  will  love  him  and  will  appear  to  him." 

22  Judas  (not  the  Iskariot)  says  to  him,  "  Lord,  why  is  it  that  thou  art  to 

23  appear  to  us,  and  not  to  the  world  ? "     Jesus  answered  and  said  to  him, 

If  a  man  loves  me,  he  will  keep  my  word  ; 

And  my  Father  will  love  him,  and  we  will  come  to  him   and 
make  our  abode  with  him. 

24  He  who  loves  me  not,  keeps  not  my  words  : 

And  the  word  you  are  taught  is  not  mine,  but  the  Father's  who 
sent  me. 

25  I  have  spoken  of  these  things  to  you,  while  I  remain  with  you. 

26  But  the  advocate,  the  holy  Spirit  which  the  Father  will  send  in  my 

name. 
He  shall  teach  you  all  things  and  remind  you  of   all  that   I   have 
told  you. 

27  Peace  I  leave  to  you,  my  peace  I  give  to  you  : 
Not  as  the  world  gives,  give  I  to  you. 

Let  not  your  heart  be  troubled,  or  timid. 

28  You  heard  me  say  to  you,  '  I  am  going  away,  and  I  am  coming  to 
you.'     If  you  loved  me,  you  would  have  rejoiced'  that  I  am  going  to  the 

29  Father  ;  for  the  Father  is  greater  than  I.  And  now  I  have  told  you 
before   it  comes  to  pass  ;  so  that  when  it  does  come  to   pass  you  may 

30  believe.     I  will  no  longer  talk  much  with  you,  for  the   ruler  of   the 

31  world  is  coming.  In  me  indeed  he  can  claim  nothing  ;  but  all  this 
happens  that  the  world  may  know  that  I  love  the  Father,  and  that  I 
act  even  as  the  Father  gave  me  commandment.  Rise,  let  us  be  going 
hence." 

17  1        Thus  Jesus  spoke  ;  then,  lifting  up  his  eyes  to  heaven,  he  said, 
^  Omitting  [[f^i]]. 


172-20J  rpjjg    FOURTH    GOSPEL  527 

"  Father,  tlie  hour  has  come. 
Exalt  thy  Son, 

That  tiie  Son  may  exalt  thee  : 

2  Since  thou  gavest  him  authority  over  all  flesh, 

That  he  should  give  to  them  life  eternal — 
Even  to  all  whom  thou  hast  given  him. 

3  [And  this  is  life  eternal : 

That  they  should  know  thee,  the  only  real  God, 
And  him  whom  thou  hast  sent,  even  Jesus  Christ.] 

4  I  have  exalted  thee  on  earth, 

By  accomplishing  the  work  thou  hast  given  me  to  do  : 

5  And  now.  Father,  exalt  thou  me  beside  thyself. 

With  the  majesty  I  had  beside  thee  ere  the  world  began. 

6  I  have  disclosed  thy  name  to  the  men  whom  thou  gavest  me  out  of 

the  world 
(Thine  they  were,  and  thou  gavest  me  them), 
And  they  have  kept  thy  word. 

7  They  know  now  that  all  thou  hast  given  me  is  from  thee  ; 

8  For  I  have  given  them  the  words  thou  gavest  me. 

And  they  have  accepted  them  ; 
And  they  really  know  that  I  came  out  from  thee. 
And  have  believed  that  thou  hast  sent  me. 

9  I  pray  for  them  ; 

Not  for  the  world  I  pray,  but  for  those  whom  thou  hast  given  me. 
For  they  are  thine 

10  (And  all  mine  is  thine,  and  thine  is  mine). 

And  I  am  exalted  in  them. 

11  No  longer  am  I  to  be  in  the  world — 

Yet  these  are  to  be  in  the  world,  and  I  come  to  thee. 
Holy  Father,  keep  them  in  thy  name  which  thou  hast  given  me. 
That  they  may  be  one,  even  as  we  are  one. 

12  While  I  was  with  them,  I  kept  them  in  thy  name  which  thou  hast 

given  me ; 
Yea,  I  guarded  them,  nor  did  one  of  them  perish — 

Except  the  son  of  perdition,  that  the  scripture  might  be  fulfilled. 

13  But  now  I  come  to  thee. 

And  I  sjjeak  thus  in  the  world. 

That  in  themselves  they  may  have  my  joy  complete. 

14  I  have  given  them  thy  word  ; 

And  the  world  hated  them. 
For  they  are  not  of  the  world. 
Even  as  I  am  not  of  the  world. 

15  I  pray  not  that  thou  wouldst  take  them  out  of  the  world. 

But  that  thou  wouldst  keep  them  from  the  evil  one. 

16  They  are  not  of  the  world. 
Even  as  I  am  not  of  the  world. 

17  Consecrate  them  by  the  truth  : 
Thy  word  is  truth. 

18  As  thou  hast  sent  me  into  the  world, 
So  have  I  sent  them  into  the  world. 

19  And  on  their  behalf  I  consecrate  myself. 
That  they  also  may  be  consecrated  in  truth. 

20  I  pray  not  for  these  alone, 

But  also  for  those  who  through  their  word  believe  in  me. 


528  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT    [1721-26  jgi-i*- 19-24- 15 

21  That  they  may  all  be  one  : 

Even  as  thou,  Father,  art  in  me  and  I  in  thee, 
That  they  may  also  be  in  us — 
That  the  world  may  believe  that  thou  hast  sent  me. 

22  Yea,  the  majesty  thou  hast  given  me,  I  have  given  them  ; 

That  they  may  be  one,  even  as  we  are  one, 

23  I  in  them,  and  thoxi  in  me, 

That  they  may  be  perfected  in  one — 
Tliat  the  world  may  know  that  thou  hast  sent  me. 
And  hast  loved  them  even  as  thou  hast  loved  me. 

24  Father,  I  would  that  they — thy  gift  to  me — may  be  with  me  where 

I  am. 
To  see  my  majesty  which  thou  hast  given  me  ; 
For  thou  hast  loved  me  before  the  foundation  of  the  world. 

25  Just  Father  !  while  the  w^orld  knows  thee  not,  I  know  thee. 
And  these  know  that  thou  hast  sent  me  ; 

26  And  I  have  made  known  and  will  make  known  thy  name  to  them, 

That  the  love  wherewith  thou  hast  loved  me  may  be  in  them, 
And  I  in  them." 

18  1        On  saying  this,  Jesus  went  out  with  his  disciples  across  the  ravine  of 
Kedron  to  where  there  was  a  garden,  which  he  and  his  disciples  entered. 

2  Now  Judas  his  betrayer  was  also  acquainted  with  the  place  ;  for  Jesus 

3  and  his  disciples  had  often  met  together  there.    So,  after  getting  the  cohort 
and  officers  from  the  high  priests  and  the  Pharisees,  Judas  comes  there 

4  with  lanterns  and  torches  and  weapons.  Thereupon,  aware  of  all  that 
was  coming  upon  him,  Jesus  went  out ;  and  he  says  to  them,  "  Whom  do 

5  you  seek?"  They  answered  him,  "Jesus  the  Nazarene."  He  says  to 
them,  "  I  am  he."    (Now  Judas  his  betrayer  was  also  standing  along  with 

6  them.)     So  when  he  said  to  them,  "  I  am  he,"^they  drew  back  and  fell  to 

7  the  ground.    Once  more  then  he  questioned  them,  "  Whom  do  you  seek  ? " 

8  They  said,  "Jesus  the  Nazarene."  Jesus  replied,  "I  told  you  that  I  am  he. 

9  If  then  it  is  I  whom  you  are  seeking,  let  these  men  go"  (that  the  word  which 
he  had  spoken  might  be  fulfilled,  "  Of  those  whom  thou  hast  given  me,  I 

10  did  not  lose  one  ").  At  this,  Simon  Peter,  who  wore  a  sword,  drew  it  and 
struck  the  slave  of  the  high  priest,  cutting  off  his  right  ear.     (The  slave's 

11  name  was  Malchus).  Jesus  then  said  to  Peter,  "Put  the  sword  into  the 
sheath.     Shall  I  not  drink  the  cujj  which  the  Father  has  given  me  V 

12  So  the  cohort  and  the  tribune  and  the  officers  of  the  Jews  arrested  Jesus 
]  3  and  bound  him,  and  led  him  first  to  Annas  ;  he  was  the  father-in-law  of 

14  Kaiaphas,  who  was  high  priest  for  that  year.  (It  was  Kaiaphas  who  had 
counselled  the  Jews  that  it  was  for  their  advantage  that  one  man  should 

19  die  for  the  people.)  The  high  priest  therefore  questioned  Jesus 

20  about  his  disciples  and  about  his  teaching.  Jesus  answered  him,  "  I  have 
spoken  ojjcnly  to  the  world  :  I  have  taught  always  in  synagogue  and 
temple,  where  all  the  Jews  gather,  nor  have  I  spoken  of  anything  in  secret. 

21  Why  question  me  ?    Question  those  who  have  heard  me,  upon  what  I  said 

22  to  them.  Look,  these  men  know  what  I  said  !  "  Now  when  he  said  this, 
one   of  the   officers  who  was  standing  by  gave  Jesus  a  blow,  saying, 

23  "  Answerest  thou  the  high  priest  so  ? "  Jesus  answered  him,  "  If  I  have 
spoken  wrongly,  give  evidence  of  the  wrong  ;  but  if  rightly,  why  beat 

24  nie  ?"     So  Annas  sent  him  bound  to  Kaia])lias  the  high  2>riest. 

15  Now  Simon  Peter  along  with  another  disciiile  followed  Jesus.  That 
discijjle  was  known  tt)  the  high  priest  ;  so  he  entered  the  high  priest's 


Igie-is.  25-40  igi-io-j       rpjjg    FOURTH    GOSPEL  529 

16  palace  along  with  Jesus,  while  Peter  stood  outside  at  the  duor.  Thereupon 
the  other  disciple  (who  was  known  to  the  high  priest)  went  out,  and  after 

17  speaking  to  the  woman  who  kept  the  door,  brought  Peter  in.  The  maid- 
servant therefore  who  kept  the  door  says  to  Peter,  "But  art  not  thou  one 

18  of  this  man's  disciples  also  ?"  He  says,  "  No."  Now  the  slaves  and  the 
officers  were  standing  at  a  fire  of  coals  which  they  had  made,  because  it 

25  was  cold.  And  Peter  also  stood  beside  them  and  warmed  himself.  So  they 
said  to  him,  "  But  art  not  thou  one  of  his  disciples  also  ? "     He.  denied  it 

26  and  said,  "  No."  Says  one  of  the  slaves  of  the  high  priest  (who  was  a 
kinsman  of  the  man  whose  ear  Peter  had  cut  off),  "  Did  I  not  see  thee 

27  myself  along  with  him  in  the  garden?"  At  this  Peter  denied  it  again. 
And  immediately  the  cock  crowed. 

28  They  led  Jesus  then  from  the  house  of  Kaiaphas  into  the  praetorium. 
Now  it  was  early,  and  they  did  not  enter  the  praetorium  themselves,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  able  to  eat  the  paschal  lamb  instead  of  being  polluted. 

29  So  Pilate  went  out  to  them  and  says,  "  What  charge  do  you  luring  against 

30  this  man  ?  "     They  answered  and  said,  "  Were  this  man  not  a  wrongdoer, 

31  we  would  not  have  delivered  him  up  to  thee."  Pilate  then  said  to  them, 
"Take  him  yourselves  and  judge  him  by  your  law."     The  Jews  said  to 

32  him,  "We  have  no  right  to  put  anyone  to  death"  (that  the  Avord  which 
Jesus  had  spoken  might  be  fulfilled,  when  he  indicated  the  kind  of  death 

33  he  was  to  die).  Pilate  then  entered  the  praetorium  once  more,  and 

34  calling  Jesus  he  said  to  him,  "  Art  thou  the  king  of  the  Jews  ? "  Jesus 
replied,  "  Sayest  thou  this  of  thyself,  or  did  others  tell  thee  about  me  1 " 

35  Pilate  answered,  "  Am  I  a  Jew  ?     Thy  nation  and  the  high  priests  have 

36  delivered  thee  to  me.  What  hast  thou  done  ? "  Jesus  answered,  "  My 
reign  is  not  of  this  world.  Were  my  reign  of  this  world,  my  officers 
would  have  fought  to  prevent  me  from  being  delivered  to  the  Jews.    But, 

37  as  it  is,  my  realm  is  not  from  hence."  Pilate  then  said  to  him,  "  So  thou 
art  a  king  !  "  Jesus  replied,  "  Certainly,  I  am  a  king.  For  this  have  I 
been  born  and  for  this  have  I  come  into  the  world,  to  bear  witness  to  the 

38  truth.  Everyone  who  is  of  the  truth  hears  my  voice."  Pilate  says  to 
him,  "  Truth  !  what  is  truth  ? "  And  after  saying  this  he  went 
out  once  more  to  the  Jews  and  says  to  them,  "  I  cannot  discover  any 

39  crime  in  him.  But  you  have  a  custom  that  at  the  passover  I  should 
release  one  man  for  you.     Is  it  your  will  then  that  I  release  for  you  the 

40  king  of  the  Jews  1 "  At  this  they  cried  out  again,  "  Not  this  man,  but 
Bar-Abbas!"     Now  Bar- Abbas  was  a  robber. 

191,2        Now  after  that  Pilate  took  and  scourged  Jesus.     And  the  soldiers 
plaited  a  wreath  out  of  some  thorns  and  put  it  on  his  head  ;  they  also 

3  arrayed  him  in  a  purple  robe,  and  kept  going  up  to  him  and  saying, 

4  "  Hail,  king  of  the  Jews  !  "  giving  him  blows.  And  Pilate 
once  more  went  outside  and  says  to  them,  "  Look,  I  am  bringing  him  out 

5  to  you,  to  let  you  know  that  I  cannot  discover  any  crime  in  him  !  "  So 
Jesus  came  out,  wearing  the  wreath  of  thorns  and  the  purple  robe.     And 

6  Pilate  says  to  them,  "  Here  is  the  man  !  "  So,  on  seeing  him,  the  high 
priests  and  attendants  clamoured,  "  Crucify  him  !  crucify  him  ! "  Pilate 
says  to  them,  "  Take  him  yourselves  and  crucify  him.     As  for  me,  I 

7  cannot  discover  any  crime  in  him."  The  Jews  answered  him,  "  We  have 
a  law,  and  by  the  law  he  ought  to  die,  because  he  made  himself  out  to  be 

8  God's  son."     So  when  Pilate  heard  this  saying,  he  was  still  more  afraid  ; 

9  and  again  he  entered  the  praetorium  and  says  to  Jesus,  "  Whence  art 
10  thou?"     But  Jesus  made  no  reply  to  him.     Pilate  then  says  to  him, 

"  Thou  wilt  not  speak  to  me  ?  Knowest  thou  not  that  I  have  power  to  release 

34 


530  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [\9^'^-^^ 

11  tliee  and  power  to  crucify  tliee?"  Jesus  answered  liim,  "Thou  wouldst 
have  no  power  at  all  over  me,  had  it  not  been  given  thee  from  above  ; 

12  therefore  he  has  the  greater  sin  who  delivered  me  to  thee."  Upon  this 
Pilate  sought  to  release  him  ;  but  the  Jews  kept  clamouring,  "  If  thou 
dost  release  this  man,  thou  art  no  friend  of  Caesar's  :    everyone   who 

13  makes  himself  out  to  be  a  king,  is  a  rebel  against  Caesar."  On  hearing 
these  words  then,  Pilate  brought  Jesus  outside  and  sat  down  on  the 
tribunal  at  a  place  called  "  The  tesselated  pavement "  (in  Hebrew  it  is 

14  "  Gabbatha").  Now  it  was  the  day  of  preparation  for  the  passover  :  it 
was  about  the  sixth  hour.     And  he  says  to  the  Jews,  "  Look,  it  is  your 

15  king!"  At  that  they  clamoured,  "Away  with  him  !  away  with  him  ! 
crucify  him  !  "    Pilate  says  to  them,  "  Am  I  to  crucify  your  king  ? "    The 

16  high  priests  answered,  "  We  have  no  king  but  Caesar."  Now  after  that  he 
delivered  him  up  to  them  to  be  crucified. 

17  So  they  took  Jesus  ;  and  he  went  out,  bearing  the  cross  for  himself, 
to  what  is  called  "The  place  of  a  skull"   (which  in  Hebrew  is  called 

18  "  Golgotha"),  and  there  they  crucified  him,  and  along  with  him  two  others, 

19  one  on  each  side,  Jesus  being  in  the  middle.  Pilate  also  wrote  a  title 
and  had  it  put  upon  the  cross  ;  and  what  was  written  was,  JESUS  THE 

20  NAZARENE,  THE  KING  OF  THE  JEWS.  This  title  then  was  read 
by  many  of  the  Jews,  as  the  place  where  Jesus  was  crucified  was  near  the 

21  city,  and  as  the  writing  was  in  Hebrew,  Latin,  and  Greek.  So  the  high 
priests  of  the  Jews  said  to  Pilate,  "  Write  not,  '  The  King  of  the  Jews '  ; 

22  write  that  'he  said,  I  am  King  of  the  Jews.'"  Pilate  answered,  "  What 
I  have  written,  I  have  written." 

23  Now  when  the  soldiers  had  crucified  Jesus,  they  took  his  garments 
and  made  them  into  four  parts,  one  part  for  every  soldier.  They  also 
took  the  tunic.     Now  the  tunic  was  seamless,  woven  in  one  piece  from  the 

24  top.  So  they  said  to  one  another,  "  Let  us  not  tear  it,  let  us  cast  lots  to 
decide  whose  it  is  to  be  " — that  the  scripture  might  be  fulfilled  which  says. 

They  distributed  my  garments  among  them, 
And  over  my  apparel  they  cast  lots. 

25  This  then  was  what  the  soldiers  did.  Now  beside  the  cross  of  Jesus 
stood  his  mother  and  his  mother's  sister,  Mary  the  wife  of  Klopas,  also 

26  Mary  of  Magdala.  So  when  Jesus  saw  his  mother  and  the  disciple  whom 
he  loved  standing  by,  he  says  to  his  mother,  "  Woman,  there  is  thy  son ! " 

27  Then  he  says  to  the  disciple,  "  Son,  there  is  thy  mother ! "    And  from  that 

28  hour  the  disciple  took  her  to  his  home.  After  this,  aware  that 
all  had  now  been  finished,  Jesus  says — in  order  that  the  scripture  might 

29  be  accomplished — "  /  thirst."  A  vessel  full  of  vinegar  was  lying  there. 
So  they  put  a  sponge  full  of  the  vinegar  upon  a  lance  ^  and  held  it  to  his 

30  mouth.      When  Jesus  therefore  had  received  the  vinegar,  he  said,  "  It  is 

31  finished."  He  bent  his  head  and  gave  up  his  spirit.  As  it 
was  the  day  of  })re])aration,  then,  in  order  to  prevent  the  bodies  remaining 
upon  the  cross  during  the  sabljath  (for  that  sabbath-day  was  a  great  day), 
the  Jews  asked  Pilate  to  have  their  legs  broken  and  the  bodies  taken 

32  away.      So  the  soldiers  came  and  broke  the  legs  of  the  first  man,  and  of 

33  the  other  man  who  was  crucified  along  with  him.  However,  when  they 
came  to  Jesus  and  saw  that  he  was  dead  already,  they  did  not  break  his 

34  legs  ;  but  one  of  the  soldiers  pierced  his   side  with    a  lance,  and  im- 

35  mediately  there  came  out  blood  and  water.  And  he  who  saw  it  has 
borne  witness,  and  his  witness  is  true  (yea,  he  knows  he  is  telling  the 

36  truth),   that  you  also  may  believe.     For   this   came   to   pass   that   the 

^  Reading  irraj. 


1937_2o22]  rpjjE    FOURTH    GOSPEL  531 

37  scripture  might  be  fulfilled,  No  hone  of  him  shall  he  hroken.  And  again 
another  scripture  says,  They  shall  look  on  him  tuhom  they  impaled. 

38  Now  after  this,  Joseph  of  Arimathaea,  who  was  a  disciple  of  Jesus — but 
a  seci'et  disciple  for  fear  of  the  Jews — asked  Pilate  that  he  might  take 
away  the  body  of  Jesus.     And  Pilate  gave  him  permission.     So  he  went 

39  and  took  away  his  body  ;  and  Nikodemus  also  went  (he  who  had  come  to 
him  at  first  l)y  night),  with  about  a  hundred  pounds  of  myrrh  and  aloes 

40  mixed.     So  they  took  and  swathed  the  body  of  Jesus  in  linen  bandages 

41  with  the  spices,  according  to  the  Jewish  custom  of  burial.  Now  at  the 
place  where  he  was  crucified  there  was  a  garden,  and  in  the  garden  a  new 

42  tomb  where  as  yet  no  man  had  ever  been  laid.  So  on  account  of  the 
Jews'  day  of  preparation,  seeing  that  the  tomb  was  close  at  hand,  they 
laid  Jesus  there. 

20  1        Now  on  the  first  day  of  the  week  Mary  of  Magdala  goes  to  the  tomb 
very  early,  when  it  was  still  dark,  and  sees  the  stone  removed  from  the 

2  tomb.     So  she  runs  and  goes  to  Simon  Peter,  and  to  the  other  disciple, 
whom  Jesus  loved,  and  says  to  them,  "  They  have  removed  the  Lord  from 

3  the  tomb,  and  we  know  not  where  they  have  laid  him."      Peter  went  out 
then  with  the  other  discijDle,  and  they  went  on  their  way  to  the  tomb. 

4  They  both  ran  together ;    but  the  other  disciple  ran  faster  than  Peter 

5  and  reached  the  tomb  first ;  and  on  gazing  in  he  sees  the  linen  bandages 

6  lying.    However  he  did  not  go  in.     Now  Simon  Peter  also  comes,  following 
him  ;  and  he  went  into  the  tomb,  and  notices  the  linen  bandages  lying, 

7  and  also  that  the  napkin,  which  had  been  upon  his  head,  was  not  lying 

8  with  the  linen  bandages  but  was  wrapped  up  in  a  place  by  itself.      Then 
the  other  disciple,  who  had  come  to  the  tomb  first,  went  in  and  saw  and 

9  believed.      (For  as  yet  they  did  not  know  the  scripture,  that  he  must  rise 

10  again  from  the  dead.)      Thereupon  the  discij^les  went  away  again  to  their 

1 1  home.     Mary  stood  outside  at  the  tomb,  weeping.     Now  as  she  wept,  she 

12  gazed  into  the  tomb  ;  and  she  notices  two  angels  in  white  sitting  where 

13  the  body  of  Jesus  had  lain,  one  at  the  head  and  one  at  the  feet.  And 
they  say  to  her,  "  Woman,  why  weepest  thou  ? "  She  says  to  them, 
"  Because  they  have  removed  my  Lord,  and  I  know  not  where  they  have 

14  laid   him."       She   said   this  and  turned  back  ;   and   she   notices    Jesus 

15  standing,  yet  she  did  not  know  it  was  Jesus.  Jesus  says  to  her,  "  Woman, 
why  weepest  thou  ?  whom  seekest  thou  ? "  Imagining  him  to  be  the 
gardener,  she  says  to  him,  "  Sir,  if  it  was  thou  who  didst  carry  him  off', 

16  tell  me  where  thou  hast  laid  him,  and  I  will  take  him  away."  Jesus  says 
to  her,  "Mary."     She  turns  and  says  to  him,  in  Hebrew,  "Rabbuni" 

17  (that  is,  "Teacher").  Jesus  says  to  her,  "Touch  me  not,  for  I  have  not 
ascended  yet  to  the  Father  ;  but  go  to  my  brothers  and  say  to  them  :  '  I 

18  ascend  to  my  Father  and  your  Father,  to  my  God  and  your  God.' "  Mary 
of  Magdala  goes  to  the  disciples  with  the  news,  "  I  have  seen  the  Lord," 
and  that  he  had  said  this  to  her. 

19  So  when  it  was  evening  on  that  day,  the  first  day  of  the  week,  and 
when  the  doors  at  the  place  where  the  disciples  were  had  been  shut  for 
fear  of  the  Jews,  Jesus  came  and  stood  in  the  midst,  and  says  to  them, 

20  "  Peace  to  you  !  "     And  saying  this  he  showed  them  his  hands  and  his 

21  side.  Then  were  the  disciples  glad  when  they  saw  the  Lord.  So  he  ^ 
says  to  them  once  more,  "  Peace  to  you  !      As  the  Father  has  sent  me 

22  forth,  so  also  am  I  sending  you."  And  saying  this  he  breathed  on  them 
and  says  to  them,  "  Receive  the  holy  Spirit ; 

1  Omitting  [[« 'Urouf]]. 


532  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2023_2ii5 

23  If  you  forgive  the  sins  of  anyone,  they  are  forgiven  ; 
If  you  retain  them,  they  are  retained." 

24  Now  "Thomas,  one  of  the  twelve  (that  is,  "  the  Twin"),  was  not  with 

25  them  when  Jesus  came.  So  the  other  disciples  told  him,  "  We  have  seen 
the  Lord."  But  he  said  to  them,  "  Unless  I  see  the  mark  of  the  nails  in 
his  hands,  and  put  my  finger  into  the  mark  of  the  nails,  and  put  my  hand 

26  into  his  side,  I  will  not  believe."  And  after  eight  days  his  discijjles  were 
once  more  within  the  house,  and  Thomas  with  them.  Jesus  came, 
though  the  doors  had  been  shut,  and  stood  in  the  midst  and  said,  "  Peace 

27  to  you  !  "  Then  he  says  to  Thomas,  "  Reach  hither  thy  linger,  here  are 
my  hands  !    Reach  thy  hand  also,  and  put  it  into  my  side  ;  and  be  not 

28  incredulous,  but  believe."     Thomas  answered  and  said  to  him,  "  My  Lord 

29  and  my  God  !  "     Jesus  says  to  him, 

"  Because  thou  hast  seen  me,  thou  hast  believed  : 
Happy  they  who  have  not  seen,  yet  have  believed  ! " 

30  Many  other  signs  indeed  did  Jesus  perform  in  presence  of  his  dis- 

31  ciples,  which  are  not  written  in  this  Ijook  ;  but  these  have  been  written 
that  you  may  l^elieve  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  and  that 
believing  you  may  have  life  in  his  Name. 


THE  APPENDIX 

21  1        [After  this  Jesus  disclosed  himself  once  more  to  the  disciples  at  the 

2  sea  of  Tiberias.  He  disclosed  himself  in  this  way.  Simon  Peter  and 
Thomas  (that  is,  "  the  Twin  ")  and  Nathanael  of  Kana  in  Galilee  and  the 

3  sons  of  Zebedee  and  two  others  of  his  disciples  were  together.  Simon 
Peter  says  to  them,  "  I  am  going  to  fisli."  They  say  to  him,  "  We  are 
coming  with  thee  too."     They  went  out  and  embarked  in  the  boat,  but 

4  that  night  they  caught  nothing.     Now  at  the  break  of  day  Jesus  stood 

5  upon  the  beach  :  however,  the  disciples  did  not  know  it  was  Jesus.  So 
Jesus  says  to  them,  "  Lads,  have  you  caught  any  fish  ? "      They  answered 

6  him,  "  No."  And  he  said  to  them,  "  Throw  the  net  on  the  right  side  of 
the  boat,  and  you  shall  find  something."     So  they  threw  the  net,  and  now 

7  they  could  not  haul  it  in  for  the  multitude  of  fish.  That  disciple  then 
whom  Jesus  loved  says  to  Peter,  "  It  is  the  Lord."  So  on  hearing  it  was 
the  Lord,  Simon  Peter  girt  his  blouse  round  him  (for  he  was  unclad)  and 

8  plunged  into  the  sea  ;  meanwhile  the  other  disciples  came  in  the  small 
boat  (for  they  were  not  far  from  the  land,  but  about  a  hundred  yards  off) 

9  dragging  the  netful  of  fish.      So  when  they  got  ashore,  they  see  a  fire  of 

10  coals  laid,  and  some  fish  laid  on  it,  and  bread.     Jesus   says  to   them, 

11  "Bring  some  of  the  fish  you  caught  just  now."  Simon  Peter  then  went 
on  board  and  hauled  the  net  to  land,  full  of  large  fish,  a  hundred  and 
fifty-three  of  them  ;    and  for  all  their  number,  the  net   was  not   torn. 

12  Jesus  says  to  them,  "  Gome  and  breakfast."  (Now  none  of  the  disciples 
dared  to  inquire  of  him,   "  Wlio  art  thou  ? "  for  they  knew  it  was  the 

13  Lord.)     Jesus  goes,  takes  the  bread  and  gives  it  to  them ;  and  so  with  the 

14  fish.  This  was  the  tliird  time  now,  that  Jesus  was  disclosed  to  the 
disciples  after  he  liad  risen  from  the  dead. 

15  So  when  they  had  breakfasted,  Jesus  says  to  Simon  Peter,  "  Simon, 


2|i6-25-]  rpjjE    FOURTH   GOSPEL  533 

son  of  Jolin,  lovest  thou  me  more  than  these  do?"    He  says  to  him, 
"  Yes,  Lord  :  thou  knowest  that  I  love  thee."     He  says  to  him,  "  Feed  my 

16  lambs."  Once  more  he  says  to  him  a  second  time,  "  Simon,  son  of  John, 
lovest  thou  me  ? "     He  says  to  him,  "  Yes,  Lord  :  thou  knowest  that  I 

17  love  thee."  He  says  to  him,  "Be  a  shepherd  to  my  sheep."  For  the 
third  time  he  says  to  him,  "  Simon,  son  of  John,  lovest  thou  me  ? "  Peter 
was  grieved  because  he  said  to  him,  "Lovest  thou  me?"  for  the  third 
time  ;  and  he  said  to  him,  "  Lord,  thou  knowest  all  things  :  thou  seest 

18  that  I  love  thee."  Jesus  says  to  him,  "  Feed  my  sheep.  Truly,  I  tell 
thee,  truly, 

When  thou  wast  young,  thou  didst  gird  thyself  and  walk  where  thou 

didst  choose  : 
But  when  thou  growest  old,  thou  shalt  hold  out  thy  hands,  and 

another  shall  gird  thee  and  bring  thee  where  thou  dost  not  choose." 

19  (He  said  this  to  indicate  the  kind  of  death  by  which  he  was  to  honour 

20  God.)  And  after  saying  tliis  he  says  to  him,  "  Follow  me."  On  turning 
round,  Peter  sees  the  discijjle  whom  Jesus  loved,  following — the  one  who 
leant  back  on  his  breast  at  the  supper  and  said,    "  Lord,  who  is   thy 

21  betrayer?"      So  on  seeing  him  Peter  says  to  Jesus,  "Lord,  and   what 

22  about  this  inan  ? "     Jesus  says  to  him,  "  If  I  choose  that  he  should  survive 

23  till  I  come,  what  is  that  to  thee  ?  Follow  thou  me."  So  this  rumour 
spread  abroad  among  the  brothers,  namely,  that  that  disciple  was  not  to 
die.  Yet  Jesus  did  not  tell  him  he  was  not  to  die  ;  he  said,  "  If  I  choose 
that  he  should  survive  till  I  come,  what  is  that  to  thee?" 

24  This  is  the  disciple  who  bears  witness  concerning  these  things  and  who 
has  written  these  things  ;  and  his  witness,  we  know,  is  true.] 

25  [[Now  there  are  many  other  things  besides,  which  Jesus  did ;  were 
they  written  one  by  one,  I  suppose  that  not  even  the  world  itself  would 
have  room  for  the  books  that  would  be  written.]] 


THE  LETTEES  OF  JOHN 

For  the  historical  understanding  of  these  letters  the  data  are  scanty  and 
ambiguous  : — 

(«)  The  relative  position  of  the  fourth  gosjael  and  the  first  epistle.^ 
The  remarkable  similarities  of  thought  and  diction  between  the  two 
writings  indicate  a  common  situation.  Both  writings  are  addressed  to 
practically  the  same  condition  of  things  in  the  Christian  community, 
although  they  approach  it  from  different  sides.  The  epistle  naturally  has 
a  more  marked  polemical  tendency  than  the  gospel,  and  it  has  been  con- 
jectured that  the  author  of  the  ej^istle  endeavoured  in  the  interests  of 
popular  Christianity  to  recast  the  ideas  of  the  fourth  gospel  and  thereby 
introduce  them  to  a  wider  public.^  Such  a  motive  and  method  is  quite 
credible.  Whether  it  involves  a  dual  authorship  or  not  (cp.  Jlilicher, 
Einl.  pp.  155-158,  and  Salmond,  DB,  ii.  pp.  737,  738)  is  a  further  question, 
and  a  question  for  which  no  evidence — least  of  all  the  stylistic  resem- 
blance— supplies  a  final  answer,  although  probabilities  fa^'Our  unity.  At 
any  rate  the  writing  is  a  product  of  the  Johannine  school  in  Ephesus,  a 
postscript  rather  than  (as  e.g.  Renan  and  Tolstoi  think)  a  preface  to  the 
larger  history.  Taking  the  epistle  with  most  (cp.  especially  Pfieiderer, 
Urc.  p.  791  f.,  and  O.  Holtzmann,  op.  cit.  pp.  166-171,  but  on  other  side 
Bartlet,  A  A., -p.  435  f.)  as  subsequent  in  time  to  the  gosjjel,  we  find  that  its 
period  lies  not  earlier  than  95-100  a.d.  It  is  the  application  and  repro- 
duction of  the  Johannine  ideas,  addressed  to  some  definite  and  local 
circle  ("non  videtur  peregre  misisse,  sed  coram  impertiisse  auditoribus," 
Bengel),  and  yet  passing  beyond  these  limits  to  the  needs  of  wider 
Christendom.  Here  too,  "  simple  truth  "  has  been  "  miscalled  simplicity." 
But  the  verdict  is  not  adequate.  Patiently  the  author  turns  and  repeats 
his  leading  themes,  like  a  teacher,  with  a  monotony  that  wins  upon  one 
till  it  becomes  often  impressive  and— within  its  own  limits — attractive.^ 
"  The  style  is  not  flowing  and  articulated  ;  the  sentences  come  like  minute- 

1  Exhaustively  discussed  by  Holtzmann,  J2)Th  (1881),  pp.  690-712,  (1882),  pp. 
316-342,  whose  arguments  are  reviewed  by  Weiss  (-Meyer,  1888,  Ejjp.  .J oh.  pp.  4-9). 
Tlie  (Ull'erences  are  held  by  numerous  critics  (e.g.  in  this  conutry  S.  Davidson,  M. 
Arnold,  and  Martineau,  Seat  of  Authority,  pp.  509-512)  to  be  incompatible  in  a 
single  author.  Wendt  (Joh.  Evglvi.  pp.  158-162)  also  finds  tliat  the  resemblances 
refer  to  the  source,  not  to  the  editor  of  the  fourth  gospel. 

"  Cp.  Schmiedel,  EWK,  ii.  34,  p.  368.  The  absence  of  title  or  greeting  gives  this 
anonymous  writhig  the  appearance  of  a  homily,  or  set  of  homilies,  addressed  to  an 
intimate  circle ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  the  readers  owed  their 
Cliristian  faith  to  the  author. 

^  Weiss,  NTTh,  ii.  pp.  317,  318.  "  His  whole  spiritual  work  is  a  contemplative 
sinking  of  himself  in  a  small  circle  of  great  truths."  At  the  same  time,  in  com- 
parison with  the  preceding  and  the  subsequent  letters  of  the  NT,  there  is  no  denying 
that  in  1  John  the  range  of  interest  and  ideas  is  limited  if  not  meagre,  and  that  the 
treatment  is  frequently  tautological,  although  the  style  often  approaches  limpidity 
and  the  conceptions  grandeur. 

534 


THE    LETTERS    OF    JOHN  535 

guns,  as  tliey  would  drop  from  a  natural  Hebrew.  The  writer  moves 
indeed  amidst  that  order  of  religious  ideas  which  meets  us  in  the  fourth 
gospel,  and  which  was  that  of  the  Greek  world  wherein  he  found  himself. 
He  moves  amongst  these  new  ideas,  however,  not  with  the  practical 
felicity  of  the  evangelist,  but  with  something  of  helplessness,  although 
the  depth  and  serene  beauty  of  his  spirit  give  to  all  he  says  an  infinite 
impressiveness  and  charm  "  (Arnold). 

(6)  The  evidence  of  the  errors  ^  presupposed  (1  Jn  4''  2^^  2^2).  As  in  the 
case  of  the  fourth  gospel,  these  have  been  variously  and  vaguely  inter- 
preted as  dualism,  doketism,  Gnostic,  Basilidian,  and  Montanist  tendencies, 
etc.  Consequently  140-150  A.D.  has  l)een  taken  as  the  period  of  the 
first  epistle's  composition  {e.(j.  by  Pfleiderer,  Urc.  p.  790  f .),  owing  to  the 
supposed  development  of  Gnostic  errors.  The  comparative  absence  of 
emphasis  upon  the  personalities  of  the  Logos  and  the  Spirit  is  probably 
due,  upon  this  theory,  to  the  monarchian  dread  of  approximating  to 
the  Gnostic  aeons  which  swarmed  between  man  and  the  Divine  being. 
After  the  results  reached  in  regard  to  the  gospel,  however,  it  is  un- 
necessary to  look  for  any  period  later  than  the  opening  decade  of  the 
second  century,  since  the  religious  and  moral  atmosphere  of  the  one  writing 
is  essentially  that  of  the  other.  Among  the  incipient  forms  of  the  Cerin- 
thian  heresy  the  epistle  is  accordingly  to  be  placed.  So  most  of  the 
recent  editors  ;  Westcott,  Haupt,  Weiss,  Plummer  (GGT).^  The  two 
main  features  of  heresy  against  which  the  writer  sets  up  the  true  faith, 
spring  from  a  loosened  hold  of  the  historical  tradition ;  they  are  (i.)  the 
denial  of  the  divine  sonship  of  the  incarnate  (4-)  Jesus,  and  (ii.)  a  practical 
libertinism  which,  as  in  the  later  pastoral  epistles,  was  marked  by  anti- 
nomian  principles.  This  false  and  speculative  teaching,  with  its  Christo- 
logical  basis  and  ethical  (3*) consequences,  forms  the  occasion  for  the  positive 
statement  of  Christianity  as  a  body  of  truth  based  on  tradition  and  experi- 
ence, that  is  convej'ed  in  the  pages  of  this  anonymous  epistle.  The  writer, 
too,  like  the  later  author  of  James,  has  to  face  an  abuse  of  Pauline  ideas, 
which  failed  to  maintain  the  vital  connection  between  uprightness  by 
faith  and  the  exercise  of  uprightness  in  moral  acts  (2-^  3^"  3^^^  f). 

The  second  and  third  letters  are  even  more  elusive  than  the  first. 
Both  spring  from  the  same  school  of  thought  and  feeling,  if  not  from  the 

1  Internal  dangers  not  external  persecutions  are  the  topic  that  absorbs  the  writer, 
Ou  other  grounds  it  is  highly  probable,  if  not  certain,  that  the  epistle  falls  later  than 
the  period  covered  by  the  Domitian  persecution  ;  but  it  is  scarcely  safe  to  argue  that 
it  must  have  been  "written  in  a  time  of  peace  as  it  contains  no  allusion  to  "  any  such 
rough  experiences  {BI,  p.  454).  The  cast  of  the  writer's  idealism  makes  it  unlikely 
that  he  would  have  cared  to  notice  such  temporal  and  outward  circumstances.  His 
interests  are  elsewhere  and  higher ;  his  atmosphere  is  too  rarified  for  such  sub- 
lunary concerns.  The  esoteric  tone  of  the  gospel  is  in  fact  reproduced  here,  along 
with  a  broad  and  denationalised  interest.  "It  is  the  view  of  a  temper  wrapped  in 
itself,  a  view  which  could  satisfy  and  promote  the  quiet  life  of  an  isolated  community, 
but  could  not  render  jjossible  the  task  involved  in  the  grand  mission  to  the  world. 
For  that  it  had  no  taste  "  (Weizsacker,  ^1.1,  ii.  p.  297). 

2  Cp.  Haring  ThA  (1892),  pp.  173-200,  besides  Weiss,  INT,  ii.  pp.  175-197  (and 
in  Meyer),  and  Keim,  i.  p.  200 f.  ("The  epistle  and  the  gospel  are  the  evident,  acute, 
and  comprehensive  answer  to  this  Cerinthus").  On  the  curious  attempt  (Jn  193-*, 
1  Jn  58-'*)  at  a  semi-mystical  allegorising  of  baptism,  after  the  Philonic  pattern,  which 
is  common  to  both  writings,  cp.  Abbott,  £B,  article  "Gospels,"  pp.  828-830  :  "It 
reveals  an  exaggerated  notice  of  the  importance  of  baptism  by  water,  against  which 
the  author  feels  compelled  to  contend."  But  it  is  also  a  bit  of  polemic  against 
Cerinthus  and  the  school  of  John  the  Baptist,  who  laid  excessive  stress  upon  the 
baptism  of  Jesus. 


536  HISTORICAL   NEW   TESTAMENT 

same  author  ;  ^  and  both  also  are  iinpretendiug  notes  evidently  subse- 
quent to  1  John,  whether  they  were  written  liy  the  apostle,  or — as  was 
widely  and  early  felt  in  the  church  (Jerome,  Be  Vir.  Illust.  3) — by  the 
Presbyter  John.  The  doctrinal  and  ecclesiastical  circumstances  which 
they  reflect  have  suggested  130-140  a.d.  as  the  date  of  their  origin.  So 
Hilgenfeld  (EM.  pp.  682-694),  Holtzmann  (HC,  iv.  2,  pp.  268,  272),  and 
Weizsiicker  (A A,  ii.  239),  who  reckon  tlie  epistles  as  products  of  the 
Johannine  school  which  were  composed  about  the  time  when  the  great 
Gnostic  systems  began  to  rise.  But  this  is  to  interpret  far  too  rigidly 
their  occasional  references.  Their  atmosphere  is  similar  to,  though  less 
developed  than,  that  of  the  "  pastorals  "  ;  so  much  at  least  can  be  traced 
in  their  incidental  allusions.  Also,  the  similarity  of  ecclesiastical  life  to 
that  portrayed  in  the  Didache  (c.  130  a.d.)  becomes  significant  only  when 
it  is  remembered  that  the  latter  implies  a  system  which  has  been  in  exist- 
ence for  some  time  previously.  The  letters  may  be  put,  therefore,  into 
the  ojjening  decades  of  the  century  ^  when  that  system  was  in  jjrocess  of 
consolidation  (J.  Reville,  Les  origines  de  V^piscop.  pp.  204-208). 

The  emphasis  in  the  second  epistle  is  on  doctrine.  But  the  false 
teaching  which  is  insidiously  permeating  the  church  is  apparently  none 
other  than  that  already  controverted  in  the  first  epistle.  Although  the 
third  epistle  is  addressed  to  an  individual,  the  second  seems  to  imply  a 
community  veiled  under  the  semi-poetic,  semi-playful  title  of  "  the  elect 
Lady."  The  tenor  of  the  counsels  suits  the  circumstances  of  those  who 
were  the  members  (or  "  children  ")  of  this  church,  in  their  exposure  to 
heresy  and  uncharitableness.  Evidently,  ultra-spiritualism  was  also  one 
of  the  dangers  of  that  critical  period.  Its  failure  to  do  justice  to  the 
historical  basis  of  the  faith  had  to  be  corrected  by  a  sharp  recall  to  the 
apostolic  tradition  in  which  that  Ijasis  was  preserved. 

In  the  third  epistle,  again,  the  organisation  of  the  church  comes  into 
greater  prominence.  If  Harnack's  ingenious  theory^  be  correct  in  the  main, 
it  is  a  ray  of  light  upon  the  passage  of  the  early  church  from  the  earlier 
and  undeveloped  state  of  primitive  itinerant  preachers  to  one  where  the 
more  settled  order  of  monarchical  bishops  (like  Diotrephes)  and  church- 
officials  was  assuming  control ;  though  in  some  aspects  DiotrejDhes  seems 

^  Eeville  {loc.  ci<.)  remarks  :  "  II  faut  se  repn'senter  la  coexistence  de  ces  courants 
intellectuels  differents  dans  les  petits  cercles  mystiques  de  I'Asie-Mineure  grecque, 
de  la  niGme  facon'que  s'associent,  dans  certaines  societes  mystiques  de  la  fin  du 
moyen  age,  le  K'galisme  niouastique  et  la  plus  large  indi''pen'dence  a  I'egard  de  la 
theologie  ecclesiastique  ollioielle."  Eusehius  (HE,  iv.  22)  mentions  a  certain  Theo- 
butis  (Thebutis)  who,  according  to  Hegesippus,  corrupted  a  pure  cliurcli  (rrapBivM) 
with  his  teaching  (a.xoa.'ii  iJ,xrx.Ui;),  owing  to  anger  at  missing  a  bishopric.  A  proto- 
type or  comrade  of  Diotrephes  !  Briickner  ( Chron.  pp.  302-306),  I  observe,  agrees  that 
the  two  smaller  epistles  are  due  to  one  hand  ;  he  is  not  sure  if  this  writer  also  wrote 
the  first  epistle,  but  in  any  case  it  was  not  the  author  of  the  gospel.  There  is  really 
no  reason,  however,  to  doubt  the  obvious  fact — noticed  long  ago  by  Erasmus  and 
Grotius,  and  amply  confirmed  by  modern  criticism — that  these  notes  are  to  be 
relegated  to  John  the  presbyter. 

-  Adeney  (lil,  pp.  4.'J5-4.')8),  like  Weiss  and  Westcott,  puts  them  towards  the  end 
of  the  first  century,  a  position  which  is  of  course  necessary  if  they  are  ascribed  to 
John  the  apostle.  Zahn  goes  even  earlier,  to  the  9th  decade  of  the  first  century 
(EM.  ii.  pp.  r)76-.'')82),  and  is  followed  by  Bartlet  (.1.1,  pp.  418-433). 

3  Cp.  TU,  XV.  3.  "  Es  ist  der  Kanipf  di-r  alten  patriarchalischen  und  provinzialen 
Missionsorganization  gegen  die  sich  konsolidierende  Einzulgemeinde,  die  zum  Zweck 
Hirer  Konsolidicrung  und  strengen  Abseldiessung  nach  aussen  den  monarehischen 
Episkopat  aun  ilircr  Mitte  liervortreibt "  (p.  21);  also  II D,  i.  p.  213  f.  But  see 
reviews  by  Baldcnspurger  [Prolog,  p.  148),  Kriiger  (ZwTh,  1898,  pp.  307-311),  and 
Hilgenfeld  [Ibid.  316-320). 


THE    LETTERS    OF    JOHN  537 

more  like  tlie  cliarapion  of  the  old  order.  It  is  at  any  rate  the  i3rivate 
note  of  an  ecclesiastic,  varying  from  irate  criticism  of  an  influential  rival 
to  generous  approval  of  his  corresjiondent's  hospitality  and  character. 
Official  rights  are  in  the  air,  and  here  as  in  Clem.  Eom.  (13-15)  their 
possessors  insist  upon  deference.  Order  and  unity  are  the  object  of 
desire  within  the  church,  as  the  Ignatian  epistles  clearly  indicate, 
although  the  origin  of  this  movement  to  hegemony  (Palestinian  Jewish 
Christianity,  or  Asiatic  Hellenism)  remains  far  from  clear. 

Questions  of  authorship  ^  and  object  apart,  however,  the  three  Johan- 
nine  epistles  undoubtedly  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  fourth  gospel.  It  is 
safest  to  print  them  immediately  after  it,  as  the  epistles  themselves  are 
so  isolated  in  the  NT  that  they  fail  to  furnish  evidence  ^  which  would 
enable  us  to  determine  their  relative  position  with  any  more  definiteness, 
from  literary  affinities  with  the  subsequent  records.  There  is  equally 
little  evidence  for  the  supposition  that  the  first  epistle  was  composed 
after  the  others. 

Evidence  for  the  late  stage  of  development  in  the  apostolic  consciousness 
is  furnished  incidentally  by  the  use  of  the  collective  name  dvTixpKTTos. 
The  word,  while  evidently  a  familiar  terra  and  im]:)lying  a  tradition  (1  Jn 
4^-  ",  aKTjKoare),  only  occurs — and  that  figuratively — in  1-2  Jn  (cp.  the 
quotation  and  commentary  in  Polyk.  Ad  Philiji.  vii.).  From  denoting,  as 
in  2  Thess  and  Apoc  13,  17  (probably  earlier  portions  of  the  book),  a 
personage  or  world-power,  primarily  Jewish  and  secondarily  pagan,  the 
idea  has  become  that  of  a  principle,  i.e.  the  Gnostic  denial  of  Jesus'  true 
humanity.  This  heresy"  (a  spirit,  1  Jn  4^)  may  again  be  represented  in 
numerous  individuals.  These  exponents  of  the  idea  become  "  anti- 
christs," as  they  oppose  and  displace  Christ,  by  their  belief  in  other 
divine  powers,  idolatrous  and  untrue  (vide  Baldensperger,  Prolorj.  pp. 
145-147).  In  the  crisis  and  change  which  mark  the  opening  of  the 
second  century,  this  untoward  result  has  already  taken  place  within  the 
sphere  of  Christianity  {Ka\  vvv  .  .  .  fjdr]).  The  "  great "  church  is  being 
di'iven  to  the  verge  of  a  distinction  between  the  visible  and  the  invisible 
ecclesia  (2  Ti  22").  Her  increasing  self-consciousness  demands  that  the 
cleavage  (Jn  17^,  1  Jn  5^^,  2  Jn  10)  be  recognised  between  herself  and  the 
heretics  of  the  day.  Through  her  communion,  founded  on  apostolic 
tradition  (1  Jn  l^-^  4^),  communion  with  God  is  alone  possible  for  men. 

From  the  point  of  historical  interest,  then,  these  writings  help  inci- 
dentally to  corroborate  (1  Jn  l^-*,  2  Jn  12)  the  traditional  theory  that  even 
alongside  of  the  written  gospels  oral  teaching  with  its  systematic 
catechism  •*  kept  a  tenacious  existence  and  supplemented  the  records,  just 

1  2  and  3  John  were  in  all  likelihood  written  by  John  the  presbyter,  as  Jerome 
admits.  1  John  at  any  rate  cannot  have  been  written  by  the  man  who  wrote  Apoc. 
2,  3.  The  contrast  Ijetween  concrete  pregnant  advice  and  abstract  review  is  fatal  to 
identity  of  authorship. 

2  2  Jn  7  is  too  vasfiie  to  be  taken  as  a  reflection  of  the  Domitiauic  persecution.  It 
could  have  been  written  at  almost  any  time  after  65  a.D. 

3  The  evidence  for  the  existence  of  a  party  who  perverted  Paulinism  (1  Jo  3^,  etc.) 
within  the  church,  is  scarcely  adequate,  although  the  fact  is  perfectly  probable. 
The  main  issues  of  Paul's  epoch  are  of  course  ancient  history  to  this  writer. 

•1  "There  must  be,  we  admit,  a  fairly  constant  impact.  A  wandering  voice  will 
not  fill  the  mind,  it  will  prove  like  a  fine  sympliony  heard  once  and  then  only  faintly 
remembered.  .  .  .  But,  given  a  long-continued  and  sustained  personal  influence  over 
receptive  minds,  we  think  that  the  power  of  the  living  voice  as  an  organ  of  reason 
cannot  be  dispensed  with  or  surpassed"  {Spectator,  March  1899,  p.  411,  "On  the 
Living  Voice  and  the  Printed  Page").  Cp.  Zahn,  GK,  i.  p.  840 f.,  on  oral  tradition 
and  the  gospels.     An  interesting  instance  in  Pliny's  £pp.  ii.  3. 


538  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

as  the  use  of  stone  implements  (Reville)  persisted  after  the  discovery  and 
employment  of  various  metals.  Through  all  the  Johannine  epistles  stress 
falls  not  on  the  appeal  to  scripture  or  the  sayings  of  Jesus,  but  on  the 
authority  and  personality  of  the  writer  conveyed  usually  viva  voce  and 
specially  in  writing,  as  well  as  on  tradition  (aV  dpxrjs)  and  the  spiritual 
conscience.  Individually,  the  notes  have  a  certain  distinctiveness.  In  the 
first  epistle  ^  the  atmosphere  is  the  antinomian  Gnosticism  and  libertine 
tendencies  of  the  second  century.  Between  the  epistle  and  the  gospel  there 
is  a  manifest  identity  of  phrases  and  ideas,  and  although  the  former  has 
its  own  characteristics,  these  are  not  psychologically  incompatible  with 
the  unity  of  authorship.  They  are  explicable  upon  the  supposition  that 
some  years  later  the  author  of  the  gospel  had  occasion  to  re-state  in 
another  and  more  polemical  form  some  of  his  convictions  and  principles 
in  view  of  a  more  developed  situation.  His  main  concern  is  with  the 
inward  errors  and  dangers  which  were  in  operation  (4'')  throughout  the 
Christian  society  in  regard  to  the  person  of  Christ  and  the  moral  obliga- 
tions of  faith  ;  ^  the  extension  and  organisation  of  the  church  are  not 
upon  his  horizon.  The  unimportant,  homely  notes  which  have  been 
preserved  under  the  titles  2  and  3  John  have  quite  an  ecclesiastical  tinge. 
Evidently  they  were  written  by  some  one  familiar  with  the  Johannine 
circle  of  ideas,  but  fortunately  their  date  does  not  depend  upon  their 
authorship.  Their  world  is  the  world  of  1  John,  jiartially  of  the 
"  pastoral  epistles,"  and  they  afford  but  a  glimpse  into  one  corner  of  that 
world.  Like  drops  of  water  under  a  microscope,  these  tiny  letters  never- 
theless can  be  made  to  disclose  a  teeming  activity  of  life,  though  it  is 
limited  withal  and  comparatively  speaking  petty. 

1  Cp.  a  lucid  article  by  A.  Zahn  [Wander iingen  diirch  Schrift  und  Gefschichte, 
1891,  pp.  3-74)  on  the  conception  of  sin  in  the  first  epistle  of  John,  especially 
chap,  i.,  with  Wiesinger's  analysis  of  the  book  in  .S'^  (1899),  pp.  575-581,  and  Karl's 
paragraphs  [Johan.  Studies,  I.  1898,  pp.  97-104). 

2  Haring,  ThA,  pp,  187-200.  Evidently  the  church  has  been  able  to  shed  off  the 
unsound  members  of  her  communion  (IJn  2i9  44).  But  the  state  of  matters  corrobor- 
ates the  impression  of  trouble  with  the  Asiatic  churches  which  is  left  by  the  earlier 
record  in  Ac  2029-  so. 


I.  JOHN 

1  John  is  a  writing  meant  to  controvert  an  antinoniian  Gnosticism.  It  is 
a  defence  of  that  true  Gnosis,  which  upon  the  one  hand  finds  in  the  incarnate 
Son  of  God  the  full  knowledge  of  God  and  all  that  pertains  to  that  knowledge 
(even  life  eternal),  while  upon  the  other  hand  it  feels  the  need  of  breaking 
with  sin  and  showing  love  ;  nor  can  it  urge  too  often  against  the  pride  of  the 
so-called  "  spirituals,"  that  what  we  possess  in  religion  and  morals  is  a  gift  of 
God.  Every  sentence  of  our  epistle  is  in  aid  of  such  a  defence.  The  author 
never  thinks  he  has  brought  forward  sufficient  arguments.  Over  and  again 
he  comes  back  to  what  he  has  already  handled,  nor  does  he  fear  to  con- 
tradict himself.  Indeed,  he  brings  out  from  his  world  of  thought  whatever 
will  be  of  service  in  this  battle  against  moral  and  religious  anarchy,  doing  so 
not  for  its  own  sake,  but  simply  as  he  can  make  use  of  it  in  order  to  strengthen 
the  confidence  of  his  readers  in  anti-Gnostic  Christianity.  There  is  a 

striking  connection  between  1  John  and  the  gospel  of  John,  which  is  explained 
with  the  greatest  probability  when  the  epistle  is  regarded  as  a  later  composition 
of  the  evangelist.  His  reason  for  allowing  it  to  follow  the  earlier  work  was  not 
to  present  the  main  thoughts  of  that  great  predecessor  in  a  popular  form,  or  to 
express  them  over  again  as  propositions  that  could  be  remembered.  It  was 
because  his  gospel  and  conceptions  of  Christianity  were  seriously  threatened 
now  by  Gnostics,  who  frankly  made  a  partial  use  of  his  formulas  to  recommend 
themselves  to  the  ignorant,  and  indeed  found  many  points  in  his  own  views 
with  which  they  coincided.  In  composing  his  defence,  he  chose  the  form  of  an 
"  epistle,"  which,  thanks  to  Paul,  had  come  into  high  favour  ;  but  this  did  not 
materially  alter  his  own  style. — Julicher. 


l^-^  Introduction  :  fellowship  with  God  and  man. 

l*-2"  Light  and  darkness :  the  conditions  of  fellowship — 
the  forgiveness  of  sins, 
the  commandment  of  love. 

218-29  Tenth  and  falsehood  :  the  dangers  of  fellowship — 
the  spirit  of  antichrist. 

31-12  Children  of  God  and  children  of  the    devil :    the   character   of 
fellowship — 
sinlessness  and  love. 

5i3_5H  Brotherly  love  :  resulting  in,  confidence  towards  God. 
4^"®  moral  and  spiritual  insight. 

4''-2i  union  with  God. 

51-1-  based  upon  faith  in  the  Son  of  God — the  victory  of  faith. 

513-21  Epilogue  :  a  r^sum^. 


I.  JOHN 

1  1  That  which  was  from  the  beginning  : 

which  we  have  heard,  which  we  have  seen  with  our  eyes, 
which  we  looked  on,  and  our  hands  handled  : 
concerning  the  word  of  life — 

2  yea,  the  life  was  disclosed, 

and  we  have  seen  and  bear  witness,  and  bring  word   to   you   of 
the  life  eternal, 
which  was  with  the  Father 
and  was  disclosed  to  us — 

3  of  that  which  we  have  seen  and  heard  we  bring  word  to  you  as  ' 

well,  j 

that  you  also  may  have  fellowship  with  us  : 
yea,  and  our  fellowship  is  with  the  Father,  and  with  his  Son 

Jesus  Christ. 

4  And  these  things  \ve  write, 

that  our  joy  may  be  complete. 

5  And  the  message  which  we  have  learned  from  him  and  disclose  to  you  I 
is  this  :  j 

"  God  is  light,  and  in  him  is  no  darkness  at  all."  j 

6  If  we  say,  "  We  have  fellowship  with  him,"  and  walk  in  the  darkness,  , 

We  lie  and  we  do  not  practise  the  truth  ;  j 

7  But  if  we  walk  in  the  light,  as  he  is  in  the  light,  ' 

We  have  fellowship  one  with  another,  ' 

And  the  blood  of  Jesus  his  Son  cleanses  us  from  all  sin. 

8  If  we  say,  "  We  have  no  sin," 

We  lead  ourselves  astray,  j 

And  the  truth  is  not  in  us.  j 

9  If  we  confess  our  sins, 

Faithful  is  he  and  just  to  forgive  us  our  sins,  and  to  cleanse  us  from 
all  iniquity.  i 

10  If  we  say,  "  We  have  not  sinned,"  j 

We  make  him  a  liar, 

And  his  word  is  not  in  us.  i 

2  1  My  little  children,  these  things  I  write  to  you  , 

That  you  may  not  sin. 
Yet  if  anyone  sins, 

We'liave  an  advocate  with  the  Father,  Jesus  Christ  the  upright. 

2  And  he  is  the  propitiation  for  our  sins, 

Yet  not  for  ours  only,  but  also  for  the  whole  world. 

3  And  hereby  we  know  that  we  know  him,  , 

If  we  keep  his  commandments. 

4  He  who  says,  "  I  know  him,"  and  ki'e])s  not  his  commandments, 

Is  a  liar,  and  the  truth  is  not  in  him  :  ^ 

640  ' 


2^22]  j_     jQjjN  541 

5  But  wlioever  keeps  his  word, 

God's  love  has  really  been  perfected  in  him. 
Hereby  we  know  we  are  in  him  : 

6  He  who  says  he  "remains  in  him,"  is  bound  also  to  walk  himself 

even  as  he  walked. 

7  Beloved,  I  write  no  new  commandment  to  you,  but  an  old  commandment 
which  you  have  had  from  the  beginning  : 

The  old  commandment  is  tlie  word  which  you  have  learned. 

8  Again  I  write  a  new  commandment  to  you, 

Namely,  that  which  is  true  in  him  and  in  you  : 

For  the  darkness  is  passing  away,  and  already  the  true  light  shines. 

9  He  who  says  he  is  "  in  the  light,"  and  yet  hates  his  brother,  is  still  in 

the  darkness : 

10  He  who  loves  his  brother  remains  in  the  light,  and  in  him  there  is  no 

pitfall. 

1 1  But  he  who  hates  his  brother  is  in  the  darkness,  and  walks  in  the 

darkness,  and  knows  not  where  he  is  going,  because  the  darkness 
has  blinded  his  eyes. 

12  Little  children,  I  write  to  you. 

Because  your  sins  are  forgiven  you  for  his  name's  sake  : 

13  Fathers,  I  write  to  you. 

Because  you  know  him  who  is  from  the  beginning : 
Young  men,  I  write  to  you. 

Because  you  have  conquered  the  evil  one. 
Little  children,  I  have  Avritten  to  you. 

Because  you  know  the  Father  : 

14  Fathers,  I  have  written  to  you, 

Because  you  know  him  who  is  from  the  beginning  : 
Young  men,  I  have  written  to  you 

Because  you  are  strong,  and  the  word  of  God  remains  in  you,  and 
you  have  conquered  the  evil  one. 

15  Love  not  the  world,  nor  yet  what  is  in  the  world  : 

If  any  man  loves  the  world,  the  love  of  the  Father  is  not  in  him. 

16  For  all  that  is  in  the  world. 

The  desire  of  the  flesh,  the  desire  of  the  eyes,  the  proud  glory  of  life, 
Is  not  of  the  Father  but  is  of  the  world  ; 

17  And  the  world  is  passing  away  with  its  desire, 

But  he  who  obeys  the  will  of  God  remains  for  ever. 

18  Little  ones,  it  is  the  last  hour  ; 

And  as  you  have  heard  that  "antichrist  is  coming,"  many  anti- 
christs have  appeared  even  now. 
Hence  we  know  it  is  the  last  hour. 

19  From  us  they  went  out,  but  of  us  they  were  not : 
Had  they  been  of  us,  they  would  have  remained  with  us. 

But  they  went  out,  to  make  it  plain  that  they  were  none  of  us. 

20  And   you   have   an  anointing  from  the   holy  One,   and   you   all   have 

knowledge  ; 

21  I  have  not  written  to  you  because  you  do  not  know  the  truth,  but 

because  you  know  it,  and  because  no  lie  is  of  the  truth. 

22  Who  is  the  liar  if  not  he  who  denies  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ  ? 

The  denier   of   the   Father    and    of    the    Son,    he    is    the    anti- 
christ. 


542  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^2-3^2 

23  Whoever  denies  the  Son,  has  not  the  Father  : 

He  who  confesses  the  Son  has  the  Father  also. 

24  Let  that  remain  in  you  which  you  have  learned  from  the  beginning  : 

If  what  you  have  learned  from  the  beginning  remain  in  you,  you 
also  shall  remain  in  the  Son  and  in  the  Father  ; 

25  And  this  is  the  promise  which  he  has  given  us,  the  life  eternal. 
2C  I  have  written  to  you  thus  concerning  those  who  lead  you  astray  : 

27  Yet  as  for  you,  the  anointing  you  received  from  him  remains  in  you, 

and  you  have  no  need  of  anyone  to  teach  you. 
Nay,^  his  anointing  teaches  you  concerningall  things,  and  is  true,  and  isnolie; 
And  even  as  it  has  taught  you,  you  remain  in  him. 

28  A.nd  now,  little  children,  remain  in  him. 

That  we  may  have  confidence  when  he  is  disclosed. 
And  not  shrink  from  him  in  shame,  at  his  arrival. 

29  As  you  know  that  he  is  upright. 

You    know    that    every   one   who    practises    uprightness    is  born 
of  him. 
3  1  Look,  what  a  love  the  Father  has  given  to  us,  that  we  should  be  called 
"  children  of  God  "  ;  and  children  of  God  we  are. 

The  world  knows  us  not,  for  this  reason,  that  it  knew  not  him. 

2  Beloved,  we  are  children  of  God  now  ; 

Yet  what  we  shall  be  has  not  yet  been  disclosed. 
When  he  is  disclosed,  we  know  Ave  shall  be  like  him, 
For  we  shall  see  him  even  as  he  is. 

3  And  every  one  who  sets  this  hope  on  him 

Purifies  himself,  even  as  he  is  pure. 

4  Anyone  wlio  commits  sin  commits  lawlessness  also  ; 

Yea,  sin  is  lawlessness. 

5  And  you  know  that  he  was  disclosed  to  take  away  sins, 

And  in  him  is  no  sin. 

6  Anyone  who  abides  in  him  sins  not : 

Anyone  who  sins  has  neither  seen  him  nor  known  him. 

7  Little  children,  let  no  one  lead  you  astray — 
He  who  practises  uprightness  is  upright, 

Even  as  God  is  upright : 

8  He  who  commits  sin  is  of  the  devil. 

For  the  devil  has  sinned  from  the  beginning. 
For  this  the  Son  of  God  was  disclosed. 
To  destroy  the  deeds  of  the  devil. 

9  Anyone  born  of  God  commits  no  sin, 

Because  his  Birth  remains  in  him  : 
Yea,  he  cannot  sin, 

Because  he  is  born  of  God. 

10  Herein  the  children  of  God  and  the  children  of  the  devil  are  to  be 

recognised. 
Anyone  who  does  not  practise  uprightness  is  not  of  God, 
Nor  is  he  who  loves  not  his  brother. 

11  For  the  message  you  have  learned  from  the  beginning  is  this  : 

That  we  should  love  one  another. 

12  Not  as  Kain  was  of  the  evil  one, 

And  slew  his  brother. 
And  for  what  reason  did  he  slay  him  ? 

Because  his  own  deeds  were  evil,  and  his  brother's  upright. 
'  Reading  ixxd. 


3^=^-4^]  I.    JOHN  543 

13  Marvel  not,  brothers,  that  the  world  hates  you  : 

14  We  know  we  have  passed  from  death  into  life, 

Because  we  love  the  brothers. 
He  who  loves  not,  remains  in  death  : 

15  Every  one  who  hates  his  brother  is  a  manslayer. 

And  you  know  that  no  manslayer  has  life  eternal  remaining  in  him. 

16  Hereby  we  know  love,  because  he  laid  down  his  life  for  us  : 

And  we  are  bound  to  lay  down  our  lives  for  the  brothers. 

17  But  whoever  has  this  world's  resources,  and  observes  his  brother  in  need, 

yet  shuts  up  his  compassion  from  him. 
How  is  the  love  of  God  to  remain  in  him  ? 

18  Little  children,  let  us  not  love  with  word  or  with  the  tongue, 

But  in  deed  and  truth. 

19  Hereby  i  we  shall  know  that  we  are  of  the  truth, 

And  so  reassure  our  hearts  before  him. 

20  For,  if  our  heart  condemn  us, 

It  is  plain  that  God  is  greater  than  our  heart,  and  knows  all  things, 

21  Beloved,  if  our  heart  condemn  us  not, 

We  have  confidence  towards  God, 

22  And  whatever  we  ask  we  receive  from  him, 

Because  we  keep  his  commandments,  and  do  what  is  pleasing  in  his 
sight. 

23  And  liis  commandment  is  this  : 

That  we  should  believe  the  name  of  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  and  love 
one  another,  even  as  he  gave  us  a  commandment. 

24  And  he  who  keeps  his  commandments  remains  in  him,  and  he  in  him. 

And  hereby  we  know  he  remains  in  us,  by  the  Spirit  which  he  gave 
us. 

4  1  Beloved,  believe  not  every  spirit, 

But  test  whether  the  spirits  are  of  God  ; 

Because  many  false  prophets  have  gone  out  into  the  world. 

2  Know  the  spirit  of  God  by  this  : — 

Everv  spirit  which  confesses  that  Jesus  Christ  has  come  in  the  flesh, 
"is  of  God; 

3  And  every  spirit  which  confesses  not  Jesus, 

Is  not  of  God. 
Yea,  this  is  the  spirit  of  the  antichrist  which  you  heard  was  coming, 
And  at  this  moment  it  is  already  in  the  world. 

4  You  are  of  God,  little  children,  and  you  have  conquered  them  ; 

Because  he  who  is  in  you  is  greater  than  he  who  is  in  the  world. 

5  They  are  of  the  world, 

Therefore  of  the  world  they  speak,  and  to  them  the  world  listens. 

6  We  are  of  God  : 

He  who  knows  God  listens  to  us. 

He  who  is  not  of  God  listens  not  to  us. 
Hereby  we  know  the  spirit  of  truth 

And  the  spirit  of  error. 

7  Beloved,  let  us  love  one  another  : — 

For  love  is  of  God, 

And  every  one  who  loves  is  born  of  God  and  knows  God  : 

8  He  who  loves  not  knows  not  God, 
For  God  is  love. 

1  Omitting  [[^^^i]]. 


544  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4^-5^ 

9  Herein  the  love  of  God  was  manifested  for  us,  ', 
That  God  sent  his  only  Son  into  the  world,  that  we  might  live 

tlirough  him.  j 

10  Herein  is  love  :  not  that  we  loved  God  but  that  he  loved  us,  | 

And  sent  his  Son  as  the  propitiation  for  our  sins.  j 

11  Beloved,  if  God  loved  us  so,  , 

Then  we  are  bound  to  love  one  another. 

12  As  for  God,  no  one  has  ever  beheld  him.  j 
K  we  love  one  another, 

God  remains  in  us  and  in  us  his  love  is  perfected  : 

13  Hereby  we  know  that  we  remain  in  him  and  he  in  us. 

Because  he  has  given  us  of  his  Spirit. 

14  And  we  have  beheld  and  Ijear  witness 

That  the  Father  sent  the  Son  as  the  saviour  of  the  world. 

15  Whoever  shall  confess  that  "  Jesus  is  the  Son  of  God,"  • 

God  remains  in  him  and  he  in  God.  I 

]G  And  we  know  and  have  believed  the  love  God  has  for  us  :  i 

God  is  love,  i 

And  he  who  remains  in  love  remains  in  God,  and  God  remains 

in  him.  , 

17  Herein  love  is  perfected  with  us,  ] 

That  we  have  confidence  at  the  day  of  judgment ;  | 

For  even  as  he  is,  so  are  we  in  this  world. 

18  In  love  there  is  no  fear  :  > 

Nay,  perfect  love  casts  out  fear  ;  , 

For  fear  goes  with  punishment. 

And  he  who  iears  is  not  perfected  in  love. 

19  We  love,  because  he  first  loved  us. 

20  If  anyone  says,  "  I  love  God,"  and  yet  hates  his  brother. 

He  is  a  liar  ; 
For  he  who  loves  not  his  brother  whom  he  has  seen, 
Cannot  love  God  whom  he  has  not  seen. 

21  And  we  have  this  commandment  from  him, 

That  he  who  loves  God  love  his  brother  also. 

5  1  Every  one  who  believes  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ, 
Is  born  of  God. 
And  every  one  who  loves  him  who  begat. 
Loves  him  ^  who  is  born  of  him. 

2  Hereby  we  know  that  we  love  the  children  of  God, 

When  we  love  God  and  obey  his  commandments ; 

3  For  the  love  of  God  is  this. 

That  we  keep  his  commandments.  , 

And  his  commandments  are  not  heavy, 

4  Because  whatsoever  is  bom  of  God  conquers  the  world  ;  ' 
Yea,  this  is  tlie  conquest  that  has  conquered  the  world. 

Even  our  faitli. 

5  Who  is  the  con([Ueror  of  the  world  ? 

Who  l>ut  he  that  believes  Jesus  is  the  Son  of  God  ? 

6  This  is  he,  Jesus  Christ,  who  came  through  water  and  blood, 

Not  with  the  water  only,  but  with  the  water  and  with  the  blood. 
And  it  is  the  Spirit  that  is  witness, 

Because  the  Spirit  is  the  truth.  | 

1  Omittiu'^'  xxl  i 

i 


5'--^]  I.    JOHN  545 

',  8  For  the  witnesses  are  three,  the  Spirit  and  the  water  and  the  blood, 
And  the  three  are  at  one. 
9  If  we  receive  the  evidence  of  men,  the  evidence  of  God  is  greater  ; 

For  the  evidence  of  God  is  this,  that  he  has  borne  evidence  concern- 
ing his  Son. 

10  He  who  believes  on  the  Son  of  God 

Carries  the  evidence  within  himself  : 
He  who  believes  not  God 
Has  made  him  a  liar, 

Because  he  has  not  believed  in  the  evidence  which  God  has  borne 
concerning  his  Son. 

11  And  the  evidence  is  this. 

That  God  gave  us  life  eternal,  and  this  life  is  in  his  Son  : 

12  He  who  has  the  Son  has  the  life, 

He  who  has  not  the  Son  of  God  has  not  the  life. 

13  Tliese  things  I  have  written  to  you  who  believe  on  the  name  of  the  Son 
of  God, 

That  you  may  know  you  have  life  eternal. 

14  And  the  confidence  we  have  towards  him  is  this, 

That  if  we  ask  anything  according  to  his  will,  he  listens  to  us  ; 

15  And  if  we  know  he  listens  to  us,  in  whatever  we  ask. 

We  know  that  we  have  the  requests  we  have  asked  from  him. 

16  If  anyone  sees  his  brother  committing  a  sin  which  is  not  to  death. 

He  shall  ask  and  so  give  life  to  him — to  those  who  sin  not  to 
death. 
There  is  a  sin  to  death  ; 

I  do  not  say  he  is  to  pray  about  that. 

17  All  iniquity  is  sin  ; 

Yet  there  is  a  sin  not  to  death. 

18  We  know  that  anyone  born  of  God  sins  not : 

Nay,  He  who  was  born  of  God  keeps  him, 
And  the  evil  one  touches  him  not. 

19  We  know  that  we  are  of  God, 

And  the  whole  world  lies  in  the  power  of  the  evil  one. 

20  But  we  know  that  the  Son  of  God  has  come, 

And  has  given  us  understanding  to  know  him  who  is  real. 
And  we  are  in  him  who  is  real,  in  his  Son  Jesus  Christ. 
Here  is  the  real  God  and  life  eternal. 

21  Little  children,  keep  yourselves  clear  of  idols. 


35 


All  points  to  a  period  which  had  to  do,  not  merely  with  the  beginnings  of 
Gnosis,  bnt  with  the  doctrines  of  the  great  Gnostics.  The  Johannine  tradition 
was  now  defending  itself  with  all  its  energy  against  this  phase  of  a  speculation 
which  had  drawn  its  support  from  its  own  teaching.  The  second  letter  of 
John  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  short  extract  from  the  first ;  it  has  an 
external  motive,  and  is  addressed  to  a  definite,  though  unknown,  church. 
Trouble  threatened  the  church  from  the  Gnostic  teaching  which  is  now 
combated. — Weizsacker. 


^"^  Greeting. 

^^^  Counsel  of  love  and  warning  against  errorists. 
12-13  Farewell. 


II.  JOHN 

1  The  presbyter 

to  the  choice  Lady  and  her  children,  whom  I  sincerely  love — and 

2  not  I  alone,  but  also  all  who  know  the  truth— for  the  sake  of  the  truth 
which  remains  in  us,  and  with  us  it  shall  be  for  ever  : 

3  With  us  shall  be  j^'race,  mercy,  peace,  from  God  the  Father  and  from 
Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  the  Father,  in  truth  and  love. 

4  I  was  overjoyed  to  find  some  of  thy  children  walking  in  truth,  even 

5  as  we  received  commandment  from  the  Father.  And  now  I  entreat  thee. 
Lady,  not  as  though  I  wrote  thee  a  new  commandment — nay,  it  is  the 
commandment  which  we  had  from  the  beginning,  that  we  love  one  an- 

6  other.  And  love  is  this,  that  we  walk  after  his  commandments  ;  this  is 
the  commandment,  even  as  you  have  learned  from  the  beginning,  for  you  to 

7  walk  in.  For  many  impostors  have  gone  out  into  the  world,  men  who  do 
not  confess  Jesus  Christ  as  coming  in  the  flesh  ;  there  is  "  the  impostor," 

8  there  "the  antichrist."  Look  to  yourselves,  that  you  lose  not  what  you 
have  worked  for,  but  that  you  receive  a  full  reward. 

9  Every  one  who  is  "advanced"  and  does  not  remain  by  the  teaching 

of  the  Christ, 
Has  not  God  : 
He  who  remains  by  the  teaching. 
He  has  both  the  Father  and  the  Son. 

10  If  anyone  comes  to  you  and  brings  not  this  teaching,  receive  him  not 

11  into  the  house  nor  give  him  any  greeting  ;  for  he  who  gives  him  greeting 
has  a  share  in  his  evil  deeds. 

12  I  have  many  things  to  write  to  you,  but  I  do  not  mean  to  use  paper 
and  ink  ;  I  hope  to  be  with  you,  and  to  speak  face  to  face,  so  that  our  ^ 
joy  may  be  complete. 

13  The  children  of  thy  choice  Sister  salute  thee. 

1  Reading  ■hfji.uv. 


The  gre<at  interest  of  this  epistle  lies  in  the  insight  which  it  gives  us  into 
the  ordinary  life  of  the  Christian  communities  of  those  early  times  and  this  wide 
Asiatic  territory.  ...  It  shows  us  something  of  their  independence,  of  the  kind 
of  ministry  that  was  in  exercise  among  them,  and  their  relation  to  it,  of  their 
order  also  and  administration.  It  seems  to  mark  a  notable  stage  in  the  growth 
of  the  church  and  the  history  of  its  organisations.  It  discloses  a  condition 
of  things  like  that  with  which  the  Didache  has  made  us  familiar.  It  places  us 
at  the  point  of  transition  from  the  apostolic  to  the  post-apostolic,  from  the 
primitive  simplicity  to  a  more  developed  constitution.— S.  D.  F.  Salmond. 


^  Greeting. 
2"*  Praise  of  Gains'  character  and 
°"*  hospitality. 

""'■^  Warning  against  Diotrephes. 
Commendation  of  Uemctrius. 
13-14  Farewell. 


III.  JOHN 

1  The  presbyter 

to  Gains  tlie  beloved,  whom  I  sincerel}-  love. 

2  Beloved,  it  is  my  desire  that  in  all  resj^ects  thou  mayest  jirosper  aud 

3  be  in.  health,  even  as  thy  soul  prospers.     I  was  overjoyed  at  the  coming 
of  brothers  who  bore  witness  to  thy  truth,  even  as  thou  art  walking  in 

4  truth.     I  have  no  greater  joy  than  to  hear  of  my  own  children  walking 

5  in  the  truth.     Beloved,  in  any  work  of  thine  for  those  who  are  brothers, 

6  aye  and  strangers,  thou  art  acting  faithfully  ;  they  have  borne  witness 
before  the  Community  to  thy  love,  and  thou  wilt  do  well  to  speed  them 

7  on  their  journey  in  a  manner  worthy  of  God.     For  it  is  for  the  Name's  i 
sake  that  they  have  gone  out,  not  accepting  anything  from  the  heathen. 

8  We  are  bound,  then,  to  support  such  peo2:»le,  that  we  may  show  ourselves 
fellow-workers  with  the  truth. 

9  I  have  written  something  to  the  Community  ;  but  Diotrephes,  who 

10  loves  to  domineer  among  them,  repudiates  us.     Therefore,  when  I  come, 
I  will  recall  the  works  he  is  doing,  as  he  babbles  against  us  with  evil 

words  ;  and,  not  satisfied  with  that,  he  refuses  a  welcome  to  the  brothers  •! 

himself,  prevents  those  who  would  give  it,  and  expels  them  from  the  j 

Community. 

11  Beloved,  imitate  not  what  is  wrong  but  what  is  right. 

He  who  does  what  is  right,  is  of  God  : 

He  who  does  what  is  wrong,  has  not  seen  God. 

12  Demetrius  has  witness  borne  him  from  all  and  from  the  truth  itself  : 
yes,  and  we  bear  witness  also,  and  thou  knowest  that  our  witness  is  true. 

13  I  had  many  things  to  write  to  thee,  but  I  am  unwilling  to  write  to 

14  thee  with  ink  and  pen.     I  hope,  however,  to  see  thee  immediately,  and  we  | 
shall  speak  face  to  face. 

Peace  to  thee. 

The  friends  salute  thee. 

Salute  the  friends  by  name. 


A  FEAGMENT  OF  EVANGELIC  TEADITION 

[Mk  16^-20] 

This  interesting  and  detached  fragment  is  to  be  dated  probably  within 
a  century  after  the  resurrection,  somewhere  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
second  century.  Its  regular  place  in  the  MSS  is  at  the  close  of  Mark's 
gospel,  which  it  was  evidently  designed  to  supplement.^  That  it  did  not 
form  the  original  close  to  that  work,  is  a  conclusion  which  may  be 
regarded  as  impregnable.-  The  two  points  for  serious  discussion  are  (a) 
its  date,  including  the  question  of  authorship,  and  (h)  the  resultant 
critical  question  with  regard  to  Mark's  gospel.  Whether  it  was  originally 
composed  for  its  present  place  in  the  gap  (Bruckner),  or  existed  in- 
dependently in  whole  or  part,  can  scarcely  be  determined  upon  the 
evidence  at  our  command,  though  the  latter  is  the  more  probable 
hypothesis. 

(a)  The  date  of  the  fragment  has  been  recently  connected  with  its 
authorship  by  Mr.  F.  C.  Conybeare  {Exp*  viii.  p.  241  f.,  and  Exp.^  ii. 
p.  401  f.).  From  a  recently  discovered  Armenian  codex  (of  986  a.d.)  con- 
taining after  e'^o^.  yap  the  verses  9-20,  preceded  by  the  words  "  Ariston 
Eritzou"  (=  of  the  presbyter  Ariston)  in  red  uncials,  he  inferred  that  the 
Ariston  or  Aristion  mentioned  there  was  the  Christian  of  the  same  name 
mentioned  in  Eusebius  {HE,  iii.  39.  4)  as  one  of  the  teachers  of  Papias, 
and  along  with  the  presbyter  John  as  a  disciple  of  the  Lord.  This  is  a 
conjecture  which  has  been  widely  accepted,  e.g.  by  Harnack,  Swete  (ed. 
of  Mark,  1898,  pp.  xcvi-cv),  Eck  {Preussiche  Jahrbiicher,  1898,  pp. 
40-43),  and  Sanday  {DB,  ii.   pp.  638,  639).     It  is  curious  that  Papias 

1  The  "  shorter  conclusion  "  printed  in  most  critical  editions  of  the  text  is  poorly 
attested,  and  does  not  fall  to  be  noticed  here.  As  to  the  origin  of  [Mk  169-0],  there  is 
just  a  possibility  that  it  formed  the  close  of  some  narrative  of  the  resurrection, 
based  upon  apostolic  tradition,  the  opening  of  which  has  been  irretrievably  lost. 
Zahn  {GK,  i.  p.  922 n.)  thinks  of  the  Teaching  or  Preaching  of  Peter  as  a  possible 
source  or  contemporary  document. 

-  All  that  can,  togetlier  with  a  good  deal  that  cannot,  be  said  in  favour  of  the 
passage  and  its  authenticity,  may  be  seen  by  the  cui'ious  in  Burgon's  well-known 
treatise  {The  Last  Twelve  Verses  of  the  Gospel  according  to  St.  Mark,  1871).  Critical 
data  in  Zahn,  GK,  ii.  pp.  910-938,  and  Tischendorf,  KT  (8th  ed.),  i.  pp.  403-407. 
Apart  fro)n  the  usual  editions  (cp.  recently  Swete,  pp.  xcvi-cv)  and  Introductions 
(particularly  Zahn,  ii.  pp.  227-240),  there  is  a  popular  and  frank  summary  of  the 
case  in  Abbott's  Common  Tradition,  pp.  xviii-xxiii,  gathering  up  the  cumulative 
argument  from  (a)  textual  criticism,  (b)  style,  the  absence  of  Marcan  characteristics 
and  the  presence  of  uuMarcan  expressions,  and  (c)  internal  contents.  Literature  in 
JJB,  iii.  pp.  252,  253. 

Harnack  points  out  {TU,  xii.  1)  that  Jerome  (c.  Pelag.  ii.  15)  found  in  some 
codices  between  verses  14  and  15  the  following  passage  (in  quibusdam  exemplaribus 
et  maxime  in  Graecis  Codd.):— "Et  illi  satisfaciebant  dicentes  :  Saeculum  istud 
iniquitatis  et  incredulitatis  sub  satana  (Codd.  substantia)  est,  qui  (Codd.  quae) 
non  sinit  per  immundos  spiritus  veraiii  dci  ajiprehendi  virtutem,  idcirco  jam  nunc 
revela  justitiam  tuam." 

660 


A    FRAGMENT    OF    EVANGELIC    TRADITION  551 

should  not  have  mentioned  the  circumstance,  and  it  is  also  strange  that 
Aristion  should  have  taken  the  trouble  to  compile  so  second-hand  and 
loose  a  narrative. 1  Still  it  may  have  actually  come  from  his  dit^yi^cras 
(cf.  Lk  V),  in  which  case  its  date  would  be  towards  the  beginning  of 
the  second  century  or  slightly  later.  Resch  {TU,  x.  2,  pp.  449-456 ; 
ThSt,  pp.  109,  110)  suggests  Ariston  of  Pella  as  the  author,  a  Jewish- 
Christian  presbyter  who— on  Resch's  very  shaky  hyjiothesis — edited  the 
first  canon  of  the  gospels,  c.  140  a.d.  For  less  conjectural  reasons, 
Warfeld  dates  the  fragment  not  later  than  the  first  thirty  years  of  the 
second  century.  He  imagines  that  it  was  taken,  along  witli  the  pericope 
Jn  7^^-8i\  from  the  book  of  illustrations  of  the  gospel  narrative  com- 
posed by  Papias,  c.  120  a.d.  {Textual  Criticism  of  the  NT,  pp.  199-205). 
Rohrbach,  again,  conjectures  110-120  a.d.  as  the  period  when  the  in- 
complete gospel  was  furnished  in  Asia  Minor  with  its  unauthentic 
conclusion,  at  the  same  time  as  the  appendix  (21),  in  which  that  con- 
clusion was  used,  was  added  to  the  fourth  gospel. 

Here  as  elsewhere,  however,  while  there  is  plenty  of  good  argument 
to  prove  that  the  passage  is  an  interpolation,  signs  fail  for  its  date. 
Further,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  passage  may  have  existed  in 
written  form  before  it  was  inserted  in  its  present  place  in  the  MSS,  as 
is  the  case  with  the  Homeric  catalogue  of  the  troops  in  the  second 
book  of  the  Iliad  (lines  484-877) ;  also,  that  it  represents  in  all  likeli- 
hood a  tradition  older  than  itself.  Relatively,  indeed,  limits  can  be 
fixed    within   which    it   must    lie.     The    fragment    presupposes    Luke 

(^P-  \t\l  with  if2'-?3^28i)''i^^^°^J°^^^-  Itisanechoofthepreced- 
ing  traditions,  inserted  at  the  close  of  Mark  by  an  early  editor  in  order  to 
supplement  the  defective  resurrection-narrative.^  L^pon  the  other  side, 
if  its  use  can  be  traced  in  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.  i.  45),  a  terminus  ad  quern 
would  be  established.     The  evidence  for  this,  however,  is  too  indefinite.* 

1  So  much  so  that  Zahn,  who  had  already  (frK,  i.  p.  913  f.)  referred  vers.  15,  16  to 
an  extra-canonical  source,  now  prefers  to  confine  Aristion's  share  to  vers.  14-18. 
He  appeals,  in  confirmation  of  this,  to  the  marginal  gloss  written  by  a  Scholiast  in 
Rufinus's  translation  of  Eusebius,  which  quotes  Aristion's  authority  for  a  story  of 
Justus,  surnamed  Bar-Sabbas  (Ac  l-^),  who  miraculously  recovered  after  drinking 
some  deadly  poison  (=  Mk  16i8).  Bacon  [Journ.  Bibl.  Lit.  1898,  pp.  176-183)  now 
conjectures  that  Papias's  description  of  Aristion  and  John  the  presbyter  as  disciples 
Tou  fcvpiov  originally  read  tovtuiv  (i.e.  rJi-  arraffroXav).  In  any  case  the  oral  tradition 
from  which  a  fragment  like  this  sprang,  must  have  been  exposed  to  contamination. 
Even  Papias  was  tainted  with  millenarianism,  and  we  may  be  sure  this  penchant  was 
not  in  conflict  with  the  teaching  of  the  elders  upon  whom  he  leaned  so  heavily  and 
from   whom  he   repeated  legendary  tales  like   that  of  Justus  Bar-Sabbas  and  his 

poison,    besides    |;vas   tivxs   ^(x.p«.^oXa.{   tou     2arf,pof   icoii   iihxirxxXixi    xirotj    xxi    Tita    ak>ix, 

fA-ueixiiTipa.,  if  we  can  trust  the  unsympathetic  notice  of  Eusebius  (HE,  III.  39). 

2  Add  Jn  20118  +  Lk  8"-  =  Mk  16i*ii,  while  vers.  19,  20  are  a  colourless  review  of 
previous  apostolic  history  (Lk  2450-  si,  Ac  l^-H).  I  do  not  see  any  convincing 
evidence  for  the  use  of  Mk  169-"  in  Jn  21. 

3  1  append  a  table,  re-arranged  fTom  Loofs  {Die  A uferstehungsberichte  und  ihr 
Wert,  1898),  to  bring  out  the  role  of  this  fragment  in  the  cycle  and  growth  of  the 
resurrection  stories.  The  correct  inference  from  these  in  general  is  that  the  tradi- 
tion was  largely  fiuid  and  for  a  long  time  indeterminate,  while  the  Galilaean  appear- 
ances do  not  rest  upon  very  adequate  historical  evidence.  For  a  more  conservative 
statement,  cp.  Beyschlag,  SK  (1899),  pp.  507-539,  and  Schwartzkopflf,  Projihccies  of 
Jesus  Christ,  pp.  87-124. 

■4  Dr.  C.  Taylor  {Exp^  viii.  pp.  71-80,  argues  for  such  a  use  even  earlier,  in 
Barnabas  and  Clem.  Rom.,  but  the  evidence  is  far  from  conclusive.  The  same  holds 
true  of  the  gospel  of  Peter.     It  is  a  disputed  point  whether  the  resurrection  narrat- 

[^Oontinued  on  page  553. 


552 


HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 


"  A  fact  so  stupendous  as  the  Resurrection  needs  to  be  supported  by- 
strong  evidence,  and  very  strong  evidence  both  as  regards  quantity  and 
quality  is  fortlicoming  ;  but  all  parts  of  it  are  not  of  equal  value,  and  it 
is  well  that  the  authorities  should  be  compared  with  each  other  and 
critically  estimated.  .  .  .  Whichever  way  we  turn,  difficulties  meet  us, 
which  the  documents  to  which  we  have  access  do  not  enable  us  to 
remove." — Sanday. 

JERUSALEM 


1  Cor  15. 

Gospel  of 

(No  locality 
mentioned.) 

Mark. 

Matthew. 

Luke. 

John. 

(Mark- 
Appendix). 

Gospel  or 
Peter. 

Hebrews. 
(No  locality 
mentioned.) 

MaryMagd. 

Mary  Magd. 
and      the 

Mary    Magd. 

Mary  Magd. 

Mary  Magd. 

Mary    the 

Joanna, 

and       her 

mother  of 

other  Mary 

Mary        the 

friends 

James, and 

mother      of 

Salome 

James 

find  grave 

find    grave 

find     grave 

finds  grave 

find  grave 

empty 

empt\^ 

empty 

empty 

Peter    and 

the    other 

disciple 

find  grave 

empty 

empty 

see    an 

see       an 

see      two 

Mary  Magd. 

see       an 

angel, 

angel,  who 

angels 

sees     two 

angel. 

who    re- 

refers 

angels 

fers  them 

them      to 

toGalilee. 

Galilee, 
and  then 

meet  Jesus. 

sees  Jesus 

Mary  JIagd. 
first     sees 
Jesus 

Peter   sees 

Peter     sees 

Jesus 

Jesus 
the       two 
travellers  to 
Emmaus 

two  travel- 
lers      see 
Jesus 

then       the 

the       eleven 

the   eleven 

the   eleven 

twelve 

see    Jesus 
and     are 
parted  from 
him  at  Beth- 

(without 
Thomas) 

see  Jesus 

see   Jesus, 
and       are 
parted 
from  him. 

then       500 

any. 

brothers 

then  James 

Jesus     ap- 
pears     to 
James 

then  all  the 

the   eleven 

then     to 

apostles. 

(with 
Thomas) 
see  Jesus. 

Peter  and 
those  with 
him. 

GALILEE 

(21) 

the     eleven 

Simon 

S   i  m  0  n 

meet   Jesus 

Peter  and 

Peter  and 

at      the 

six    other 

others 

mountain. 

disciples 
see    Jesus 
at      Lake 
Tiberias 

conversa- 
tion     be- 
t  w  e  e  n 
Peter  and 
Jesus. 

(Andrew, 
Levi)    see 
Jesus      in 
Galilee. 

A    FRAGMENT    OF    EVANGELIC    TRADITION  553 

Dr.  Chase  (Syriac  Element  in  Godex  Bezae,  pp.  150-157)  thinks  that  a 
Syriac  version  of  the  section  can  be  proved  to  have  existed  by  the  middle 
of  the  second  century,  and  that  consequently  the  primitive  Greek  text  is  to 
be  dated  almost  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  century.  Upon  some  such  date, 
at  any  rate,  the  various  probabilities  of  the  evidence  converge.  Certainly 
neither  Matthew  nor  Luke  had  before  them  any  text  of  Mark  that  went 
beyond  16*  (cp.  Wernle,  op.  cit.  pp.  36,  177,  218,  219),  nor  does  the  passage 
reilect  an  independent  source.  It  is  a  vague,  meagre,  and  secondary 
summary  of  previous  traditions,  a  Kijpvyfxa  or  birjyqais,  though  scarcely  to 
be  dismissed  as  a  fragment  of  a  thoroughly  jjoetic  nature,  in  keeping  with 
the  gospel  to  which  it  has  been  added  (W.  Briickner). 

(6)  The  removal  of  [Mk  16^-"]  leaves  the  conclusion  of  that  gospel  in 
a  state  Avhich  demands  some  hypothesis  to  account  for  its  unfinished  or 
mutilated  condition.  On  all  hands  it  is  admitted  that  no  aiithor  could 
liave  intended  his  work  to  close  with  the  words  i^o^ovvTo  yap.  Either 
then,  (i.)  the  original  conclusion  has  been  lost,  or  (ii.)  the  author  was 
prevented  by  accident  or  death  from  finishing  his  book.  In  the  former 
case  (i.)  the  continuation  must  have  been  lost  at  a  very  early  date, 
previous  to  the  transcription  of  the  earliest  copy,  as  no  trace  of  it  exists. 
This  difficulty,  however,  is  not  insuperable.  A  leaf  may  have  been  de- 
tached, or  some  accident  may  have  occurred  to  the  original  autograph. 
Zahn,  however  {GK,  ii.  p.  928  f.),  has  recently  contended  for  (ii.), 
principally  on  the  ground  that  the  existence  and  disappearance  of  such 
an  X  as  the  other  theory  requires,  must  be  held  incredible.  Mark,  he 
thinks,  was  prevented  by  Peter's  death  from  comi^leting  the  volume  ;  then, 
before  he  could  interfere,  his  friends  had  read  and  copied  the  unfinished 
work.  Blair  {Apostolic  Gospel,  pp.  372-385)  more  sensibly  concludes  that 
the  lost  ending  could  not  have  been  longer  than  Mt  28^-",  as  Matthew 
usually  enlarges  his  sources;  also  that  Lk  249-^i-i"  preserve  in  their 
integrity  the  details  which  were  contained  in  the  lost  ending.  The 
verbal  contradiction  between  the  one  passage  (Lk  24-^)  and  the  other 
(Mk  16'*)  led,  as  he  thinks,  to  the  deliberate  rejection  of  the  original  con- 
clusion in  order  to  avoid  a  discrepancy.  But  it  is  possible  also  that  if 
the  original  ending  of  Mark  was  brief,  it  failed  to  satisfy  the  needs  of 
later  generations,  and  was  consequently  superseded  (Reville).  When 
the  passage  is  taken  as  an  integral  part  of  the  gospel,  its  phenomena  aft'ect 
the  date  of  the  whole  work,  and  leave  no  alternative  except  (with  Dr. 
Salmon,  INT,  pp.  143-151)  to  bring  the  gospel  down  to  a  period  anterior 
to  Matthew  and  Luke.  In  face  of  modern  criticism  upon  the  synoptic 
problem,  this  is  of  course  an  indefensible  position. 

ive  of  that  gospel  goes  back  to  Mk  169-2",  or— as  has  even  beeu  conjectured— to  the 
lost  original  conclusion  of  Mark.  The  double  stream  of  tradition  upon  the  resurrec- 
tion is  best  traced  by  Reville  (ll.  pp.  428-452),  and  by  Rohrbach  in  his  Die  Berichte, 
ilber  die  Auferstehung  J.  C.  (1898) ;  cp.  also  Harnack,  ThLz  (1899),  pp.  174-176.  W. 
Briickner's"  articles  {PM,  1899,  pp.  41-47,  96-110,  153-160)  give  a  review  and 
discussion,  largely  of  Rohrbach's  position. 

1  Something  of  this  kind  occurred  in  the  case  of  the  notes  taken  by  Arrian  during 
the  lectures  of  Epiktetus.  Like  the  first  edition  of  the  Religio  Medici,  they  were 
afterwards  published  surreptitiously,  or  at  least  apart  from  the  connivance  of  the 
author. 


Whether  they  are  historically  trustworthy  or  not,  their  contents  are  not 
such  as  could  have  been  invented  by  any  scribe  or  editor  of  the  gospel  [of 
Mark]  in  his  desire  to  supply  the  observed  defect  by  a  substantial  and  dignified 
ending.  .  .  .  There  is,  however,  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that  a  scribe  or 
editor,  unwilling  to  change  the  words  of  the  text  before  him  or  to  add  words  of 
his  own,  was  willing  to  furnish  the  gospel  with  what  seemed  a  worthy  conclu- 
sion, by  incoi'porating  with  it  unchanged  a  narrative  of  Christ's  appearances  after 
the  Resurrection,  which  he  found  in  some  secondary  record  then  surviving  from  a 
previous  generation.  ...  It  is  shown  by  its  language  and  structure  to  be  com- 
plete in  itself,  beginning  with  the  Resurrection  and  ending  with  the  Ascension. 
It  thus  constitutes  a  condensed  fifth  narrative  of  the  forty  days.  It  manifestly 
cannot  claim  any  apostolic  authority  ;  but  it  is  doubtless  founded  on  some 
tradition  of  the  apostolic  age.  ^Westcott  and  Hort. 


[Mk  169-20]  ^ftg,.  jeath. 

''■'^  Jesus  seen  by  Mary  Magdalene. 
^--  ^''  two  disciples. 

^^'^^  the  eleven  :  his  commission  to  them. 

19. 20  Summary  of  apostolic  preaching. 


A  FEAGMENT  OF  EVANGELIC  TRADITION 

Mkl6 

9  Now  after  he  had  arisen  early  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  he  appeared 

10  first  to  Mary  of  Magdala  from  whom  he  had  cast  out  seven  daemons.  She 
went   and    brought   word   to   those    who   had   been  witli  him,  as  they 

11  mourned  and  wept  ;  yet  although  they  heard  he  was  alive  and  had  been 

12  seen  by  her,  they  disbelieved.  Now  after  this  he  was  disclosed 
in  a  different  form  to  two  of  them,  who  were  walking  on  their  wa}^  into 

13  the  country.     And  they  went  off  and  brought  word  to  the  rest  ;  yet  they 

14  would  not  believe  even  them.  Afterwards  ^  he  was  disclosed  to 
the  eleven  themselves,  as  they  reclined  at  table  ;  and  he  reproached  them 
for  their  unbelief  and  stubbornness  of   heart,  because  they  would  not 

15  believe  those  who  had  seen  him  after  he  rose.     And  he  said  to  them, 

"  Go   into  all  the  world  and  preach  the  glad   tidings  to  all  the 
creation  : 

16  He  who  believes  and  is  baptized  shall  be  saved, 
But  he  who  disbelieves  shall  be  condemned. 

17  And  these  signs  shall  accompany  those  who  believe  : 

In  ray  name  they  shall  cast  out  daemons, 
They  shall  talk  with  new  tongues, 

18  They  shall  lift  serpents, 

And  if  they  drink  anything  deadly,  it  shall  not  injure  them  ; 
They  shall  lay  hands  on  the  sick,  and  they  shall  recover." 

19  So  then,  after  speaking  to  them,  the  Lord^  ivas  taken  up  into  heaven,  and 

20  sat  down  at  the  right  hand  of  God.  But  they  went  out  and  preached 
everywhere,  the  Lord  working  with  them  and  confirming  the  word  by  the 
signs  that  followed. 

1  Omitting  [[hi]].  3  Omitting  [['Ua-o'Ci]]. 


THE  EPISTLES  TO  TIMOTHEUS  AND  TITUS  ^ 

The  terminus  ad  quern  for  these  writings  is  fixed  by  their  probable  use 
in  the  ei^istles  of  Ignatius  and  Pol^^karp.^  The  literary  afhnities  between 
them  and  Hebrews-Luke- Acts  (Simcox,  Exp.'^  viii.  pp.  182,  183  ;  Zeller- 
Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  286,  287),  Clem.  Rom.,  and  Barnabas,  imply  not  so  much 
the  dependence  of  the  one  upon  the  other,  as  a  common  spirit  and  atmo- 
sphere, so  that  no  serviceable  terminus  a  quo  can  be  fixed  upon  the  side 
of  literary  relationships.  The  internal  evidence,  however,  leaves  little 
doubt  that  in  their  final  and  extant  form  this  group  of  writings  belongs  to 
the  first  quarter  of  the  second  centur3^  This  is  especially  clear  in  view  of  the 
heresies  and  errors  denounced.  These,  the  spawn  of  a  Jewish  and  Gnostic 
syncretism  (Holtzmann,  D/e  Pastoralbriefe,  1880,  pp.  126-158),  are  at  once 
cognate  to  and  more  advanced  than  those  of  1  John  (cp.  von  Soden,  HG, 
III.  1,  pp.  166,  167,  179),  while  they  are  less  acute  and  developed  than 
those  of  Jud-2  Peter.^  It  is  unfortunate  in  a  sense  that  for  insight  into 
the  situation  of  the  j^astoral  epistles  as  well  as  of  the  following  NT  writings, 
we  have  more  and  more  to  go  outside  the  NT  itself.  The  problem  of 
their  origin  is  solved,  not  only  upon  the  ground  of  the  earlier  Pauline 
letters,  but  also  by  a  study  of  sub-apostolic  writings  like  the  Didache, 
Clem.  Rom.,  Polykarp,  and  Ignatius.  Place  these  side  by  side  with  the 
pastorals,  and  it  is  difficult  to  resist  the  idea,  which  returns  upon  one  with 
almost  every  sentence,  that  their  world  is  practically  the  same,  and  that 
the  pastorals  are  astonishingly  superior.  Their  common  historical  pre- 
supposition is  incipient  Gnosticism,  not  in  a  special  form  but  rather  in 
its  general  climate  (Clem.  Strom,  vii.  17),  theoretical,  practical,  mytho- 
logical, ethical.  This  is  corroborated  by  the  official  and  ecclesiastical 
spirit  which  dominates  the  three  epistles.  Christianity  is  becoming  a 
system  of  piety  {fvaejBeia)  and  sound  teaching  (StSao-KaAi'a)  as  opposed  to 
moral  and  intellectual  error.  Its  citadel  is  the  church,  whose  organisation 
is  a  matter  of  great  moment,  and  whose  regulations  form  the  background 
of  the  epistles.  By  the  author,  Timotheus  and  Titus  are  not  merely  taken 
as  patterns  of  Pauline  scholars,  but  also  as  representatives  and  types  of 

1  The  inadequate  and  misleading  title  "pastorals,"  nuder  which  these  writings 
have  suffered  for  about  90  years,  can  only  be  retained  (and  used  as  seldom  as  possible) 
on  the  score  of  convenience. 

-  Cp.  Harnack,  Chnni.  pp.  480-48.'.  He  dates  the  epistles  in  their  present  form 
substantially  between  90  and  100:  "  Dass  die  Pastoralbriefe,  so  wie  sie  yorliegen, 
nicht  vom  Apostel  Paulus  geschrieben,  dass  sie  aber  auf  paulinischen  Briefen  auf- 
gcbaut  sind,  ist  ein  Ergebniss  der  Kritik,  welches  nicht  aufs  neue  beweisen  zu 
werden  braucht."  The  remarkable  parallels  between  the  pastorals  and  the  Apost. 
Constit.  in  regard  to  ecclesiastical  organisations  point,  in  Harnack's  judgment  {ibid. 
pp.  483,  484  ;  TU,  u.  5,  p.  49  f.),  possibly  to  the  use  of  a  common  source. 

•'  The  striking  coincidences  l)etween  the  pastorals  and  Jud-Peter  prove  either 
a  similarity  of  situation  or  literary  dependence,  possibly  both  (von  Sotlcii,  pp.  16t), 
167,  179).  In  Tit  and  1  Tim  especially,  1  Peter  seems  to  be  used  (Holtzniann, 
Past.  pp.  267-270  ;  Briickner,  Cliron.  pj).  .^)7-r)9,  277-286),  and  in  the  latter  of  the 
two.  Luke's  gospel. 

556 


THE    EPISTLP:S   to    TIMOTHEUS   and   TITUS  557 

tlie  monarchical  episcopate  whicli — as  3  John  indicates — was  now  coming 
to  supersede  the  earlier  officials,  and  had  by  this  time  displaced  the 
"spiritual  gifts  "  in  ordinary  church  management. 

The  criteria  of  tone  and  spirit,  then,  combine  to  favour  and  even  to 
demand  a  date  not  earlier  than  the  last  decade  of  the  first  century  and 
probably  somewhat  later.  Formerly,  indeed,  a  period  towards  the  middle 
of  the  second  century  was  considered  necessary:  so  Baur,  Pfleiderer 
(  Urc.  p.  862  ft'.),  and  even  Ritschl — to  whom  the  Gnosticism  of  the  apostolic 
age  was  still  a  mere  hypothesis  {Entstehung,  p.  242).  The  recent  re- 
searches into  Gnosticism,  together  with  investigations  into  the  develop- 
ment of  church  organisation  (Holtzmaiin,  Past.  pp.  190-252,  an  ex- 
haustive discussion),  have  allowed  scholars  to  come  down  nearer  the 
opening  of  the  second  century,  and  here  criticism  is  practically  unanimous. 
Within  these  decades  (95-135)  lies  the  only  period  known  to  us  when 
the  pastorals  actually  possess  a  career  and  object  of  their  own.  They 
represent  a  transition  from  the  earlier  Paulinism  to  "  Catholicism,"  the 
original  ideas  of  the  apostle  being  modified  and  stereotyped  under  the 
pressure  of  ecclesiastical  requirements.  More  definitely,  according  to 
Beyschlag  (NTTli,  ii.  pp.  3,  4,  501-504),  they  also  help  to  present  the  com- 
mon Christianity  as  it  developed  in  regions  that  were  dominated  by  the 
influence  of  Paul  during  the  opening  of  the  second  century  (so  Bourquin, 
i:tude  critique  surPast.  EfUres,  1890,  ])p.  51-64).  Some  general  verdict  of 
this  kind  would  probably  unite  the  majority  of  reasonable  critics.  As  it 
is,  the  arguments  are  so  detailed  and  weighty  that  in  a  brief  note  it  is 
fortunately  unnecessary,  as  it  is  hardly  possible,  to  do  more  than  mention 
their  bearing  and  refer  to  their  various  expositions.  The  most  adequate 
statement  is  furnished  by  Holtzmann's  classical  monograph,  whose 
positions  are  recapitulated'  in  his  Einl.  pp.  272-292,  and  NTTli,  ii. 
pp.  259-281.  His  standpoint  is  practically  shared  and  reproduced  by 
Hilgenfeld,  Weizsacker,  S.  Davidson,  Mangold,  Sabatier,  Hatch  ^  (EB, 
articles  "  Paul  "  and  "  Pastorals  "),  Cone  {Gos'pel  and  its  Interpret,  p.  327  f.), 
Reville  (Les  origine  de  VEpiscof.  pp.  262-286),  and  McGifiert  {A  A,  pp. 
398-420),  etc.  The  only  (question  which  at  the  present  day  is  seriously 
in  dispute  is  the  precise  date.  Renan  ^  and  Mangold  go  back  to  the  end 
of  the  first  century,  while  von  Soden  {HC,  iii.  1,  pp.  155-254)  places 
2  Tim  not  earlier  than  Domitian's  reign  and  the  other  two  after  110.  It 
is  better,  however,  to  remain  by  the  first  quarter  ^  of  the  second  century 
(so  Julicherand  Reville).  No  other  position  is  upon  the  whole  so  self- 
consistent  and  helpful  in  solving  the  contradictory  facts  presented  by  a 
set  of  writings  which  otherwise  form  one  of  those  religious  and  literary 
enigmas  whose  keys  have  been  in  the  meantime — perhaps  for  all  time — 
lost. 

1  Chiefly  owing  to  the  "difHculty  of  believing  that  so  elaborate  a  debasement  of 
Christianity  had  grown  up  in  the  brief  interval  between  Paul's  first  contact  with 
Hellenism  and  his  death."  On  the  keen  prominence  given  to  moral  reform  and 
theory  by  the  early  part  of  the  second  century,  op.  Addis,  Christianity  and  the 
Roman  Empire,  pp.  130-141. 

2  S.  Paul,  p.  1.  In  L'^glise  Chretienne  (chap,  vi.)  the  composition  of  the  pastorals 
is  made  synchronous  with  the  publication  of  Paul's  collected  epistles  at  Eome. 
They  are  "un  premier  essai  de  fausses  decretales." 

3  Clem.  Alex.  Strom.  VII.  17  :    »a™   ^£    «/>;  -rols  'Aipixvov   leZ    'Bx.a-iXius   %/joio:.J   ol  TO.; 

(x.lf>i(ru(  iiriyo-Jta-xvns  yiyivaa-i.  The  lack  of  exactness  in  defining  the  heresies  com- 
bated is  natural.  "L'auteur  parlait  de  quelque  chose  de  courant  et,  pour  etre 
compris  par  les  lecteurs  de  son  temps,  il  lui  suffisait  de  designer  siniplement  ses 
adversaires  sans  les  peindre  "  (Bourquin). 


558  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

The  natural  desire  to  take  these  writings  for  what  they  literally  pur- 
port to  be,  i.e.  letters  written  by  Paul  hiniself,  is  rendered  impossible  not 
merely  by  the  positive  evidence  of  their  contents  which  has  been  already 
outlined,  but  also  by  two  negative  arguments  of  crucial  importance, 
(ft)  The  style,  which  is  somewhat  stiff  and  unelastic,  is  incompatible  with 
the  Pauline  authorship. ^  Even  when  allowance  has  been  made  for  the 
difference  between  public  and  jirivate  letters,  for  the  possible  effect  of 
age  on  Paul,  and  for  the  use  of  phrases  caught  up  from  fresh  interests  and 
controversies,  the  only  fair  verdict  uj^on  the  anomalous  grammar  and 
diction  of  the  pastoral  epistles  is  unfavourable  to  their  Pauline  origin- 
ality. Pauline  elements  of  course  occur,  but  the  groundwork  is  radically 
different.  Fresh  groups  of  words  are  introduced  {e.g.  the  compounds  in 
a-privative,  ^tAo-,  amcppo-,  StSacr/c-,  olao-),  familiar  Pauline  expressions 
{^' vlodfaia,  Ood  our  Father")  are  either  dropped  or  {ttIo-tis,  Smaiovadai) 
modified,  and  out  of  almost  nine  hundred  words  one  hundred  and  se^•enty- 
one  (one  hundred  and  seventy-six)  are  cina^  Xeyofieva.  The  jieculiarities 
of  vocabulary  and  style  point  almost  unmistakably  to  a  writer  who  used 
Pauline  phrases  to  help  his  own  looser  and  less  vigorous  methods  of  expres- 
sion. "  Es  fehlt  durchweg  die  ernste,  wiirdige  und  gedankenschwere 
Plerophorie  der  paul.  Rede;  es  fehlen  jene  charakteristischen  Damm- 
briiche,  welche  in  Folge  der  schwellenden  Gedankenflille  die  Construction 
erleidet "  (Holtzmann).  Nor  is  it  very  probable  that  Paul  would  have  met 
false  teaching  either  by  relocated  and  vague  denunciation  or  by  falling  back 
upon  a  traditional  crystallised  faith,  which  forms  the  "sound"  teaching 
of  the  organised  church.  Besides,  the  characteristically  Pauline  interests 
are  obliterated.  The  question  of  the  law,  the  rule  of  the  Jews,  adoption, 
redemption,  life  in  the  Spirit,  these  are  no  longer  central.  As  even  Weiss 
admits,  strange  prominence  is  given  to  such  ideas  as  those  of  reward,  a 
good  conscience,  the  individual  and  social  value  of  Christian  morality 
rather  than  its  religious  character.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  satisfactorily  explain, 
on  the  traditional  hypothesis  (Zahn,  GK,  i.  p.  634  f.),  the  absence  of  these 
epistles  from  Marcion's  canon.  He  may  have  rejected  them  on  account  of 
their  teaching  {e.g.  on  asceticism,  doketism,  and  the  OT),  which  in  some 
points  controverts  his  own  principles  ;  but  at  any  rate  it  tells  heavily 
against  them  as  genuine  reproductions  of  the  Pauline  spirit,  that  a 
Pauline  enthusiast  ^  ignored  them  in  drawing  up  his  list  of  epistles. 
That  he  omitted  them  because  they  were  private  letters,  is  refuted  by 
the  fact  that  they  are  private  letters  only  in  a  most  superficial  sense, 

1  "  Nirgenils  cine  Spur  von  dein  Scliwung  des  Paiilus  nnd  seiner  Energie,  kauni 
je  eine  Aiiakolutliie,  eine  Inconciniiitiit,  eiue  Dinikelheit  iiifolge  des  Vorwiirtsdrangeii 
der  Ideeii  ;  alles  ist  in  Past  regelmiissig,  leiclit,  aber  aueh  obne  Wuclit  und  Farbe. 
Viele  Worte  und  wenige  Gedanken  :  von  P.  diirfte  genau  das  umgekehrte  gelten  " 
(Jiilicher). 

The  standard  discussion  is  Holtzmann's  {Past.  pp.  86-118).  Prof.  G.  G.  Findlay, 
in  his  careful  appendix  to  Saliatier's  Paul,  has  been  able,  like  Ramsay  (ORE, 
pp.  248-251),  to  correct  a  tew  of  Holtzmann's  more  extreme  statements  on  this  and 
some  other  points.  But  wliile  the  hitter's  cumulative  argument  requires  to  be  modi- 
fied in  one  or  two  details,  it  remains  an  irresistible  and  lucid  piece  of  historical  and 
literary  criticism,  whose  main  conclusions  are  to  be  accepted  as  almost  axiomatic. 
Instances  have  been  collected  (cj).  "Pastoral  Epistles,"  CGT,  p.  xxxix.)  whicli  indi- 
cate in  the  pastorals  the  use  of  2  Maccabees,  a  book  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in 
Paul's  writings. 

2  "Un  homme  qui,  malgre  I'esprit  A'  a  priori  dogmatique  qu'il  porta  souvent 
dans  la  correction  des  livres  saints,  eut  souvent  des  Eclairs  de  vrai  critique"  (Renan). 
A  similar  difficulty  is  occasioned  by  the  fact  that  while  Marcion's  sheet-anchor  was 
the  third  gospel,  he  omits  Acts  altogether  from  liis  canon. 


THE    EPISTLES    TO    TIMOTHEUS    AND    TITUS  559 

and  that  Marcion  had  no  hesitation  in  accepting  Philemon,  which  is  a 
genuinely  private  note. 

(b)  Even  more  fatal  to  the  traditional  hypothesis  of  the  pastorals  is 
the  fact  (Holtzmann,  Past.  pp.  15-37)  that  they  cannot  be  fitted  into  any 
reasonable  scheme  of  Paul's  life.'  Had  they  been  written  by  hira,  they 
must  have  dated  from  a  period  during  which  he  travelled  widely  and 
extended  his  mission-tours  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean,  for  the  attempts 
to  fix  all  or  any  of  the  epistles  previous  to  his  first  captivity  are  not  to  be 
seriously  mentioned.  But  this  period  in  Paul's  life  is  a  terra  incognita. 
It  is  bound  up  with  the  hypothesis  of  his  release  from  prison  and  of  his 
second  captivity  and  martyrdom,  for  which  the  evidence  is  decidedly 
scanty.  In  recent  years,  it  is  true,  ajiart  altogether  from  the  question  of 
the  pastorals,  attempts  have  been  made  to  rehabilitate  this  hypothesis.  ^ 
But  even  were  these  more  successful  than  they  are,  the  pastorals  would 
still  be  un-Pauline.  Such  a  hypothesis,  if  proved,  would  make  the  tradi- 
tional 3  date  of  the  pastorals  possible,  not  by  any  means  necessary.  It 
would  merely  make  room  for  them  between  62  and  67,  or,  if  the  earlier 
chronology  be  accepted,  between  59  and  64.  But  on  other  grounds  the 
epistles  refuse  to  meet  this  situation,  and  indeed  the  eftbrts  to  adapt  them 
to  it  may  be  for  the  most  part  characterised  as  jj roofs  of  the  ingenuity  of 
exegetical  despair  rather  than  of  historical  investigation. 

Substantially  identical  in  texture  and  spirit  as  all  three  are,  each 
has  evidently  its  distinctive  characteristics.  These  idiosyncrasies  upon 
examination  seem  to  give  sufficient  if  not  peremptory  proof  that  2  Tim 
was  the  earliest  of  the  three,  while  1  Tim  was  the  latest,  written  to 
enforce  or  supplement  its  predecessors.  The  evidence  for  this  position 
is  led  at  length  by  von  Soden  and  McGiffert,  to  whose  works  the  reader 
is  referred  for  a  convincing  statement  of  the  case.  The  chief  lines  are  {a) 
the  preponderance  of  Pauline  matter  in  2  Tim.  Most  nearly  of  all  the 
three  it  attaches  to  Paul's  personality  (particidarly  as  that'^  appears  in 
Philippians  and  Romans),  it  is  richest  in  references  to  his  character 
and  work,  and  includes  direct  reminiscences— perhaps  even  notes — of  the 

1  The  demonstration  of  this  is  the  special  merit  of  Kenan's  discussion  (.S".  Paul, 
pp.  xxviii-xlviii).  Cp.  also  von  Soden,  oj}.  cit.  pp.  159-163.  Zahn's  laboured 
attempt  to  construct  a  world  for  the  epistles  in  the  seventh  decade,  fails  to  produce 
any  coherent  results,  and  on  the  whole  the  same  must  be  said  of  Bartlet's  scholarly 
discussion  [A A,  p.  199 f.).  Similar  attempts  up  to  1880  are  sufficiently  exposed  by 
Holtzmann  (Past.  pp.  37-53). 

2  Cp.  Spitta,  Urc.  i.  pp.  1-108,  and  R.  Steinmetz's  monograph,  "Die  zweite 
romische  Gefangenschaft  des  Apostels  Paulus  "  (1897).  Renan,  Harnack,  Blass,  and 
Belser  (TQ,  1894,  p.  40 f.)  accept  the  tradition:  cp.  also  von  Manen,  Theol.  Tijd- 
schrift  (1894),  p.  214;  J.  Weiss,  ThLz.  (1893),  394  f. ;  and  Hesse  [Entstekung,  p.  244  f.). 
At  the  same  time  it  is  even  doubtful  whether  (i.)  Paul  died  in  the  Neronian  perse- 
cution, and  (ii.)  suffered  martyrdom  contemporaneously  with  Peter.  The  tradition 
is  late  and  not  always  self-consistent.  Erbes  {TU,  neue  Folge,  vierter  Band, 
Heft  1,  1899)  strongly  opposes  both  ideas,  and  indeed  the  whole  hypothesis  of  the 
second  imprisonment.     See  above,  p.  133. 

3  Besides  Weiss  (-Meyer  ;  AJT,  i.  pp.  393-403  and  INT,  i.  pp.  374-420),  Zahn 
(Einl.  i.  pp.  398-489),  and  Godet,  a  number  of  Anglican  scholars  are  still  able  to 
accept  the  pastorals  as  totally  Pauline,  e.g.  Salmon,  Wace  (Speaker's  Comm.),  Farrar, 
Plummer  (Expos.  Bible,  1888),  Hort  (Jud.  Christianity,  p.  130  ;  Ecclesia,  p.  171),  and 
J.  H.  Bernard  (CGT).  The  case  for  the  authenticity  has  been  also  argued  by  Fr. 
Roos  (Die  Briefe  des  Apostels  Paulus  und  die  Reden  des  Herrn  Jesu,  pp.  156-202), 
G.  H.  Gilbert  (Life  of  Paul,  1899,  pp.  225-232),  Ruegg  (Aus  Schrift  %md  Geschichte 
(1898),  "  TheoL  Abhandlungen  u.  Skizzen,"  pp.  59-108),  and  Bertrand  (Essai  critique 
sur  I'auth.  d.  EpUres  Past.  1888).  Macpherson  (AJT,  1900,  pp.  23-48)  gives  up  the 
second  imprisonment,  but  holds  to  the  authenticity  of  the  pastorals. 


560  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

apostle.  One  central  feature  of  the  writing  is  its  steady  adherence  to  the 
personality  and  teaching  of  Paul,  e.g.  2^-  ^  3"*.  A  change  upon  this  point 
can  be  noticed  in  Titus,  and  more  so  in  1  Tim.  There  the  personality  of 
Paul  retires  into  the  background,  and  church-organisation  tends  to  become 
the  supreme  concern.  The  references  to  the  ajjostle's  individuality  are 
neither  so  fresh  nor  so  frequent,  while  at  the  same  time  the  motives  and 
appeals  become  more  abstract.  Correlative  to  this,  however,  and  quite 
in  the  second-century  manner  of  reliance  ujion  the  "  apostolic  "  deposit,  is 
the  emphasis  still  laid  on  Paul's  bare  authority — in  his  person  no  less 
than  in  his  teaching — with  a  view  to  preserve  the  traditional  faith  and 
safeguard  the  interests  of  conservative  organisation.  (6)  In  2  Tim,  again, 
the  situation  is  less  advanced.  Titus  and  1  Tim  represent  errors  more 
sharply  defined  and  vigorously  combated ;  the  ideas  and  circumstances 
are  treated  with  much  greater  precision  and  detail.  In  2  Tim,  e.g.,  bishops 
are  unmentioued,  and  Titus  is  silent  upon  deacons.  In  1  Tim  both  are 
provided  with  official  regulations,  and  other  features  of  organisation 
abound.  Evidently,  when  the  writer  came  to  comjjose  Titus  and  1  Tim, 
he  had  before  him  a  more  copious  and  advanced  state  of  matters  within 
the  church  (on  which  see  some  evidence  from  the  inscriptions  collected 
by  Achelis,  ZNW  (1900),  p.  93  f.).  1  Tim,  in  fact,  of  all  the  NT  books, 
shows  almost  a  preoccupation  with  ecclesiastical  interests,  (c)  The 
supplementary  argument  from  language  urges,  among  other  points,  the 
fact  that  out  of  the  nVa^  Xeyo^eva,^  while  only  forty-six  occur  in  2  Tim, 
twenty-eight  are  counted  in  Titus  (a  book  half  the  size  of  the  others), 
and  no  fewer  than  seventy-four  in  1  Tim.  In  2  Tim  there  is  no  clear 
instance  of  ttio-tis  —fides  quae  creditor,  while  this  use  does  occur  in  the 
others.  In  2  Tim  a-wrrjp  is  used  only  of  Christ,  in  Titus  of  Christ  and 
God  (as  in  Lk  V^,  Jud  25),  in  1  Tim  of  God  alone.  Similar  develop- 
ments are  noted  in  connection  with  the  characteristic  words,  8t8a(rKa\la 
and  eva-ifieia.  Consequently,  though  the  argument  is  cumulative,  2  Tim 
is  to  be  regarded  as  prior — possibly  by  some  years — to  the  others, 
although  there  are  no  grounds  for  doubting  that  one  author  wrote  all 
three.  The  impression  of  its  superiority  to  the  others  has  been  widely 
felt,2  and  in  this  case  superiority  implies  a  closer  proximity  to  the 
apostolic  tradition  (Hilgenfeld,  ZxvTh,  1897,  pp.  1-86).  Thus  Keuss 
{Les  Efitres  Paulin.  vol.  ii.)  rejects  the  other  two,  but  retains  2  Tim 
as  actually  genuine  ;  while  older  critics  like  Usteri,  Liicke,  Bleek 
(§§  183-187),  Neander,  and  Ritschl  found  themselves  quite  unable  to 
attribute  at  least  1  Tim  to  the  apostle. 

In  writing  2  Tim,  then,  the  author  stood  nearest  to  the  Pauline 
tradition.     Probably    he   had    before    him    genuine   notes    or    at   least 

1  They  are  variously  enumerated,  but  the  argument  remains  substantially  un- 
impaired. Mr.  W.  P.  Workman  {Hxi).  Ti.  vii.  pp.  418,  419)  gives  2  Tim  =  53,  Tit=33, 
1  Tim  =  82.  His  parallel  from  Shakspere  is  rather  vitiated  by  the  obvious  fact 
that  an  early  Christian  writer  cannot  be  judged  by  the  standards  applicable  to  a 
literary  artist,  and  particularly  to  a  dramatist,  to  whom  flexibility  of  expression  is 
congenial. 

^  Even  Zahn,  like  Spitta(t/Vc.  i.  pp.  36-47)  starts  his  discussion  of  their  situation 
by  analysing  2  Tim  in  prelerence  to  either  of  the  others.  Similarly  Dr.  Salmon 
(INT,  pp.  397-413)  admits  tlie  .siqjremacy  of  2  Tim,  and  allows  that  if"  the  other  two 
letters  "had  come  by  them.selves,  the  way  in  which  both  begin  would  excite  suspicion." 
As  a  detail,  it  may  be  noted  that  2  'J'im  2i"-2u  has  more  point  if  it  precedes,  than  if 
it  follows,  the  remark  of  1  Tim  1-".  Reminiscences  of  2  Tim  also  recur  (2-^=1  Tim  1^ 
4",  Tit  3» ;  1"=I.  27  ;  31=1.  4i).  The  superiority  of  2  Tim  chiefly  lies  in  {«)  the 
naturalness  and  vivid  colouring  of  the  personal  references,  (h)  the  greater  coherence 
and  balance  of  the  argiuueuts,  ami  (c)  the  directness  of  the  religious  feeling. 


THE    EPI8TLES    TO    TIMOTHEUS    AND    TITUS  561 

autlientic  reminiscences  of  tlie  apostle,  -wliicli  have  been  worked  up 
into  the  epistle.  Titus  and  1  Tim  were  written  later  and  for  similar 
purposes,  though  in  a  slightly  more  developed  state  of  affairs.  The  three 
represent  together  the  historical  climax  of  Paulinism  within  the  NT. 
They  are  not  Paul's  but  Pauline.  Their  author  was  an  adherent  of  the 
apostle's,  who  reisroduced  his  master's  ideas  to  meet  not  only  the  rising 
interest  in  personal  religion  throughoiit  the  Emjjire,  but  also  the  need  of 
protection  against  the  current  heresy  and  trouble  within  the  churches. 
Hence  the  apparently  incongruous  combination  of  passages  which  have 
a  thoroughly  Pauline  ring  (ii.  li^is  23-9  45-s.  le-is^  tj^  311.14^  j_  jis-ie)  ^^th 
others  like"  11.  1«  2-^-2,'^,  Tit  lio*-  3^  S^^-,  i.  23-i5  3,  4i-3- 1*  sn-'-^ 
g3-io.  20. 21.  in  these  last-quoted  verses  it  is  impossible  to  miss  the  tone 
of  semi-legalism,  ecclesiastical  formality,^  and  anxiety,  which  begins  to 
be  heard  in  the  sub-apostolic  literature.  To  supjiose  that  such  utter- 
ances were  due  to  Paul  before  67  a.d.,  is  not  merely  to  violently 
contradict  the  apostle's  self -revelation  in  his  other  epistles,  but  also  to 
throw  the  whole  development  of  early  Christian  ideas  and  institutions 
into  gratuitous  and  inextricable  confusion.  Justice  can  only  be  done  to 
the  double  element  in  these  epistles  by  approaching  them  upon  the  lines 
of  the  criticism  just  indicated.  And  2  Tim  occupies  a  position  of 
priority  among  the  pastorals  upon  historical  and  exegetical  grounds 
very  similar  to  those  which  prove  Mark  to  be  the  earliest  of  the  synoptic 
gospels.  We  feel  the  original  tradition  vibrating  most  unmistakably 
within  its  pages.  1  Tim,  again,  gives  us  the  impression  of  a  book  which  is 
in  many  respects  an  expansion  or  free  summary  of  ideas  already  put  into 
circulation.  The  arguments  for  this  order  of  the  pastorals  are  not,  it 
must  be  admitted,  so  transparently  convincing  as  those  for  their  general 
date  ;  but  they  seem  the  most  satisfactory  solution  of  the  jaroblem.  So, 
in  the  sense  above  explained,  Llicke,  Neander,  and  Ritschl,  after 
Schleiermacher.  Accepting  the  critical  view  of  all  three,  Baur  {Church 
Hist.  (Eng.  tr.),  ii.  pp.  30,  31),  Pfleiderer  {Paulinism,  ii.  p.  198  n.;  Urc. 
p.  822  n.),  Holtzmann  {Past.  pp.  253-256,  "  Die  Reihenfolge  der  Briefe  "), 
S.  Davidson  {INT,  ii.  pp.  21-76),  Beyschlag  {NTTh,  ii.  pp.  502,  503), 
M.  A.  Rovers  {Nieuio-test.  Letterkunde,^  1888,  pp.  66-78),  and  Briickner 
{Chron.  pp.  277-286)  are  the  main  advocates  of  this  order,  which  is  also 
accepted  by  von  Soden,  McGiffert,  and  Julicher  (Einl.  pp.  126,  127).^ 

The  reversed  order  of  the  epistles  in  the  canon  can  be  very 
naturally  explained,  and  does  not  constitute  any  valid  objection  to  the 
critical  theory  of  their  origin.  The  titles  of  course  formed  no  part  of 
the  original  autographs.  When  the  epistles  came  to  be  incorporated  in 
the  canon,  as  both  were  ex  hypothesi  Pauline,  that  one  was  numbered  2 
which  contained  fuller  and  later  references  to  the  apostle's  life,  and  thus 
appeared  to  form,  with  its  rich  personal  contents,  a  climax  to  his  career  ; 
the  other,  which  lacked  these  intimate  and  farewell  touches,  was  supposed 
to  have  been  written  previously.     This  inversion  was  unavoidable  in  an 

1  On  which  cp.  especially  Renan,  op.  cit.,  and  Holtzmaun,  Past.  pp.  212  f. 

2  So  evidently  Mangold  (Die  Irrlehrer  d.  Pastoralbr.)  and  Schmiedel  {EBi,  i. 
pp.  49,  50).  Cp.  further  on  this  point,  Bourquin  {oj).  cit.  p.  67  f.),  Clemen  [Einheit. 
1894,  pp.  142-178),  and  Haupt  [SK,  1895,  p.  381). 

The  Latinisms  and  affinities  with  Clem.  Rom.,  Luke,  and  Acts  suggest  Rome  as 
the  place  where  the  pastorals  were  composed  ("L'intention  qui  a  dicte  I'ecrit,  savoir 
le  desir  d'augmenter  la  force  du  principe  hierarchique  et  I'autorite  de  r%lise,  en 
presentant  uu  modele  de  piete,  de  docilite,  d'  "  esprit  ecclesiastique "  trace  par 
I'apotre  lui-meme,  est  tout  a  fait  en  harmonie  avec  ce  que  nous  savons  du  caractere  de 
rfiglise  romaine  des  le  ler  siecle." — Renan).     But  Asia  Minor  is  not  impossible. 

36 


562  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

age  wliich  liad  no  clue  to  guide  it  in  the  criticism  of  the  epistles  except 
the  tradition  of  their  Pauline  origin.  Upon  the  contrary,  when  the 
titles  are  provisionally  set  aside,  and  the  writings  examined  upon  their 
own  merits,  it  becomes  fairly  evident  («)  that  their  common  atmosphere 
is  to  be  found  not  earlier  than  the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century, 
and  (b)  also—  though  less  conclusively — that  the  writing  which  has  come 
down  to  us  under  the  title  of  "  2  Tim  "  really  preceded  its  companions 
in  the  order  of  composition.  The  letters  are  addressed  to  Timotheus  and 
Titus,  in  all  likelihood,  as  these  men  were  traditional  companions  of  the 
apostle  and  figures  of  prominence  in  the  earlier  church.  This  choice 
of  names  would  be  specially  seasonable  if  the  author  possessed  already 
Pauline  notes  addressed  to  them.  It  is  obvious  from  their  character  and 
contents  that  they  can  be  termed  "private"  letters  only  in  a  very 
restricted  sense.  The  author  is  writing  with  his  eye  on  the  community  ;  ^ 
he  portrays,  like  the  fourth  evangelist,  ideal  types  for  all. 

Finally,  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  this  view  of  the  "  pastorals " 
does  not  rest  on  a  presupposition  that  everything  Paul  wrote  must 
needs  have  been  uj^on  the  same  level  of  thought  and  style.  The 
admittedly  genuine  epistles  prove  this  was  not  the  case.  In  Galatians 
and  1  Corinthians  themselves,  there  are  passages  far  below  the  originality 
and  conclusiveness  of  what  is  seen  to  be  Paul's  ordinary  height  at  other 
times,  and  even  in  these  very  epistles.  But  what  is  urged,  and  urged 
forcibly,  is  that  there  are  in  the  "  pastorals  "  levels  which  are  inexplicably 
difterent  even  from  Paul's  least  excellent  and  characteristic  moods. 
When  criticism  refuses  ^  to  accept  these  as  Pauline,  it  is  proceeding  upon 
straightforward  historical  principles,  and  not  necessarily  upon  the 
application  of  too  rigid  and  uniform  a  standard  of  Paulinism. 

On  the  question  of  pseudonymity  raised  by  this  solution  of  the 
problem,  in  addition  to  the  remarks  in  the  Appendix  (cp.  below), 
it  is  worth  while  to  quote  the  following  sentences  from  a  moderate 
statement  by  Rev.  W.  H.  Simcox  : — "  It  is  far  likelier  that  the  pastoral 
ejiistles,  if  written  not  by  the  apostle  but  by  friends  and  disciples  of  his, 
were  written  without  any  fraudulent  intent.  To  a  writer  of  the  period, 
it  would  apiiear  as  legitimate  an  artifice  to  compose  a  letter  as  to 
compose  a  speech  in  the  name  of  a  great  man  whose  sentiments  it  was 
desired  to  reproduce  and  record ;  the  question  which  seems  so  important 

1  This  slips  through  in  tlie  greetings  (2  Tim  i--,  Tit  3i5, 1  Tim  6-i).  But  indeed  the 
whole  point  of  the  writings  is  lost  if  they  are  taken  as  instructions  Cor  individuals — 
individuals,  too,  in  a  long  and  close  friendship  with  the  writer.  How  incredible  that, 
after  all  that  intimacy,  they  should  still  need  direction  for  divers  moral  duties  of 
life,  and  also  information  upon  the  elementary  facts  and  ideas  of  their  friend  ! 
Warnings  against  .juvenile  vices  are  hardly  applicable  to  one  who,  like  Timothy, 
must  have  been  nearly  twenty  years  a  Christian  minister  and  forty  years  of  age. 

-  In  contrast  to  the  timid  and  misleading  statements  which  still  continue  to  be 
made  ujjon  the  subject,  it  is  refreshing  to  find  the  later  date  of  these  epistles  frankly 
recognised  by  so  eminent  a  conservative  leader  as  Beyschlag  (NTT/i,  ii.  pp.  3,  4  ; 
cp.  p.  501  f.).  "  We  must,"  he  writes,  "  with  as  much  certainty  as  in  such  things 
is  possible,  reject  the  pastoral  epistles  as  records  of  Pauline  teachings  ;  .  .  .  the 
account  of  their  origin,  which  they  contain,  is  in  itself  untenable.  They  betray 
the  conditions  and  motives  of  a  later  age,  from  which  they  can  only  be  artifically 
and  imperfectly  transferred  to  the  lifetime  of  the  apostle,  and  except  in  a  few 
phrases  (which  may  have  belonged  to  a  genuine  letter  here  embodied),  they  are  as  far 
apart  as  the  j)oles  from  Paul's  own  mo<les  of  thinking  and  writing.  Especially  in  the 
greatest  [largest?]  of  the  three — the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy — we  may  confidently 
say :  the  man  who  is  now  alile  to  ascribe  it  to  the  author  of  the  Epistles  to  the 
Romans  and  Galatians  has  never  comprehended  the  literary  peculiarity  and  greatness 
of  the  apostle." 


THE    EPISTLES    TO    TIMOTHEUS    AND    TITITS  5G3 

to  us,  whether  the  words  and  even  the  sentiments  are  the  great  man's 
own,  or  only  his  historian's,  seems  then  hardly  to  have  occurred  either 
to  writer  or  readers.  Now  the  pastoral  epistles  are  undoubtedly  so 
ancient  and  so  like  St.  Paul,  that  their  author  may  be  presumed  to  have 
known  well  the  events  and  the  sentiments  of  the  close  of  his  life.  If  we 
have  in  them  not  the  apostle's  own  utterances,  but  only  the  record  of 
a  disciple,  we  need  not  doubt  that  that  disciple  was  aided  in  recording 
them,  after  the  fashion  of  his  time,  by  the  same  divine  Spirit  that  dwelt 
in  the  apostle  himself"  (The  Writers  of  the  Neiv  Testament,  1890,  p.  38). 

These  three  letters,  then,  which  form  the  weightiest  part  of  the  post- 
Johannine  literature,  reflect  two  parallel  tendencies  in  the  age  :  {a)  the 
growing  emphasis  laid  on  apostolic  tradition  as  the  guarantee  of 
doctrine  and  the  basis  of  organisation,  and  (5)  the  special  reverence  still 
paid  to  Paul  in  certain  circles  of  the  church.  The  former  might  explain 
the  composition  of  a  note  like  that  of  Judas ;  it  certainly  is  the  key  to 
2  Peter.  The  latter  is  quite  obvious  in  Justin  Martyr  and  earlier  in 
Clem.  Rom.  The  three  "  pastoral "  letters,  however,  express  not  only  a 
warm  attachment  to  Paul  and  Paulinism,  but  more  broadly  the  spirit  and 
character  of  the  neo-catholic  church.  The  atmosphere  of  error  is  fairly 
uniform,  although  it  includes  different  aspects  and  elements.  The 
church,  troubled  and  not  untainted,  is  being  driven  to  consolidate  her 
constitution  and  discipline,  as  well  as  to  develop  special  functions  of  office 
as  safeguards  against  heresy.  The  approach  is  felt  of  what  may  be 
called,  from  the  standpoint  of  primitive  Christianity,  the  heresy  of 
ecclesiasticism.  Institutions  are  coming  to  be  more  than  ever  the 
condition  of  orthodoxy  (2  Tim  2^^).  A  guarantee  for  the  soundness  of 
the  dogmatic  principle  is  being  shifted  from  the  individual  faith  and 
consciousness  to  officialism  (Tit  I'').  Under  the  exigencies  of  the  time 
and  place,  the  dffieXios,  which  initially  was  Christ  (1  Co  3^^)  and  later 
the  apostles  and  prophets  (Eph  2-"),  is  now  defined  simply  and  solely  as 
the  church  (2  Ti  2^'-')  visible.  Errorists  are  denounced,  as  already  in 
Apoc  2-3,  and  confronted  with  the  fixed  "sound"  faith  of  the  church, 
which  is  a  crystallised  and  objective  entity,  involving  a  confession  and 
the  germs  of  a  creed.  Parallel  to  this  identification  of  Christianity  with 
biSaa-KaXia  goes  the  emphasis  put  upon  practical  piety  as  obligatory  for 
the  members  of  the  church.  The  timely  aspect  of  the  faith  is,  to  the 
writer's  mind,  its  moral  discipline  (Tit  2^-)  ;  his  writings  are  unique 
and  frequent  in  their  use  of  the  term  flae^ecx  and  its  compounds.  In 
all  these  directions  the  letters  represent  germs  of  Paulinism  developed 
under  a  new  climate,  the  elements  of  which  are  the  elements  of  the 
second  century — the  Hellenistic  emphasis  upon  ethics,  the  impetus 
received  by  Christianity  from  the  example  as  well  as  the  policy  of 
Empire  towards  the  shaping  of  her  institutions,  and  also  the  manifold 
antagonistic  forces  which  were  beginning  even  at  that  time  to  force  the 
church  into  the  crystallisation  of  her  doctrine  and  constitution. 
A  future  is  before  her  in  this  world  (ii.  4^  3^,  i.  2'^^).  The  outlook  now 
is  to  a  period  of  effort  and  advance  rather  than  to  an  apocalyptic 
manifestation  of  God's  reign. 


Here  the  riddle  of  the  Epistles  is  unveiled  ;  they  are  the  first  specimens  of 
a  literature  of  church  organisation  which  afterwards  produced  the  dioaxv  tQv 
a-rroaToKuv  and  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.  A  man  belonging  to  the  Pauline 
circle  of  churches,  who  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  life  of  the  apostle  to 
the  Gentiles,  undertook  to  combat  the  growing  Gnosticism,  in  the  spirit  of  the 
apostle,  by  urging  a  simple,  practical,  and  apostolic  Christianity,  and  a  moral 
and  vigorous  Christian  organisation.  Here,  therefore,  we  have  a  memorable 
picture  of  the  average  form  of  church  doctrine  and  church  life,  as  both  were 
developed  on  the  basis  of  Paul's  activity,  j)erhaps  about  iifty  years  after  his 
death — a  picture,  that  is,  of  the  transition  of  the  Pauline  into  the  old  Catholic 
Christianity.  The  epistles  probably  originated  by  degrees  ;  the  earliest  is  the 
second,  which  nlay  be  based  on  a  genuine  letter  of  Paul  to  Timothy,  from 
which  the  many  personal  references  are  taken  ;  the  latest  is  the  first  epistle  to 
Timothy,  which  frequently  suggests  improved  conditions  and  which  has  the 
air  of  a  later  work,  repeating  and  supplementing  the  earliei'. — Beyschlag^. 


1^"-  Greetingr. 

i3_s.i3  Thanksgiving  for  faith  of  Timotheus  : 

Counsel  for  his  life  and  work — against  false  shame, 
from  Paul's  own  life  and  teaching, 
l^'''^^  l)ersonal  notices. 

2i-ia  Need   and   reward   of    endurance  —  against  weakness.     iriaTos   6 

X670S.   .   .   .   '2'^ 

3^*-4.^  Against  the  crrorists : 

2M-i!G  Tiiiiotlieus'  conduct  toward  them  : 

his  attitude  and  elforts. 
S'"''  An  exposure  of  their  principles 

and  methods. 
310-17  Charge  to  Timotheus  of:  obedience  to  principles  of  Paul,  in  sjiite 

of  sulfering. 
adherence  to  scriptures. 
4'"*  resume:  Paul's  liual  charge  and  confession. 

_^9-22  Personal  :  personal  notices. 

greetings :  farewell. 


IT.  TIMOTHEUS 

1  1  Paul,  an   apostle  of   Christ  Jesus  tlirougli   tlie  will  of   God,  according 
to  the  promise  of  the  life  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus, 

2  to  Timotheus,  my  beloved  child  : 

grace,  mercy,  peace,  from  God  the  Father  and  Christ  Jesus  our 
Lord. 

3  I  give  thanks  to  God,  whom  I  serve  from  my  ancestors  with  a  pure 
conscience,  at  every  mention  of  thee  in  my  prayers  ;  and  I  mention  thee 

4  unceasingly — for  when  I  remember  thy  tears,  I  long  night  and  day  to  see 

5  thee,  that  I  may  be  filled  with  joy,  since  I  am  reminded  of  that  unfeigned 
faith  in  thee,  which  dwelt  first  of  all  in  thy  grandmother  Lois  and  thy 

6  mother  Eunice,  and  dwells,  I  am  persuaded,  in  thyself  as  well.  Where- 
fore I  remind  thee  to  rekindle  the  Divine  talent  which  is  in  thee  through 

7  the  laying  on  of  my  hands.     For  God  gave  us  a  spirit  not  of  cowardice 

8  but  of  power  and  love  and  self-discipline.  Be  not  ashamed  then  of  the 
testimony  of  our  Lord,  or  of   me  his  prisoner  ;   but  take  thy  share  of 

9  hardshij)  for  the  gospel's  sake,  by  the  power  of  God  who  saved  us  and 
called  us  with  a  holy  calling,  not  by  virtue  of  our  deeds,  but  by  virtue 
of  a  purpose  and  grace  of  his  own,  granted  us  in  Christ  Jesus  before 

10  times  eternal,  but  now  disclosed  through  the  appearing  of  our  Saviour 
Christ  Jesus,  who  put  down  death,  but  brought  life  and  the  imperishable 

11  to  light  through  the  gospel,  for  which  I  was  myself  appointed  a  herald 

12  and  apostle  and  teacher.  This  also  is  the  reason  why  I  suffer  thus. 
But  I  am   not  ashamed.     I   know  whom  I  have   believed,  and  I  am 

13  persuaded  that  he  is  able  to  guard  my  trust  until  that  Day.  Hold  as  a 
model  of  sound  words  those  which  thou  hast  heard  from  me,  in  the  faith 

14  and  love  that  are  in  Christ  Jesus.     Guard  thy  noble  trust  through  the 

15  holy  Spirit,  who  dwells  within  us.  Thou  art  aware  that  all  who 
are    now   in    Asia   turned   away   from   me,    among   them    Phygelus    and 

16  Hermogenes.     The  Lord  grant  mercy  to  the  household  of  Onesiphorus,  for 

17  many  a  time  he  revived  me;    nor  was  he  ashamed  of  my  chain,  but  on 

18  coming  to  Rome  he  sought  eagerly  for  me,  and  found  me.  The  Lord 
grant  he  may  find  mercy  from  the  Lord  in  that  Day  !  and  thou  knowest 
quite  well  all  the  services  he  did  me  in  Ephesus. 

2  1,2        Be  strong  then,  my  child,  in  the  grace  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus  ;  and 

entrust  what  thou  hast  learned  from  me — confirmed  by  many  witnesses 

— to  faithful  men  ;  for  they  shall  be  qualified  to  teach  others  as  well. 

3,  4  Take  thy  share  of  hardship,  like  an  able  soldier  of  Christ  Jesus.     A 

soldier  on  active  service  refuses  to  entangle  himself  in  occupations  for  a 

5  livelihood,  in  order  that  he  may  please  him  who  enlisted  him.  Again, 
if  a  man  competes  in  the  games,  he  is  not  crowned  unless  he  keeps  the 

6  rules   of   the   game.     The   first  to  partake  of   the   fruits   must  be   the 

7  husbandman  who  labours.     Ponder  what  I  am   saying  ;  for  the   Lord 

8  shall  grant  thee  intelligence  in  everything.  Remember  Jesus  Christ 
"risen   from  the  dead,  belonging  to  the  offspring  of  David,"  according 


566  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^-3^^ 

9  to  my  gospel — through  which  I  suffer  hardship,  even  to  the  extent  of 
imprisonment  as  a  criminaL    But  the  word  of  God  has  not  been  fettered  ; 

10  therefore  1  endure  everything  for  the  sake  of  tlie  chosen,  that  they  too 
may  obtain  the  salvation  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  and  also  majesty 

11  eternal.     The  saying  is  sure  : 

"  If  with  him  we  died,  then  with  him  shall  we  live  : 

12  If  we  endure,  then  with  him  shall  we  reign  : 
If  we  disown  him,  then  he  will  disown  us  : 

13  If  we  are  faithless,  faithful  he  remains," 

14  for  to  himself  he  cannot  be  untrue.  Remind  them  of  these 
things,  and  charge  them  solemnly  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  ^  not  to 
wrangle  over  words — there  is  no  gain  in  that,  it  means  the  ruin  of  the 

15  hearers.     Make  every  effort  to  present  thyself  genuine  to  God,  a  workman 

16  with  no  cause  for  shame,  handling  the  word  of  the  truth  aright.  But 
avoid  men  of  worldly  babble  ;  for  such  people  will  proceed  still  further  in 

17  impiety,  and  their  talk  will  spread  like  a  gangrene.     Among  them  are 

18  Hymenaeus  and  Philetus,  men  who  have  swerved  in  the  matter  of  the 
truth,  by  alleging  that  the  resurrection  has  taken  place  already.     They 

19  are  indeed  subverting  some  people's  faith.  Nevertheless,  the  solid 
foundation  of  God  stands  firm,  with  this  inscription, 

"  Knoion  to  the  Lord  are  those  icho  are  his : " 
and 

"  Let  every  one  who  names  the  name  of  the  Lord  depart  from  iniquity." 

20  Now  in  a  large  house  there  are  vessels  not  only  of  gold  and  silver  but 
also  of  wood  and  clay  ;  and  while  some  are  for  honour,  others  are  for 

21  dishonour.  If  a  man  then  purge  himself  from  these  things,  he  shall  be 
a  vessel  for  honour,  sanctified,  serviceable  to  the  Master,  prepared  for 

22  every  good  deed.  So  flee  from  youthful  lusts,  and  pursue  uprightness, 
faith,  love,  peace,  in  company  with  those  who  from  a  pure  heart  call 

23  upon   the   Lord.     But  have   nothing   to   do   with   foolish   and   fatuous 

24  controversies,  knowing  that  they  engender  wrangles.  And  a  slave  of  the 
Lord  must  not   wrangle  ;    he  must   be   kindly   towards  all,   a   skilful 

25  teacher,  meek,  correcting  with  gentleness  those  who  set  themselves  in 
opposition — possibly   God    may   grant   them   to   repent   and    gain    full 

26  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  so  they  may  get  back  to  their  sober  senses 
from  the  snare  of  the  devil,  who  has  captured  them  to  do  that  devil's 
will. 

3  1,2        But  know  this  :  in  the  last  days  hard  times  shall  be  imminent.     Men 
shall  be  lovers   of  self,  lovers   of   money,  braggarts,  haughty,  abusive, 

3  disobedient  to  their  parents,  ungrateful,  unholy,  without  natural 
affection,   implacable,   slanderous,   self-indulgent,    fierce,    no    lovers     of 

4  good,  traitors,  reckless,  Ijesotted,  lovers   of   pleasure  rather  than  lovers 

5  of   God,  maintaining  a  semblance  of  piety  but  having   renounced   its 

6  power  ;  from  these  men  turn  thou  away.  For  to  them  belong  those  who 
creep  into  households  and  captivate  poor  womankind  overwhelmed  with 

7  sins,  led  away  by  manifold  lusts,  ever  learning  and  never  able  to  arrive 

8  at  a  full  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Now  just  as  Jannes  and  Jambres 
opposed  Moses,  so  also  do  these  men  oppose  the  truth,  men  corrupted  in 

9  mind,  reprobate  as  regards  the  faith.  Still,  they  shall  not  proceed  any 
further ;  for  their  folly  shall  be  (juite  evident  to  all  men,  as  the  folly  of 

10  those  magicians  also  became  quite  evident.  But  thou  hast 
followed    the    course    of  my   life   in    doctrine,    conduct,    purpose,    faith, 

11  endurance,  love,  patience,   persecutions,  sufferings,  all  that  befell  me  at 

'  Heading  x.upiou. 


3^2-422]  II.    TIMOTHEUS  567 

Antioch,  at  Ikoniiim,  at  Lystra,  all  the  persecutions  that  I  bore  ;  yet  out  of 

12  them  all  the  Lord  rescued  me.     Yea,  and  all  who  would  live  piously  in  Christ 

13  Jesus  shall  be  persecuted.     Evil  men  and  impostors  shall  proceed  to  what 

14  is  worse  and  worse,  seducing  and  seduced.  But  remain  tliou  in  what 
thou  hast  learned  and  been  convinced  of,  as  thou  knowest  those  from 

15  whom  thou  hast  learned  it,  and  as  thou  hast  known  from  infancy  the 
sacred  writings,  which  are  able  to  instruct  thee  for  salvation  through  the 

16  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus.  Every  scripture  is  inspired  by  God  and 
good  for  teaching,  for  reproof,  for  amendment,  for  education  in  upright- 

17  ness  ;  in  order  that  the  man  of  God  may  be  complete,  thoroughly  fitted 
4  1  for  every  good  deed.  In  the  sight  of  God  and  of  Christ  Jesus 

who  is  to  judge  living  and  dead,  by  his  appearing  and  also  by  his  reign,  I 

2  solemnly  charge  thee  :  proclaim  the  word,  opportunely  or  inopportunely 
be  urgent,  refute,  rebuke,  exhort,  with  all  manner  of  long-sutt'ering  and 

3  instruction.  For  there  will  be  a  time  when  people  will  not  put  up  with 
the  sound  doctrine,  but  will  follow  their  own  fancies  and  amass  teacher 

4  after  teacher  in  their  itching  to  hear  ;    and  as  they  turn  away  from 

5  listening  to  the  truth,  they  will  turn  aside  to  myths.  But  be  thou  sober 
in  all  things,  suffer  hardship,  do  the  work  of  an  evangelist,  fulfil  thy 

6  ministry.     As  for  me,  I  am  already  being  poured  out  as  an  offering  ;  my 

7  time   for   departure   is   at   hand.     I  have   played  my   part  in  the   noble 

8  contest.  I  have  finished  the  course.  I  have  kept  the  faith.  Hence  there 
is  laid  up  for  me  the  wreath  of  uprightness  with  which  the  Lord — ^the 
upright  judge — will  reward  me  on  that  Day ;  and  not  me  alone,  but  also 
all  who  have  loved  his  appearing. 

9,  10        Make  haste  and  come  to  me  soon  ;  for  Demas,  in  love  with  the  present 

world,  has  forsaken  me  and  gone  to  Thessalonika  ;   Crescens  has  gone  to 

1 1  Galatia,  Titus  to  Dalmatia.     Luke  alone  is  with  me.     Pick  up  Mark  and 

bring  him  along  with   thee,  for  he  is  serviceable  to  me   in  the  way  of 

12,  13  ministry.     (I  sent  Tychicus  to  Ephesus.)     When  thou  comest,  bring  the 

mantle  that  I  left  with  Karpus  at  Troas,  and  the  books— especially  the 

14  parchments.      Alexander     the    blacksmith    has    displayed    great    malice 

15  towards  me;  the  Lord  will  render  to  him  according  to  his  deeds  (do  thou 

16  eschew  him  also),  for  he  stoutly  opposed  our  words.  At  my  first  defence 
no  one  came  to  stand  by  me  ;  all  forsook  me.     May  it  not  be  laid  to  their 

17  charge  !  But  the  Lord  stood  at  my  side  and  strengthened  me,  that  by 
means  of  me  the  message  might  be  fully   proclaimed,  and  that  all  the 

18  Gentiles  might  hear  ;  and  I  was  rescued  from  the  lion^s  jans.  From  every 
wicked  deed  will  the  Lord  rescue  me  and  save  me  for  his  heavenly  reign : 
to  whom  be  the  majesty  for  ever  and  ever.     Amen. 

19,  20        Salute  Prisca  and  Aquila,  and  the  household  of  Onesiphorus.     Erastus 

21  remained  at  Corinth ;  but  I  left  Trophimus  at  Miletus,  as  he  was  ill.  Make 
haste  and  come  before  the  winter.  Eubulus  salutes  thee,  and  so  do 
Pudens  and  Linus  and  Claudia  and  all  the  brothers. 

22  The  Lord  be  with  thy  spirit. 
Grace  be  with  vou. 


In  2  Timothy  lie  [the  redactor  of  the  pastoral  epistles]  denounces  at  consider- 
able length  and  with  great  vehemence  the  doctrine  of  certain  false  teachers, 
and  the  practices  of  certain  libertines.  In  the  epistle  to  Titus  he  is  also  con- 
cerned to  do  away  with  false  doctrine  and  corrupt  practice,  but  he  takes  a 
somewhat  different  course,  emp)hasising  the  need  of  proper  officers  who  shall 
guard  the  churches  against  such  evils.  There  is  less  denunciation  of  heresy  in 
Titus  than  in  2  Timothy,  but  much  more  emphasis  is  laid  upon  cluirch  oi'gan- 
isation  and  upon  the  practical  duties  of  the  Christian  life. — McGifFert. 


1^^  Greeting. 

p-iu  Rules:  for  elders  and  bishops  in  Crete  : 
in  view  of  current  errors, 
and  immorality. 

^i-^n  Ethical :  the  moral  obligations  of  the  Christian  truth,  upon 
different  ages,  sexes,  conditions  : 
to  one  another,  to  outsiders  : 
the  necessity  of  good  conduct, 
in  Christianity. 
3^""  a   rosumi' :    tlie   conduct   of   Titus.      ttkttus 

6  Xuyos.   .   .   .   3'^. 

3^-  "  Personal. 

3'^  Farewell. 


TITUS 

1  1  Paul,  a  slave  of  God  and  an  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ,  according  to  tlie  faitli 
of   God's   chosen  ones  and   the  full  knowledge  of   the   truth  which   is 

2  according  to  piety  ;  in  hope  of  life  eternal,  which  God  (who  is  no  liar) 

3  promised  before  times  eternal — and  in  due  season  he  disclosed  his  word 
in  the  message  with  which  I  myself  was  entrusted  according  to  the 
command  of  our  Saviour,  God, 

4  to  Titus,  my  genuine  child  in  virtue  of  a  common  faitli : 

grace    and    peace   from  God    the    Father    and    Christ    Jesus    our 
Saviour. 

5  I  left  thee  behind  in  Crete  for  the  j)urpose  of  settling  what  still 
remained  to  be  set  in  order,  and  of  appointing  elders  in  every  city,  as  I 

6  gave  thee  instructions — namely,  any  man  who  is  irreproachable,  the 
husband  of  one  wife,  with  children  who  l)elieve  and  are  neither  accused 

7  of  profligacy  nor  insubordinate.  [For  a  bishop  must  be  blameless,  as 
God's  steward,  not  self-willed,  not  irascible,  not  drunken  or  c[uarrelsome, 

8  not  greedy  for  base  gain ;  but  hospitable,  a  lover  of  good,  sober-minded, 

9  just,  holy,  self-controlled,  holding  to  the  sure  word  which  is  in  accordance 
with  the  doctrine,  so  that  he  may  be  able  to  give  exhortation  in  the 

10  sound  doctrine,  and  also  to  refute  objectors.]  For  there  are  many  insubor- 
dinate persons,  chatterers  and   cheats,  esjiecially  those  who  have  come 

11  from  the  Circumcision — their  mouths  must  be  stopped,  for  they  are  sub- 
verting whole  households  by  teaching  improper  doctrine  for  the  sake  of 

12  base  gain.     One  of  their  own  nation,  a  projahet  of  their  own,  said, 

"  Cretans  are  liars  at  all  times,  evil  monsters,  lazy  gluttons." 

13  This   testimony   is   true.      So   reprove   them   with   severity,   that   they 

14  may  be  sound  in  the  faith,  instead  of  devoting  themselves  to  Jewish 

15  myths  and  commandments  of  men  who  turn  away  from  the  truth.  All 
things  are  pure  to  the  pure  ;  but  to  the  polluted  and  unbelieving  nothing 
is  pure.     Nay,  both  their  mind  and  their  conscience  have  been  polluted. 

16  They  publicly  confess  that  they  know  God  ;  but  they  renounce  him  by 
their  deeds,  abominable  as  they  are,  and  disobedient,  and  useless  for  any 
good  deed. 

1,  2        But  speak  thou  as  befits  tlie  sound  doctrine  :  teaching  that  aged  men 
are  to  be  temperate,  serious,  sober-minded,  sound  in  faith,  in  love,  in 

3  patience.  That  aged  women  likewise  are  to  be  reverent  in  demean- 
our, not  slanderous  or  enslaved  to  much  wine  ;  they  are  to  give  good  in- 

4  struction,  so  as  to  educate  the  younger  women  to  love  their  husbands,  to  love 

5  their  children,  to  be  sober-minded,  chaste,  domestic,  kind,  sTibject  to  their 
own  husbands — that  the  word  of  God  may  not  be  maligned. 

6,  7  Likewise  exhort  the  younger  men  to  be  sober  in  all  respects  ;  and  show 
thyself  a  pattern  of  good  deeds  with  nothing  corrupt  in  thy  teaching,  with 

8  seriousness,  with  sound  speech  that  is  not  open  to  condemnation  ;  so  that 
he  who  is  on  the  opposite  side  may  be  put  to  shame,  since  he  has  no  ill  to 

9  say  of  us.  Exhort  slaves  to  be  subject  to  their  own  masters, 

569 


570  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^^-3^^ 

10  ready  to  please  in  everj'thing,  not  refractory,  not  embezzling,  but  showing 
all  true  fidelity,  that  in  all  respects  they  may  adorn  the  doctrine  of  our 

11  Saviour,  God.  For  the  grace  of  God  "has  appeared  with  its  saving 

12  power  for  all  mankind,  training  us  to  renounce  impiety  and  wordly  lusts, 

13  and  to  live  soberly  and  uprightly  and  piously  in  this  present  world,  as  we 
wait  for  the  blessed  hope,  even  for  the  appearing  of  the  majesty  of  the  great 

14  God  and  of  our  Saviour  Christ  Jesus,  who  gave  himself  for  us  that  he 
might  redeem  \\s  from  all  iniquity  and  cleanse  for  himself  a  feofle  to  he  his 

15  oivn  2}ossession,  bent  upon  good  deeds.  Speak  thus  and  exhort  and 
3  1  reprove  with  all  manner  of  authority.    Let  no  one  despise  thee.     Remind 

them  to  be  suV)ject  to  rulers — to  authorities,  to  be  obedient,  to  be  ready 

2  for  every  good  deed,  to  abuse  no  man,  to  be  no  wranglers,  to  be  forbearing, 

3  showing  all  gentleness  to  all  men.  For  once  we  too  were  senseless,  foolish, 
disobedient,  seduced,  slaves  to  manifold   lusts  and  pleasures,  living  in 

4  malice  and  envy,  detestable,  hating  one  another.     But  when  the  humane 

5  kindness  of  our  Saviour  God  appeared,  then,  not  by  deeds  which  we  had 
accomplished  by  our  own  uprightness,  but  according  to  his  mercy,  he 
saved  us  through  a  bath  which  wrought  regeneration  and  renewal  by  the 

6  holy  Spirit,  which  he  poured  out  richly  upon  us  through  Jesus  Christ 

7  our  Saviour  ;  that  "justified  by  his  grace  we  might  become  heirs  of  life 

8  eternal  according  to  hope."  The  saying  is  sure.  And  I  desire  thee  to 
insist  strongly  with  regard  to  these  matters,  that  those  who  have  believed 
God  may  be  careful  to  take  the  lead  in  good  deeds.     They  are  good  and 

9  profitable  to  men.  But  avoid  foolish  controversies  and  genealogies  and 
quarrelling  and  wrangles  about  the  law  ;  for  they  are  useless  and  futile. 

10  After  a  first  and  a  second  admonition,  have  nothing  to  do  with  a  factious 

11  man  ;  be  sure  a  man  like  that  is  perverted,  and  sins  against  his  own 
conscience. 

12  When  I  send  Artemas  to  thee,  or  Tychiciis,  make  haste  and  come  to  me 

13  at  Nikopolis;  for  I  have  decided  to  winter  there.  Speed  eagerly  upon 
their  journey  Zenas  the  lawyer  and  ApoUos,  so  that  they  may  be  in  lack 

14  of  nothing.  Let  our  people  also  learn  to  take  the  lead  in  good  deeds,  as 
occasion  requires,  that  they  may  not  be  unfruitful. 

15  All  who  are  with  me  salute  thee. 
Salute  those  who  love  us  -  in  the  faith. 
Grace  be  with  you  all. 

1  Readiug  rif/.Z<. 


I.  TIMOTHEUS 

Churcli  matters  mainly  give  the  Epistles  before  us  (especially  the  first  to 
Timothy)  their  peculiar  impress,  inasmuch  as  they  show  how,  when  in  danger 
of  heresy,  the  consciousness  of  the  Church  and  Church  organisation  grew 
strong  on  the  lines  indicated  by  Paul.  As  far  as  the  main  dogmas  are  con- 
cerned, we  find  but  few  traces  of  the  contest  with  Gnosticism,  and  those 
chiefly  in  reference  to  the  doctrines  regarding  God.  For  the  rest  they  are  the 
main  traditional  doctrines  of  Paulinism,  modified  by  the  tendency  of  the  age 
towards  practical  piety. — Pfleiderer. 


1^"-  Greeting:. 

^3-20  Personal  :  the  truth  of  Christianity  against  error  : 

Paul  the  representative  of  this  saving  truth.  tticttoj 

6  Xoyos  ,   .   .  1'^. 
1^^'-"  his  warning  and  charge  to  Timotheus. 

^i-5i«  Rules  for  church-life: 

*=,  ^^^^  '      -  prayer  and  worship. 
28-15  the  sexes,  )  ^     ■^  ^ 

S^'"'  bishops,     1  •     ,  •  TTiOTos  6  \6yos  .   .   .  3^. 

„o  „  ,        ^  '      -  organisation.  ' 

38-"  deacons,    J       ° 

3"-^6  Conclusion. 

4^-6-^  Rules  for  the  conduct  and  ministry  of  Timotheus:  in  relation  to 
4}'^^  ascetic  errorists  and  their  practices :  iriarbs  6  \6yos  ...   4". 

5^'^  different  ages  and  sexes  : 

5^'^^  widows — their  maintenance  and  ministry  : 

5i7-22a  elders — their  maintenance  and  discipline  : 

5^^-^  [private  advice  to  Timotheus] 

6^'^  slaves  and  their  masters. 

Closing  advice  on 
e'-i"  the  errorists — covetousness  : 

e^i-i^  true  Christianity,  a  charge  : 

6"-i^  Supplement :  a  word  to  rich  people : 

6*°-^i  a  word  against  heresy. 


I.  TIMOTHEUS 

1  1  Paul,  an  apostle  of  Christ  Jesus  according  to  the  command  of  God  our 

Saviour  and  of  Christ  Jesus  our  hope, 

2  to  Timotheus,  my  genuine  cliild  in  faith  : 

grace,  mercy,  peace   from  God   the  Father  and   Christ  Jesus  our 
Lord. 

3  As  I  appealed  to  thee,  when  I  was  going  into  Macedonia,  wait  on  at 

4  Ephesus  and  charge  certain  people  not  to  be  teachers  of  novelties,  and 
not  to  devote  themselves  to  jnyths  and  interminable  genealogies,  seeing 
that   these  j^romote  out   of  the  way  investigations   rather   than   God's 

5  dispensation  which  is  in  faith.     Tlie  aim  of  the  charge  is  love,  out  of 

6  a  pure  heart  and  a  good  conscience  and  an  imfeigned  faith  ;  things  from 

7  which  some  have  swerved  and  turned  aside  to  chatter,  in  their  desire  to 
be  doctors  of  the  law— though  they  understand  neither  what  they  say  nor 

8  what  they  strongly  insist  upon.     Certainly  we  are  aware  that  the  law  is 

9  excellent,  if  a  teacher  uses  it  in  a  lawful  spirit,  realising  that  laws  are  laid 
down  not  for  an  upright  man  but  for  the  lawless  and  insubordinate,  the 
impious  and  sinful,  the  unholy  and  worldly,  parricides  and  matricides, 

10  manslayers,  fornicators,  sodomites,  slave-dealers,  liars,  perjurers,  and  what- 

11  ever  else  is  opposed  to  the  sound  doctrine — according  to  the  gospel  of  the 
majesty  of  the  blessed  God  with  which  I  myself  was  entrusted. 

12  I  give  thanks  to  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord  who  strengthened  me,  because  he 

13  reckoned  me  trustworthy  by  appointing  me  to  the  ministry,  although 
I  was  formerly  a  blasphemer  and  a  persecutor  and  outrageous.     But  I 

14  obtained  mercy,  because  I  did  it  ignorantly  in  unbelief ;  and  the  grace 

15  of  our  Lord  overflowed  with  faith  and  love  in  Christ  Jesus.  The  saying 
IS  SURE  and  worthy  of  all  approbation,  that  "  Christ  Jesus  came  into  the 

16  world  to  save  sinners."  And  of  sinners  I  am  the  chief.  But  T  ol)tained 
mercy  for  this  reason,  that  in  me  first  Christ  Jesus  might  display  his 
utmost  long-sulFering,  as  a  typical  instance  for  those  who  were  hereafter 

17  to  believe  on  him  to  life  eternal.  Now  to  the  King  of  the  ages,  who  is 
imperishable,  invisible,  who  alone  is  God,  be  honour  and  majesty  for  ever 
and  ever :  Amen. 

18  This  charge  1  entrust  to  thee,  my  child  Timotheus,  according  to  the 
prophecies  that  first  led  me  to  thee  ;  that  in  their  strength  thou  mayest 

19  wage  the  noljle  warfare,  possessing  faith  and  a  good  conscience,  which 

20  certain  people  have  thrust  aside  and  so  suffered  shipwreck  in  the  matter  of 
the  faith;  including  Hymenaeus  and  Alexander,  whom  I  have  delivered 
to  Satan,  that  they  may  learn  not  to  Ijlaspheme. 

2  1        Well,  I   exhort   first  of    all  that    supplications,   prayers,    petitions, 

2  thanksgivings,  be  offered  for  all  men,  for  kings  and  all  who  are  in  high 
authority,  that  we  may  lead  a  tranquil  and  quiet  life  in  all  piety  and 

3  resj)ectfulness.     This  is  good  and  welcome  in  the  sight  of  our  Saviour 

4  God,  who  would  have  all  men  saved  and  arrive  at  a  full  knowledge  of  the 

5  truth.     For  there  is  "one  (Jod,"  also  "(me  mediator  betweou   (iod   and 

672 


2^-4^]  I.    TIMOTHEUS  573 

6  men,  the  man  Clirist  Jesus,  who  gave  himself  as  a  ransom  for  all " — this 

7  is  the  testimony  in  due   season,  and  for  this  I  myself  was   ajjpointed 
a  herald  and    apostle  (I  speak  the   truth,  I  lie  not),  a  teacher  of  the 

8  Gentiles  in  faith  and  truth.  I  desire  then  that  in  every  place  the 
men  should  offer  prayer,  lifting  up  holy  hands  without  anger  and  disputa- 

9  tion.    Likewise  that  women  adorn  themselves  in  decent  apparel,  modestly 
and  moderately,  not  with  braids  of  hair  and  gold,  nor  with  pearls  nor  with 

10  costly  raiment,  but  (as  befits  women  who  make  a  religious  profession)  by 

11  means  of  good  deeds.      Let  a  woman  learn  quietly,   with   entire    sub- 

12  mission.  I  do  not  permit  a  woman  to  teach  or  to  dictate  to  man.  She 
is  to  keep  quiet. 

13  For  Adam  was  formed  first  of  all, 

Then  Eve  : 

14  And  Adam  was  not  deceived. 

It  was  Eve  who  was  beguiled  and  fell  into  transgression. 

15  Still  "women  shall  be  brought  safely  through  their  childbearing,  if  they 
3  1  continue  in  faith  and  love  and  sanctification,  with  soberness."    The  saying- 
is  SURE. 

'2        If  anyone  aspires  to  a  bishopric,  he  is  desiring  a  noble  task.     Now  a 
bishop  must  be  unblamable,  the  husband  of  one  wife,  temperate,  sober- 

3  minded,  orderly,  hosj^itable,  a  skilful  teacher,  not  drunken  or  quarrel- 

4  some,  but  forbearing  ;  no  wrangler,  no  lover  of  money,  one  who  presides 
aljly  over  his  own  household,  with  his  children  in  submission  and  entirely 

5  respectful — if  a  man  does  not  know  how  to  preside  over  his  own  house- 

6  hold,  how  is  he  to  take  care  of  a  Community  of  God  ? — not  a  novice,  lest 

7  his  head  should  be  turned  and  he  fall  into  the  devil's  doom.  Also,  he 
must  have  a  creditable  report  from  outsiders,  lest  he  fall  into  the  devil's 

8  reproach  and  snare.  Deacons  likewise  are  to  be  serious,  not 

9  talebearei's,  not  addicted  to  much  wine,  not  greedy  for  base  gain,  holding 

10  in  a  pure  conscience  the  secret  of  the  faith.  Also,  let  these  men  first  of 
all  be  tested  ;  then  let  them  serve  as  deacons,  if  they  are  irreproachable. 

11  Women  likewise  are  to  be  serious — not  slanderers,  but  temperate,  trust- 

12  worthy  in  all  respects.     Let  deacons  be  husbands  of  one  wife,  presiding 

13  ably  over  their  children  and  their  own  households.  For  those  who  have 
served  ably  as  deacons  acquire  for  themselves  a  good  position  and  great 

14  confidence  in  the  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus.  Though  I 

15  hope  to  come  to  thee  soon,  I  am  writing  to  thee  thus,  in  order  that, 
if  I  am  long  in  coming,  thou  mayest  know  how  it  is  right  to  behave  in 
God's  household,  that  is,  in  the  Community  of  the  living  God,  a  pillar 

16  and  prop  of  the  truth.     And  admittedly  great  is  the  secret  of  piety  :— 

"  Who  was  disclosed  in  the  flesh. 
Vindicated  in  the  spirit, 
Seen  by  angels, 
Pi'oclaimed  among  the  Gentiles, 
Believed  on  in  the  world, 
Taken  up  in  majesty." 
4-  1        But  the  Spirit  expressly  says  that  in  later  times  sonie  shall  fall  away 
from  the  faith  by  their  devotion  to   seducing  spirits  and  doctrines  of 

2  daemons,  through  the  liypocrisy  of  men  who  speak  falsely,  who  have  their 

3  own  conscience  branded  and  marked,  who  forbid  marriage  and  enjoin 
abstinence  from  food — things  which  God  created  to  be  thankfully  par- 

4  taken  of  by  those  who  believe  and  who  know  the  truth.  For  everything 
created  by  God  is  excellent ;  and  nothing  is  to  be  rejected  if  it  be  thank- 

5  fully  received,  for  then  it  is  sanctified  by  the  word  of  God  and  by  prayer. 


574  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [4:^^-5^^ 

6  Give  tliis  advice  to  the  brothers  ;  so  shalt  thou  he  an  excellent 
minister  of  Christ  Jesus,  nourishing  thyself  ujjou  the  words  of  the  faith 

7  and  of  the  excellent  doctrine  whose  course  thou  hast  followed.    But  as  for 

8  worldly  and  old  wives'  myths,  have  nothing  to  do  with  them.  Train 
thyself  to  piety  ;  "  bodily  training  is  profitable  for  a  little,  but  piety  is  pro- 
fitable for  everything,  as  it  has  the  promise  of  the  present  life  and  of  the 

9,  10  life  to  come."  The  saying  is  sure,  and  worthy  of  all  approbation  ;  for 
this  is  why  we  labour  and  are  denounced,^  because  we  have  set  our  hope 
upon  the  living  God,  who  is  a  Saviour  of  all  men,  especially  of  those  who 

11,  12  believe.  Charge  thus  and  teach.     Let  no  one  despise  thy  youth  ; 

but  show  thyself  a  jjattern  to  the  believers  in  word,  in  conduct,  in  love,  in 

13  faith,  in  purity.      Till  I  come,  devote  thyself  to  the  reading,  the  exhort- 

14  ing,  the  teaching.  (Neglect  not  the  talent  within  thee,  which  was  given 
thee  through  prophecy,  along  with  the  laying  on  of  hands  by  the  elders' 

15  assembly.)     Practise   these.     Be   absorbed   in   them,    that   thy  progress 

16  may  be'  obvious  to  all.  Pay  attention  to  thyself  and  to  thy  teaching. 
Persevere  with  these,  for  by  so  doing  thou  shalt  save  both  thyself  and 
thy  hearers. 

5  1        Chide  not  a  senior  sharijly,  but  ajjpeal  to  him  as  a  father  ;  ajJpeal  to 

2  younger  men  as  brothers,  to  older  women  as  mothers,  to  younger  women 

3  as  sisters,  with  all  purity.      Support  widows   who  are   really   widows. 

4  (But  if  any  widow  has  children  or  grandchildren,  let  them  learn  first  to 
act  piously  to  their  own  household  and  to  render  some  return  to  those  who 
have  brought  them  up  ;  for  this  is  a  welcome  thing  in  the  sight  of  God.) 

5  Now  she  who  is  really  a  widow  and  left  desolate,  has  her  hope  set  on 
G  God,  and  perseveres  night  and  day  in  supplications  and  prayers  ;  but  she 

7  who  lives  in  dissipation  is  dead  in  life.     Give  this  charge  also,  that  they 

8  may  be  unblamable  :  if  anyone  does  not  provide  for  his  own  people, 
and  especially  for  his  own  household,  he  has  renounced  the  faith,  he  is 

9  worse  than  an  unbeliever.  Let  no  one  be  registered  as  a  widow,  who  is 
less  than  sixty  years  of  age  ;  and  she  only  who  has  been  the  wife  of  one 

10  husband,  who  has  a  reputation  for  good  deeds,  who  has  brought  up 
children,  practised  hospitality,    washed   the  saints'    feet,    relieved    the 

11  distressed,  diligently  practised  every  good  deed.  But  refuse  to  register 
younger  widows  ;  for  when  they  come  to  wax  wanton  against  Christ  they 

12,  13  wish  to  marry,  and  so  get  sentenced  for  breaking  their  first  troth.    Besides, 

by  going  about  from  house  to  house  they  learn  also  to  be  idle  ;  and  not 
merely  to  be  idle  but  also  babblers  and  busybodies,  talking  of  what  they 

14  have  no  right  to  mention.  So  I  desire  younger  women  to  marry,  to 
bear  children,  to   manage  their  households,  to   give   the   adversary  no 

15  opportunity  for   reviling — for    some    are    turned    aside    already    after 

16  Satan.  If  any  believing  woman  has  widows,  let  her  relieve  them  ; 
nor  let  the  Community  be  burdened,  rather  let  it  relieve  those  who 
are  really  widows. 

17  Let  the  elders  who  preside  ably  be  held  worthy  of  double  support, 

18  especially  those  who  labour  in  word  and  teaching ;  for  the  scripture 
saith,  T/iou  ahalt  not  muzzle  an  ox  v)hen  he  is  treading  out  corn,  and  "  The 

19  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  wages."     Accept  no  accusation  against  an  elder, 

20  unless  it  is  certified  by  two  or  three  witnesses.     Those  who  sin,  reprove 

21  in  the  sight  of  all ;  so  that  the  rest  may  also  be  in  fear.  In  the  sight  of 
God  and  of  Christ  Jesus  and  of  the  chosen  angels,  I  solemnly  charge  thee 
to  be  unprejudiced  in  following  these  directions,  to  be  utterly  impartial. 

22  Lay  hands  on  no  one  hastily,  and  have  no  share  in  other  people's  sins  : 

1  Heading  oHiiiZ»:-^iOa.. 


5-M-^]  I.    TIMOTHEUS  575 

23  keejj  thyself  pure. — Be  a  total  abstainer  no  longer,  but  use  a  little  wine 
on  account  of  thy  stomach  and  thy  frequent  illnesses. — " 

24  The  sins  of  some  men  are  consijicuous,  preceding  them  to  judgment ; 

But  they  also  follow  after  some  men. 

25  Likewise,  while  good  deeds  are  conspicuous. 

Even  those  that  are  otherwise  cannot  be  hidden. 
6  1         Let  all  who  are  slaves  under  the  yoke  reckon  their  masters  worthy  of 

2  all  honour,  that  God's  name  and  the  doctrine  may  not  be  maligned.  And 
let  not  those  who  have  believers  as  their  masters,  despise  them  because 
they  are  brothers  ;  nay,  let  them  render  service  all  the  more  heartily, 
seeing  that  those  who  enjoy  the  benefit  of  the  service  are  believers  and 
beloved. 

3  Teach  thus  and  exhort.  If  anyone  is  a  teacher  of  novelties  and 
refuses  to  assent  to  the  sound  words  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  to  the 

4  doctrine  Avhich  is  in  accordance  with  piety,  he  is  besotted  ;  he  knows 
nothing,  but  is  morbidly  excited  about  controversies  and  wranglings 
over  words,  which  produce  envy,  quarrelling,  slanders,  wicked  suspicions, 

5  incessant  disputes,  among  men  corrupted  in  mind  and  deprived  of  the 

6  truth,   who    think   piety  is  a  source   of  profit.       Piety    with    content- 

7  ment  indeed  is  a  great  source  of  profit.     For  we  take  nothing  into  the 

8  world,  nor  ^  can  we  take  anything  out ;  yet  if  we  have  food  and  clothing, 

9  we  are  to  be  satisfied  with  these.  But  those  who  desire  to  be  rich  fall 
into  temptation  and  a  snare,  and  into  many  desires  which  are  senseless 

10  and  injurious,  such  as  sink  men  in  destruction  and  perdition.  For  the 
love  of  money  is  a  root  of  all  evils,  and  in  aspiring  to  money  some  have 
been  led  astray  from  the  faith  and  have  pierced  themselves  through  with 

11  many  a  pain.  But  flee  thou  from  these  things,  0  man  of  God, 

12  and  pursue  uprightness,  piety,  faith,  love,  patience,  meekness.  Play  thy 
part  in  the  nol)le  contest  of  the  faith  ;  lay  hold  of  the  eternal  life  for 
which  thou  wast  called  and  didst  make  the  noble  confession  in  the  sight 

13  of  many  witnesses.  In  the  sight  of  God,  who  makes  all  things  live,  and 
of  Christ  Jesus,  "  who  bore  witness  in  the  noble  confession  before  Pontius 

14  Pilate,"  I  charge  thee  to  keep  the  commandment  unstained,  unblamable, 

15  until  the  appearing  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  shall  be  shown  in 
due  season  by  the  blessed  and  only  Prince— the  King  of  kings,  the  Lord 

16  of  lords — who  alone  has  immortality,  dwelling  in  light  unapproachable, 
whom  no  man  has  seen  or  is  able  to  see.  To  him  be  honour  and  eternal 
power  :  Amen. 

17  [Charge  those  who  are  rich  in  the  present  world  not  to  be  highminded, 
and  not  to  set  their  hope  on  the  uncertainty  of  riches,  but  on  God  who 

18  provides  us  richly  with  all  things  for  enjoyment ;  charge  them  to  be 

19  iDOuntiful,  to  be  rich  in  good  deeds,  liberal  givers,  generous,  storing  up 
for  themselves  a  good  foundation  for  the  future,  that  they  may  lay  hold  of 
the  life  which  really  is  life. 

20  0  Timotheus,  guard  thy  trust ;  and  turn  away  from  the  worldly  babble 
and  "  antitheses  "  of  "  the  knowledge  "  (which  is  falsely  named  "know- 

21  ledge"),  by  professing  which  some  persons  have  swerved  in  the  matter 
of  the  faith.] 

Grace  be  with  you. 

1  Omitting  on. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  JAMES 

Like  the  book  of  Joel  in  the  OT,  the  epistle  of  James  must  be  dated  either 
at  the  very  outset  or  towards  the  close  of  the  literature.  The  inter- 
mediate position  (Schafer,  Einl.  p.  304  f.;  Trenkle,  Einl.  mx  210,  211),  i.e. 
in  the  seven tli  decade,  as  a  correction  of  the  Pauline  doctrine  of  faith  and 
works  in  some  of  its  abuses,  cannot  any  longer  be  held.  The  old  notion 
that  this  writing  contains  any  direct  polemic  against  Paul,  or  that  it 
could  have  been  composed  previous  to  62  a.d.,  by  James,  the  brother  of 
Jesus,  with  any  such  intention,  is  one  of  the  least  defensible  hypotheses  in 
NT  criticism,  and  is  rightly  abandoned  by  the  majority  of  conservative 
and  radical  critics  alike.  Weizsiicker,  however,  still  defends  a  modified 
form  of  it  (AA,  ii.  pp.  27-32) ;  and  the  traditional  position  is  defended  in 
this  country  by  Farrar  (Early  Days  of  Christianity,  j^p.  309-311),  Hort 
(Jud.  Christianity,  p.  148),  and  some  others.^ 

But  it  is  impossible  that  such  a  letter  could  be  addressed  by  James 
after  the  Council  of  Jerusalem  to  Jewish-Christians  of  the  Diaspora, 
without  a  reference  to  the  relations  between  themselves  and  the  Gentile- 
Christians  ;  and  that  Communities  existed  at  that  time  which  were 
wholly  free  from  proselytes  or  Gentile-Christians  is  an  unproved  assertion. 
The  truth  is— 

(1)  In  spite  of  all  that  is  urged  ^  in  favour  of  Galilean  education,  it 
is  scarcely  conceivable  that  a  brother  of  Jesus  should  possess  the  wide 
culture,  the  fluent  and  idiomatic  Greek  style,  and  the  powers  of  literary 
expression  and  allusion  that  mark  this  writing.  (2)  The  tradition  of  the 
Jacobine  authorship  is  very  late  ;  the  epistle  is  absent  from  the  Mura- 
torian  Canon,  and  unknown  to  Hegesippus  and  Eusebius,  while  even  its 
first  mention  (by  Origen  in  the  third  century)  imjilies  consideral>le  doubt 
as  to  its  authenticity.  (3)  There  is  nothing  in  the  rest  of  the  NT  (Ac  2P*-'^) 
to  suggest  on  the  part  of  James  such  a  violent  polemic  against  Paul  as  that 
given  in  chap.  2  must  be,  when  the  writing  is  taken  as  written  during 
Paul's  Christian  activity  and  lifetime.  (4)  The  complete  absence  of 
allusions  to  the  Resurrection  or  Messiahship  of  Jesus,  the  scanty  and 
distant  references  to  him  at  all,  and  the  failure  to  introduce  these  where 
they  might  naturally  have  been  expected,  are  irrt'cnuriliibh'  with  what  we 
know  of  the  primitive  church  and  with  what  would  J  u>lly  liaNc  l)een  looked 
for  in  a  brother  of  our  Lord.  To  him  Jesus  )uust  ha\(j  lu'cn  of  vital  and 
absorbing  importance,  on  the  score  of  birth  and  faith  alike.  But  in  fact 
the  whole  hypothesis  of  the  Jacobine  authorship  ^  breaks  down,  whatever 

1  Reiian  (L'aidechrist,  chap,  iii.)  dates  it  c.  62  A.D.  as  an  invective  against  Paulin- 
isni  and  also  against  the  rich  and  overbearing  Sadducees  in  Jerusalem,  though  he 
hesitates  to  relegate  the  manii'esto  to  the  apostle.  Not  very  dili'ereutly  Jacoby 
{NTMhlk,  p.  200  f.). 

"  li.g.,  by  Mayor  (op.  cit.,  chap,  x.)  and  in  Prof.  Poberts'  Greek  the  Language  of 
Vhrint  anil  Ins  Ajiosilcs,  chap.  ix. 

"The  rigidity  of  the  C!hristian  .Tows  in  Jerusalem  upon  the  question  of  tlie  law 
would  have  made  it  impossible  for  anyone  to  attain  reiuite  and  authority  among 
570 


THE    EPISTLE    OF    JAMES  577 

date  be  taken  for  the  writing.  The  only  position  for  which  a  case  can 
really  be  stated,  is  to  suppose  that  the  question  of  faith  and  works  was 
started  not  by  Paul's  preaching,  but  by  the  previous  training  of  the  early 
Christians  in  Jewish  rabbinical  discussions,  and  that  the  "  epistle,"  as  a 
literary  form  of  Cliristian  teaching,  was  due  not  to  Paul  but  to  this  solitary 
apostle.     In  this  case  James  would  be  the  earliest  writing  in  the  NT. 

This  hypothesis  of  James  as  a  pre-Pauline  document,  a  product  of 
Christianity  while  it  was  still  within  the  synagogue  with  a  primitive, 
undeveloped,  theology,  is  still  held  by  some  scholars.  Besides  Mangold, 
Hofmann,  and  Lechler,  the  theory  has  been  strongly  urged  by  Erdmann, 
Mangold,  and  Weiss  {INT,  ii.  pp.  100-128) ;  but  the  champion  of  this  date 
was  Beyschlag  (-Meyer)  in  Germany,  until  the  recent  ajjpearance  of 
Zahn  (Einl.  i.  pp.  52-108).  Cp.  also  F.  H.  Krliger,  Revue  Ghretienne 
(1887),  pp.  605f.,,685f. ;  P.  Ewald,  Das  Haupprohlem  (1890),  p.  58  ;  and 
Blanc- Milsand,  Etude  sur  Vorigine  et  le  developpement  de  la  Th/ol.  AjJost. 
(1884),  pp.  36-57.  There  is  little  pith  or  moment  in  such  theories,  but 
in  this  country  the  view  has  always  been  a  favourite,  from  Alford 
and  Bassett  (1876)  to  Lumby  {EB,  article  "James"),  Salmon  (INT,  pp. 
448-468),  Carr  (CGT  (1896),  and  Meyrick  (Smith's  Did.  B.  (2nd  ed.  1893), 
pp.  1520-1522) ;  the  recent  edition  by  Prof.  J.  B.  Mayor  (2nd  ed.  1897  ; 
also  in  DB,  ii.  article  "  James  ")  gives  the  weightiest  and  most  elaborate 
statement  of  the  case  in  English,^  and  Bartlet  {A  A,  pp.  217-250)  ingeniously 
pleads  for  it  in  the  endeavour  to  make  James  a  liberal  Jewish-Christian. 
Certainly  Jewish  Christianity  was  different  from  Paulinism,  nor  had  the 
latter  anything  like  a  monopoly  during  the  years  45-55.  But  it  could 
not  have  been  different  to  the  point  of  what  is  an  almost  entire  indifference 
to  the  characteristic  hopes  and  motives  of  Jesus. 

In  addition,  however,  to  the  arguments  already  advanced,  it  may  be 
urged  that  to  date  the  epistle  before  the  Council  at  Jerusalem  (c.  50  a.d.) 
is  to  leave  too  little  space  for  the  development  of  the  vices  in  the 
Christian  situation.  Such  a  doctrine  of  faith,  such  hollow  piety  and 
widespread  worldliness,  such  indifference  to  the  human  life  of  Jesus  and 
his  heavenly  glory,  such  a  feeling  of  delay  in  regard  to  the  second  coming, 
are  simply  incredible  upon  the  threshold  of  the  young  church.  Further, 
if  this  letter  with  its  meagre  appreciation  of  Jesus  represents  the  early 
Christian  consciousness,  as  exhibited  in  a  brother  of  Jesus  himself,  who 
was  living  at  the  centre  of  Christian  tradition,  the  subsequent  develop- 
ment of  Christianity  becomes  a  hopeless  enigma.  If  such  were  the 
dominant  and  official  ideas  in  the  church,  the  later  literature  and  life  are 
inexplicable — grapes  from  thorns !  But  the  j^ositive  and  conclusive 
arguments  against  such  a  position  are  best  given  in  a  statement  of  what 
seem  to  be  the  true  character  and  relationships  of  the  writing  in  question. 

The  literary  history  and  connections  of  James  suggest  a  post- Pauline 
origin.  The  writer's  acquaintance  with  the  Pauline  writings  seems  to 
admit  of  no  serious  denial  (against  Feine,  Jakobusbrief,  pp.  100-122),  and 
it  is  hard  to  understand  why  Sanday  and  Headlam,  who  allow  the  use 

them,  who  did  not  share  their  position  generally ;  that  James  did  so,  is  proved  by 
Acts  and  Galatians,  and  corroborated  by  tradition.  Comparative  strictness  was  the 
atmosphere  of  the  capital.  The  leader  of  the  local  Christians  owed  his  rank  to  legal 
correctness  and-  the  prestige  of  birth.  And  these  are  the  very  points  absent  from 
the  epistle  of  James — care  for  the  Law  or  references  to  Jesus. 

1  Cp.  also  Burton  (RLA),  Dr.  J.  B.  Crozier  (Intell.  Devdopment,  1.  pp.  331,  332), 
Adeney  (BI,  pp.  434-440),  Stevens  (NTTh,  pp.  249-252),  and  Chase  (DB,  iii.  p.  765). 
The  last-named  unconvincingly  suggests  that  the  epistle  was  carried  by  the  messengers 
of  James  (Gal  2). 

37 


578  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

of  Romans  in  Hebrews,  deny  any  literary  relation  between  Romans 
and  an  epistle  wliicli — thoiigli  not  a  third  of  the  size  of  Hebrews — 
furnishes  three  times  as  many  coincidences  {Romans,  ICC,  pp.  Ixxvi- 
Ixxix)  of  an  even  more  striking  character.  The  proofs,  gathered  best  by 
Zimmer  {ZivTli,  1893,  pp.  481-503),  are  substantially  decisive  for  the 
priority  of  Paul.  A  similar  conclusion  is  reached  from  a  comparison 
of  James  with  1  Peter.  In  spite  of  Beyschlag,  Spitta,  Schmiedel,  and 
Zahn,  it  must  be  held  that  the  latter  epistle  presents  a  more  concrete 
form  of  several  sayings  than  that  preserved  by  James,  who  rather  gives 
the  impression  of  having  quoted  and  adopted  them  from  a  previous 
writer :  cp.  the  evidence  and  arguments  in  Briickner  (Cliron.  ])\i.  60-65), 
Wrede  {LC,  1896,  pp.  450-451),  Holtzmann  (ZivTh,  1882,  "Die  Zeitlage 
des  Jakobusbriefs,"  pp.  292-310),  supported  by  Weiss,  von  Soden,  Pfleid- 
erer,  Klopper,  and  Usteri  (in  his  edition  of  1  Peter,  especially  pp.  292-298). 
The  parallels  are  best  printed  in  Spitta,  Urc.  ii.  pp.  184-187.  That 
Hebrews  is  also  used  by  James  is  urged'  by  the  same  critics,  with  the 
exception  of  von  Soden  and  the  addition  of  Schmiedel  (EJFK,  ii.  34, 
article  "  Catholic  Epistles  ").    On  the  other  hand,  the  connections  i)etween 

/Jas    119-21  2-5    31^    41    41"^    21'*!'' \ 
James  and   Clem.  Rom.  (^^^'^g,  ^2i-382^65'"21^303     ^^    ^"'^    *^'^ 

,  /Jas.       112   118    25  5^N    ,         ^ 
Apocalypse  1  (.Apoc.  2io   14^  2»  32"/'  appear  to  prove  more  than 

community  of  atmosphere,  nor  is  it  safe  to  infer  much  more  than  this  from 
the  coincidences  (reminiscences,  P.  Ewald,  Das  Hauptproblem,  p.  59 f.)  in  the 

/Jas    11^  125  520  91    122  f.  44      ^^ 
fourth  gospel  (  j^'  33,8-832  524  544  83i-fr3i6--2i;  and  the  pastoral  epistles 
^Jas.  213^     51^'  513  55      41-3    42        \ 

VPast.  II.  li«- 18  Tt  V  etc.  11.  2^  4^  i.  56  Tt  3^  11.  r-'^'     ^'"^""^^  '^  '  °" 

the  evidence  of  its  contents,  a  secondary  writing  in  the  NT  ;  its  strong 
and  fresh  treatment  goes  back  for  materials  not  merely  to  pre-Christian 
or  non-Christian  but  Christian  sources.  Also,  its  closest  relations  from  a 
literary  point  of  view  are  with  writings  towards  the  end  of  the  first  or  in 
the  first  quarter  of  the  second  century.  The  terminus  ad  quern  is  fixed  by 
Hermas,2  in  which  James  is  almost  certainly  used.  Before  140  c.  it 
must  have  been  composed,  and — if  it  uses  Hebrews — after  90. 

A  date  within  the  Domitianic  period  has  been  favoured  generallv  by 
Hilgenfeld  (FAnl.  pp.  537-542)  and  S.  Davidson  (doubtfully) ;  ^rcGiff"ert 
(A A,  p]).  579-585),  like  J.  Reville  (Les  origines  de  V Efiscopat ,  ]i.  230  f.),  puts 
it  before  the  end  of  the  first  century,  as  A.  H.  Blom  ("  De  achtergrond  van 
den  Jakobusbrief,"  Theol.  Tijd.  1881,  pp.  439-449)  had  already  argued. 
Similarly  Rovers,  Nieuio-test.  Letferkunde  (1888),  p.  93.  But  the  tone 
and  literary  connections  of  the  epistle  point  to  a  later  period.  Most 
probalily  it  was  composed  about  the  same  time  as  the  pastoral  epistles, 
although  the  date  of  composition  can  only  be  fixed  approximately.  So 
Baur  (Church  Histnr)!  (Eng.  tr.)  i.  pp.  128-130),  Schweglor  (Das  nach-ajwst. 
Zeitalter,  i.  p]).  413  f.,  441  f.),  Zeller,  and  Volkmar  (ZwTh,  1861,  p.  427), 
followed  by  Hausrath  and   Pfleiderer^  (Urc.  pj).   865-880).     The  last- 

1  Spitta,  Offenhar.  J„h.  p.  521  f . ;  Peine,  pp.  131-133. 

2  Cogent  proofs  in  Spitta,  Urc.  ii.  pp.  23f)f.,  382-391,  also  Dr.  C.  Taylor, 
Journal  nf  Philol.  xviii.  p.  207  f.,  and  Zalm's  edition  of  Hernias,  pp.  396-409. 

3  Witli  whom,  as  far  as  the  date  is  conrcrneil,  R.  Steele  practically  agrees  ("Die 
Konfession  des  Jakobusbriefes,"  Z.Schz.  1889,  xv.  3) ;  also  J.  H.  Wilkinson,  AJT, 
ii.  pp.  120-123. 


THE    EPISTLE    OF    JAMES  579 

named  regards  the  latter  as  a  protest,  like  Hernias,  against  the 
secularising  of  Christianity  ;  he  finds  a  parallel  to  its  plain  and 
practical  ^  spirit,  in  the  Waldensian  church  or  in  the  Minorites. 
Bruckner  {Chron.  pp.  60-64,  287-296)  regards  the  writing  as  the 
product  of  some  little  conventicle  of  Jewish-Christian  Essenism  in 
the  reign  of  Hadrian,  117-138  a.d.,  directed  against  the  Gnosticising 
tendencies  of  contemporary  Paulinism.  Jiilicher  {Einl.  p.  1401),  like 
Usteri  (.S'iv,  1889,  pp.  211-256),  dates-  the  book  125-150  a.d.,  and  von 
Soden  {HG^  iii.  2,  pp.  175,  176)  agrees  that  there  is  nothing  to 
prevent  a  theory  of  its  comj^osition  before  130  a.d.,  though  he  inclines 
to  an  earlier  date  (JpTh,  1884,  pp.  137-192).  Some  corroboration  of 
this  general  period  may  be  found  in  the  naive  tradition,  preserved  by 
Hegesippus  (Eus.  HE,  iii.  32,  iv.  22),  that  the  church  had  remained 
a  pure  virgin  up  till  the  martyrdom  of  Symeon  (c.  107  a.d.),  after 
which  heresies  and  errors  openly  grew  active.  It  is  c.  130  a.d.  that 
Harnack  also  dates  the  percolation  of  Hellenism  upon  a  large  scale 
into  Christianity:  the  religious  philosophy  of  Greece  began  then  to 
reach  the  centre  of  the  new  religion,  and,  simultaneously  with  this,  the 
older  enthusiasm  passed  from  the  communities  {Das  JFesen  des  Ghristen- 
tums,  1900,  p.  125  f.). 

Austere  and  frequently  ironical  in  tone,  aphoristic  in  form,  pregnant 
in  expression,  the  successive  paragraphs  resemble  more  than  once  the 
sentences  in  Bacon's  Essays.  They  are  brief,  condensed,  direct.  They 
"  do  not  seem  to  end,  but  fall."  Their  quick  thrusts  are  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  author's  rigorous  demands  upon  his  readers.  Severe 
and  urgent  warnings  abound.  In  one  hundred  and  eight  verses  fifty-four 
imperatives  have  been  counted.  They  lie  side  by  side  with  more  tender 
consolations  ;  but  of  jiraise  there  is  not  a  syllable.  The  laxity  of  the 
moral  situation  is  too  keenly  felt  by  the  writer ;  and  he  never  lets  his 
readers  go  far  from  the  agenda  of  Christianity.  "  Er  ist  der  Apostel  der 
That,  fiir  welchem  alles  auf  die  That  ankommt"  (Rovers).  He  has 
been  called  the  Jeremiah  of  the  NT,  but  he  has  affinities  equally  with 
the  stubborn  and  pungent  realism  of  Amos.  The  so-called  primitiveness 
of  this  undogmatic — even  antidogmatic — writing  is  explicable  when  it  is 
set  against  the  background,  not  of  a  nascent,  elementary  stage  in 
Christianity  (for  the  existence' of  which  the  evidence  is  quite  inadequate), 
but  of  tendencies  and  features  which  here,  as  in  Hernias  and  2  Clem.,  reveal 
phrases  of  almost  moralistic^  religion  side  by  side  with  the  deeper  or 
elaborated  aspects  of  the  faith.  This  standpoint  helps  one  to  rightly 
orientate  the  writings  and  its  pithy  phrases.  It  was  a  time  of  aberration 
(5-^-*^),  when  the  supreme  call  was  for  personal  reformation  (l^"-  -'')  and 
the  reclaiming  of  others  (5^''-  2").  The  long  development  of  Christianity, 
even  within  the  personal  experience  of  the  readers  (3^),  had  begun  to 

1  Reuss  (pp.  140-143  ;  also  Hist.  Christ.  Tkeol.  i.  pp.  423,  424)  from  a  different 
standpoint  underlines  this  dislike  on  the  writer's  part  to  theological  disputation. 
"His  warnings  read  like  the  first  startled  shrinking  of  piety  from  the  flights  of 
science";  he  is  a  man  "to  whom  all  talking  and  disputing  about  religious  subjects 
seemed  like  stepping  out  of  the  temple  altogether."    Similarly  the  pastorals. 

2  Cp.  Bousset  {TH,  1897,  p.  15).  Harnack's  period  is  also  c.  110-130  a.d.  He 
denies  that  the  writing  is  an  epistle  ;  comparing  it  with  2  Clem.,  he  regards  both  as 
homilies,  composed  of  isolated  exhortations  to  the  community  and  to  individuals. 
Certainly  ruv^yi^yri  (2-)  is  a  term  transferred  from  Greek  worship  as  an  equivalent  of 
ixxxniric^  (5") ;  cp.  Heinrici,  ZioTh  (1876),  pp.  103-109,  523,  524. 

3  In  4th  Esdras  (S-'^-^s  9'^-  etc.)  a  similar  emphasis  falls  on  works  in  relation 
to  faith. 


580  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

betray  symptoms  of  moral  degeiieracv.^  Along  with  the  wide  diffusion 
of  Christianity,  abuses — especially  of  money  and  mind — had  crept  into 
the  church,  with  the  result  that  (as  Klopper  graphically  puts  it)  the 
moral  deficiencies  of  Christian  conduct  were  l^eing  covered  by  the 
withered  fig-leaf  of  a  merely  intellectual  belief.  Neither  talk  nor 
theories  make  up  life,  this  jirophet  thunders.  Without  morality  they  are 
a  corpse.  Words — words  by  themselves  are  alike  the  source  of  quarrel- 
ling and  the  substitute  for  honest  conduct.  No  wonder  that  such  a 
development  or  rather  degeneration  was  followed  some  thirty  years  later 
by  the  Montanist  reformation.  This  letter  bears  much  the  same  relation 
to  that  movement  as  that  which  existed  between  the  writings  of  Barclay 
or  Tyndale  and  the  English  Keformation  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

From  anotlier  side  than  that  of  the  pastorals,  and  yet  with  some  sub- 
stantial kinshij),  the  epistle  of  James  comes  into  the  Christian  develop- 
ment. Here,  as  in  the  pastorals,  practical  piety  -  is  the  dominant  note. 
But  the  author,  who  Avas  one  of  the  wise  men  (Mt  23^*)  in  his  age,  and 
himself  a  teacher  (3^),  instead  of  presenting  his  conceptions  in  the  spirit 
of  Paul,  occupies  the  standpoint  of  an  emancipated  Jewish  Hellenist."'^ 
To  him  (cp.  Denney,  UB,  iii.  82)  as  to  many  in  the  second  century, 
Christianity  apj)eared  in  all  its  attractiveness  mainly  as  a  new  law,'* 
the  supreme  manifestion  and  expression  of  ethical  monotheism  and 
plain  morality.  To  obey  the  commandments  of  God — that  is  the 
religious  ideal  of  the  age.  Contrasted  with  the  wearisome  scheme  of 
Judaism  (Mt  IP'-*),  it  is  a  light  and  easy  obedience  (1  Jn  5"^,  Jas  1-^).  In 
the  Johannine  apocalypse  and  epistles  this  legal  conception  is  bound  up 
with  a  rich  Christology,  and  even  in  the  pastorals  these  two  are  not 
wholly  severed.  But  the  author  of  James  stands  nearer  to  the  blanched 
Christology  of  the  Didache  (on  which  see  Harnack,  Aijostcllehre,  pp.  14- 
20)  than  to  these  NT  writings,  and  his  motives  for  the  observance  of  the 
moral  law  are  not  drawn  from  God's  Fatherhood  and  man's  love  to  him. 

The  horizon  is  Christendom,  but  the  atmosphere  and  situation  are 
nearer  the  Jewish  moralism  of  the  Didache^  than  the  distinctively  Christian 
writings  that  lie  within  the  NT  canon.  There  is  nothing  specially  re- 
ferring to  the  Gentiles,  it  is  true.  But  the  Jews  are  as  decidedly  left  out 
of  account.     These  racial  divisions  do  not  exist  for  the  writer.     A  Jew 

1  Hints  of  Gnostic  trouble  (3i''= Jud  i")  and  persecution  (1--  s- 1^  S-'-n)  are  not  very 
luminous. 

-  Cp.  tlie  remarkable  parallel  on  charity  (1  Jn  3^"  =  Jas  2"i7),  a  good  instance  of 
the  mystic  and  the  moralist  each  pressing  in  his  own  fashion  upon  the  same  point  of 
conduct.     Add  1  Jn  2i5  =  Jas  A\  1  Jn  2*-'5  =  Jas  li^. 

^  On  the  theology  of  James  cp.  especially  Usteri,  loc.  cit. ;  Holtzmann,  XTTh. 
ii.  pp.  328-350,  and  in  ZwTh  (1893),  pp.  57-69.  For  the  reproduction  of  the  wisdom- 
ideas  cp.  the  great  section  in  the  Hook  of  Baruch  (3"-4-'),  where  wisdom  is  claimed 
as  the  i)rivilege  and  security  of  Israel.  The  monotheism  of  the  Diaspora  is  excellently 
illustrated  by  the  Sibylline  oracles  (Blass,  KAP,  ii.  p.  179  f.,  and  sliglitly  other- 
wise, Zahn,  ZKWL,  1886,  pp.  77-87). 

■i  Christianity  as  law  is  cliaracteristic  of  the  sub-apostolic  age  (Barnabas  2",  «  x«.n'os 
vi,uc(  roij  xvpiev  iiu.-ry  aviu  'ivyiv  ccveiyxr,!  uv).  On  the  beginnings  of  this  conception  cp. 
Gottschick,  KTK,  vi.  pp.  634,  635,  and  Seeberg,  Lelirhudi  der  Dogmrngeschichtc, 
1895,  I.  pp.  33  f.,  35  f. 

,  ^,        Jas  18    (48)    3«-8.  9  f.     314-18     r,l(!  .  ,    , 

■>  Cp.  J..  ,    ..) TU n?; 777-,.     Ihe  ethical   preoccupation  01  James  need 

not  seem  so  surprising  when  one  remembers  the  traces  of  such  a  conception  of 
Christianity  already  given  in  passages  like  Ac  17,  1415-1'',  24-''.  There  the  author, 
apparently  without  any  sense  of  incongruity,  makes  Paul  speak  in  semi-Jewish 
terms  which  are  scarcely  more  Clirisliau  than  the  conceptions  in  James'  epistle. 


thp:  epistle  of  james  581 

by  birth,  in  all  likelihood,  he  lives  and  writes  in  an  age  when  these 
parties  are  neither  included  nor  excli;ded  ;  they  are  simply  transcended. 
A  fusion  has  taken  place  in  the  church.  The  Christianity  in  vogue  is 
not  now  Paulinism,  it  is  a  diffused  Gentile  Christianity  which  no  longer 
needs  to  remain  in  opposition  to  the  semi-legal  ^  conception  of  the  faith, 
but  is  permeated  with  Hellenising  influences  (A.  Meyer,  Die  moderne 
ForscJmng  iiher  d.  NT,  pp.  54-56)  analogous  to  those  stirred  in  the 
ethical  revival  of  the  first  century  by  the  Cynic  "  street-preachers  "  of 
the  age,  and  by  the  fascination  exerted  by  the  Hellenic  mysteries  upon 
those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  superstition  and  moral  impotence 
of  current  religions.  The  influence  of  this  atmosphere  on  Christianity 
only  began  to  be  felt  to  any  great  extent  as  the  new  faith  moved  out  into 
the'Empire,  certainly  not  before  the  third  quarter  of  the  first  century. 

To  the  writer,  impatient  and  distrustful  of  theorising,  Christianity  then 
appears  quite  in  the  second-century  manner  as  a  law,  "  the  perfect  law  " 
(1^^),  i.e.  the  fulfilment  of  Judaism.  The  Christian  is  he  who  by  a 
practical  and  consistent  life  obeys  that  royal  law  (2*^  =  Just.  Ajjol.  l^-), 
and  is  thus  a  perfect  man.  Here,  as  in  the  later  literature,  the  first  notes 
of  Protestantism  are  heard,  though  the  author  reminds  us  also  of  the 
Humanists  in  his  taste  for  older  literature.  Contemporary  religion  had 
already  developed  far  enough  to  be  liable  to  aberrations  which,  in  this 
man's  view,  were  best  remedied  by  a  sharp  recall  to  the  primitiAC 
elements,  and  especially  to  the  forgotten  commonplace  that  a  divorce 
between  faith  and  conduct  is  ruinous  to  both.  His  polemic  implies  that 
Paul's  original  conceptions  of  faith  and  works  were  being  misapprehended 
and  abused. 2  But  he  is  no  pupil  of  Paul's,  eager  to  re-state  the  dis- 
tinctive Pauline  doctrines,  much  less  an  opponent  who  writes  with  the 
ulterior  and  covert  purpose  of  refuting  such  positions.  To  this  author 
Christianity  is  not,  as  it  was  to  Paul,  an  overpoweringly  new  spirit.  It  is 
the  legal  and  moral  heir  of  all  that  was  best  in  Judaism.  Of  grace,  of  the 
Messiahship  of  Jesus, — the  burning  question  of  the  primitive  church,— of 
the  hope  of  eternal  life,  there  is  as  little  mention  as  of  circumcision  and 
the  Mosaic  law,  or  of  man's  personal  union  with  Jesus  Christ.  These  are 
not  the  writer's  world.^  His  ideal  is  "  the  truth,"  "  the  wisdom," — 
practically  equivalent  to  a  good,  moral  life,  which  is  an  observance  of 
God's  law.  Of  God's  Fatherhood  and  kingdom,  truths  which  were  the 
very  life  of  Christ's  first  disciples,  there  is  but  the  slightest  mention.  So 
far  as  distinctiveness  and  characteristics  go,  this  document  is  to  early 
Christianity  pretty  much  what  writings  Hive  those  of  pseudo-Phokylides 
are  to  the  'Judaism  of  the  first  century ;  both  are  genuine  products,  but 
tend  to  concentrate  their  attention  upon  the  general  moralistic  features 
of  the  faith  in  question,  instead  of  upon  its  particular  tenets  (cp.  Jacoby, 
NT  Ethih,  i^^.  151-201). 

1  With  this  sublimated  conception  of  "huv,"  which  proved  so  intiueutial  in  early 
Christianity,  there  may  be  compared  the  post-exilian  attitude  to  the  Hebrew  Law, 
with  its  nourishment  of  rich  and  genuine  piety(cp.  Montetiore's  Hibbert  Lectures,  chap, 
ix.,  and  I.  Abrahams,  "Jewish  Life  under  the  Law,"  Jezm/i  Quart.  Review,  July 
1899,  pp.  626-642).  Fourth  Maccabees  is  an  example  of  the  stress  laid  on  this  piety 
Uin'^-if)  by  Judaism,  when  touched  by  a  Stoical  devotion  to  ethics. 

2  Cp.  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  333-335.  That  the  readers  were  specifically  Jewish- 
Christian  is  maintained  by  several  scholars  {e.g.  Reuss,  WeizsJicker,  Klopper, 
Schmiedel).  That  they  were  liable  to  risk  from  some  form  of  ultra-Paulinism  seems 
indisputable.  ^  ,  ■■  v 

"  Familiarity  with  the  terminology  of  the  Greek  mystics  [e.g.,  as  Hilgenteld  has 
shown  with  the  Orphites  Z^,  whom  Dr.  Gardner  finds  already  behind  a  passage  like 


582  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

While  the  address  implies  an  oecumenical  Christianity  which  is  viewed 
under  the  comprehensive  and  idealised  symbols  of  the  OT  (the  twelve 
tribes,  1^,  being  equivalent  to  God's  people,  an  ideal  number  like  Apoc  7* 
141,  or  1  P  V),  the  letter  bears  distinct  marks  of  a  local  and  concrete  situa- 
tion. ^  But  it  is  no  longer  jjossible  to  reconstruct  a  picture  of  it.  The 
generic  term  6  dtKaios  (5",  cp.  Wisd  Sol  2^2-"),  however,  corroborates  the 
other  evidence  of  the  epistle  by  indicating  that  the  writer  felt  in  greatest 
sympathy  with  the  class  represented  by  the  tttwxoi  of  Pss.  Sol,  or  the 
"  mansueti  et  quiescentes  "  of  4  Esdras  (11'^-))  the  suffei-ing  lower  classes 
who  represented  by  their  Puritanism  the  true  piety  of  the  age.  How  far 
this  is  due  to  the  archaic  style  of  the  writer,  and  how  far  to  his  actual 
environments,  it  is  hard  to  say.  If  the  latter  hypothesis  were  pressed, 
the  indications  might  point  to  Syria  or  Palestine,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Didache.  But  in  all  probability  the  tone  of  the  letter  represents  the 
author's  ideal.  His  sympathies  revolted  from  the  ostentatious  religion  of 
the  better  classes  and  clung  to  an  Essene-like  character,  which  resembles — 
it  has  been  suggested — the  simplicity  and  winsomeness  of  Francis  the 
great  Foverello.  The  connection  of  the  writing  with  Romans,  Hebrews, 
and  Hermas  has  led  several  scholars  (e.g.  Bruckner  and  von  Soden)  to 
think  of  Rome  as  the  locus  of  the  epistle  ;  but  indeed  certainty  on  this 
matter  is  unattainable,  and  conjectures  are  simply  guesswork. 

It  is  equally  impossible  to  discover  who  the  unknown  James  was,  who 
wrote  the  letter.  There  is  not  any  sufficient  reason  for  holding  it  a  pseudo- 
nymous document.  Had  the  writer  wished  to  pose  as  the  first  l)ishop  of 
the  Jerusalem  church,  lie  would  (like  the  author  of  2  P)  have  taken  care 
to  introduce  unmistakable  allusions  to  his  traditional  character.  As  it  is, 
no  one  would  dream  that  the  apostle  James  was  meant  by  the  James  of 
ver.  1,  merely  by  reading  the  contents  of  the  epistle.  More  local  colour 
and  detail  would  certainly  have  been  necessary  to  produce  this  conviction 
among  the  first  readers  and  authenticate  the  epistle.  Had  the  writer  in- 
tended to  represent  himself  as  the  brother  of  the  Lord — and  much  more, 
if  he  had  actually  been  so — he  would  have  emphasised  his  self-designation 
in  the  title  and  contents  of  the  writing.^ 

1  Pet  318  ;  Kxjilor.  Evangelica,  chap,  xxi.),  certain  echoes  of  Philoiiic  phraseology  and 
the  reproduction  of  ideas  and  sentences  from  Wisd.  Sol.  and  Ecclus.  (Spitta,  Urc.  ii. 
pp.  14-155,  a  rich  series  of  parallels),  do  not  in  this  practised  scholar  and  writer 
atfect  the  question  of  the  date  much  more  tlian  the  use  of  apocalyptic  quotations 
in  the  Epistle  of  Judas.  They  merely  tell  against  apostolic  authorship.  "  Cet 
helleniste  familier  avec  les  ressources  de  la  rhetorique  est  un  mC-me  temps  un  philo- 
sophe,  fusion  des  deux  types  alors  commune  eten  honneur  danslemoudegrec.  Ou  se 
rappelle  son  systemedualiste"  (Massebieau). 

1  It  will  scarcely  do,  I  fear,  to  regard  the  warning  and  denunciation  of  41^5^  as 
an  apostrophe  addressed  to  "the  rich  as  a  class"  (Adeney,  HI,  p.  436).  Surely 
here,  as  throughout  the  epistle,  the  author  speaks  as  one  who  has  known,  sulVend 
with  aud  from,  studied  aud  lived  beside,  the  individuals  who  prompt  his  utterances  ? 

-  How  inconclusive  and  improbable  all  attempts  at  a  biography  are,  made  from 
the  side  either  of  internal  evidence  or  of  later  tradition,  may  be  seen  from  what  is 
their  best  statement  in  Zahn,  Einl.  i,  pp.  72-88. 


JAMES 

The  author  of  this  epistle  seldom  quotes  Scripture,  but  he  works  with  it. 
He  has  a  particular  liking  for  the  prophetic  tone,  which  passes  with  him  uot 
infrequently  into  the  tone  of  Jewish  apocalyptic.  He  lives  in  the  religious  out- 
look of  the  later  Judaism.  Free  from  every  kind  of  mysticism,  no  less  than 
from  any  interest  in  speculation,  so  bent  upon  the  practical  that  he  scarcely 
allows  any  independent  value  to  the  specifically  religious  element,  he  is  bitter 
in  his  censure,  rugged  in  his  descriptions,  a  realist  who  plunges  straight  into 
daily  life,  and  paints  with  a  broad  brush,  a  man  of  clear-cut  diction  when  he 
unfohls  his  own  ideas,  the  Jeremiah   of  the   NT.  The   further  we 

go  down,  the  more  intelligible  become  not  merely  the  conditions  which  the 
epistle  presupposes  amongst  Christians,  e.g.  the  significance  of  the  persecu- 
tions, and  the  limitation  of  miraculous  power  to  the  officers  of  the  congregation, 
but  also  the  ethical  nature  of  the  writing,  its  complete  divergence  from  the 
main  ideas  of  the  Pauline  preaching,  its  conception  of  Christianity  as  a 
law,  and  lastly  its  relations  to  the  early  Christian  literature. — von  Soden. 


11  Address 

12-]-! 

Trial,  in  relation  to  men  : 

its  reason  and  reward. 

2 13-18 

in  relation  to  God  : 

the  false  view. 

the  true  view. 

119_22G 

Deeds,  the  issue  and  proof  of  religion  : 

21-13 

to  be  shown  specially  in  treatment  of  poor. 

214-26 

else  faith  is  useless. 

3I-I8 

Words,  the  power  and  sins  of: 

strife  and  bitterness. 

4i_5i2 

Moral  counsels,  a  series  of:  against 

41-10 

worldliness  and  pride. 

411-12 

fault-finding. 

413-17 

presumptuous  self-confidence. 

5i-(i 

the  injustice  of  the  rich, 

57-u 

the  impatience  of  the  poor, 

5'- 

swearing. 

513-20 

Epilogue  :  directions  for 

worship, 

sickness, 

prayer, 

reclaiming  the  lapsed. 

JAMES 

1   1  James,  a  slave  of  God  and  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 

to  the  twelve  tribes  in  the  dispersion  :  greeting. 

2  Reckon  it  all  joy,  mv  brothers,  when  you  fall  among  manifold  trials, 

3  As  you  know  that  the  testing  of  your  faith  results  in  endurance  : 

4  Now  let  endurance  come  to  perfection, 

That  you  may  be  jDerfect  and  entire,  lacking  in  nothing. 

5  But  if  anyone  of  you  lacks  wisdom,  let  him  ask  from  the  God  who 

gives  to  all  generously  and  without  reproaching. 
And  it  shall  be  given  him. 

6  But  let  him  ask  in  faith,  with  never  a  doubt ; 

For  the  doubter  is  like  the  surge  of  the  sea,  wind-swept  and  tossed 
to  and  fro. 

7  Let  not  that  man  suppose  he  will  receive  anything  from  the  Lord, 

8  Double-minded  that  he  is  and  restless  in  all  his  ways. 

9  Let  the  humble  brother  e.xult  in  his  exaltation  ; 

10  But  the  rich  in  his  humiliation. 

Because  like  the  flower  of  the  grass  he  shall  pass  away. 

11  For  up  comes  the  sun  with  the  scorching  wind  and  u-ithers  the 

grass, 
And  the  flower  of  it  falls  ofl'  and  the  beauty  of  its  apjiearance  is 
ruined  : 
So  shall  the  ricli  man  also  fade  in  his  pursuits. 

12  Happij  the  man  who  endures  trial  ! 

For  after  lie  has  been  tried  he  shall  receive  the  wreath  of  life  whieli 
He  has  promised  to  those  who  love  him. 

13  Let  no  man  who  is  being  tempted  say,  "  My  temptation  is  from  God  "  ; 

For  God  is   not   to   be   tempted  himself  by  evil,  and  he  tempts 
no  man. 

14  Every  one  is  tempted  by  his  own  lust,  lured  away  and  lieguiled  : 

15  Then  lust  conceives  and  gives  birth  to  sin. 
And  when  sin  is  matured,  it  brings  forth  deatli. 

16  Be  not  misled,  my  beloved  brothers. 

17  "Every  gift  that  is  good  and  every   gift  that  is  jx'rfect"  is  from 

aliove, 
Coming  down  from  the  Father  of  lights,  witli  whom  there  is  no 
shifting  or  shadow  of  change. 

18  He  willed  to  bring  us  forth  Ijy  the  word  of  truth, 

To  l)e  a  kind  of  firstfruits  of  his  creatures. 

19  You  know  that,  mv  beloved  Virothers. 


20 


Now  let  every  man  Ije  quick  to  hear,  slow  to  speak,  slow  to  anger  : 
For  man's  anger  does  not  produce  the  uprightness  of  God. 

584 


121-223]  JAMES  585 

21  Therefore,  putting  away  all  the  tiltliy  dregs  of  malice, 

Accept  with  meekness  the  implanted  word  which  is  ahle  to  save  your 
souls. 

22  Prove  yourselves  obedient  to  the  word, 

Instead  of  merely  hearing — and  so  deluding  yourselves. 

23  For  if  anyone  hears  the  word  and  ol)eys  not, 

He  is  like  a  man  looking  at  his  natural  face  in  a  mirror  : 

24  He  looks  at  himself  and  is  off, 

And  immediately  forgets  what  kind  of  man  he  is. 

25  But  he  who  gazes  into  the  perfect  law—  the  law  of  freedom — and  remains 

there. 
Proving  himself  no  forgetful  hearer  but  actively  obedient, 
This  man  shall  be  happy  in  his  obedience. 

26  If  any   man  imagines  that  he  is  religious,  and  does  not  bridle  his 

27  tongue,  but  deceives  his  own  heart,  this  man's  religion  is  futile.     Religion 
pure  and  undefiled  before  our  God  and  Father  is  this  : — 

to  care  for  or23hans  and  widows  in  their  distress, 
to  kee-p  oneself  unstained  from  the  world. 
2  1        My  brothers,  hold   not  the  faith  of   [our]    Lord   of   majesty   [Jesus 

2  Christ],  with  respect  of  persons.  For  if  a  man  enters  your  gathering  with 
gold  rings  and  splendidly  dressed,  and  a  poor  man  also  enters  in  a  dirty 

3  dress,  and  you  favour  him  who  wears  the  splendid  dress  and  say,  "  Sit 
here  in  comfort,"  and  say  to  the  poor  man,  "  Stand  there  !  "  or  "  Sit  under 

4  my   footstool" — have  you  not  made  distinctions  among  yourselves   and 

5  shown  that  you  judge  with  evil  designs  ?  Listen,  my  beloved  brothers. 
Has  not  God  chosen  those  who  are  poor  in  this  world  to  be  rich  in  faith, 
and  to  be  heirs  of  the  realm  which  he  has  promised  to  those  who  love 

6  him  ?     Now,  you  have  insulted  the  poor  man.     Is  it  not  the  rich  who 

7  oppress  you  ?  and  is  it  not  they  who  drag  you  to  the  courts  ?     Is  it  not 

8  they  who  blaspheme  the  noble  Name  by  which  you  are  called  ?  If,  how- 
ever, you  fulfil  the  royal  law  according  to  the  scripture.  Thou  shalt  love  thy 

9  neighbour  as  thyself,  well  and  good.     But  if  you  have  respect  of  persons 

10  you  are  committing  sin  ;  the  law  convicts  you  as  transgressors.  For 
whoever  shall  keep  the  law  as  a  whole  and  yet  stumble  in  a  single  point, 

1 1  is  guilty  of  everything.  For  he  who  said,  Commit  7io  adultery,  said  also. 
Do  not  'murder.     Now,  if  thou  committestno  adultery  but  murderest,  thou 

12  hast  become  a  transgressor  of  the  law.     So  speak  and  so  act,  as  those  who 

13  are  to  be  judged  liy  a  law  of  freedom.      For  judgment  is  merciless  to  him 

14  who  has  shown  no  mercy  :  mercy  exults  over  judgment.  What  is 
the  use,  my  brothers,  of  a  man  saying  he  has  faith,  without  having  deeds  ? 

15  Can  his  faith  save  him  1     If  a  brother  or  a  sister  be  ill-clad  and  in  lack  of 

16  daily  food,  and  one  of  you  says  to  them,  "Go  in  peace,  get  warmed  and 
fed  !  "  without  giving  them  the  necessaries  of  the  body,  what  is  the  use  of 

7,  18  it  ?  So  too  with  faith  ;  unless  it  brings  deeds,  it  is  dead  in  itself.  But 
will  some  one  say,  "  Hast  thou  faith— thou  !  "  ?  Yes,  and  I  have  deeds  as 
well.     Show  me  thy  faith  apart  from  deeds,  and  I  will  show  thee  my 

19  faith  by  my  deeds.     Thou  believest  in  one  God?^  well  and  good.      The 

20  daemons  also  believe  and  shudder.     Wilt  thou  understand,  0  empty  man, 

21  that  faith  is  useless  apart  from  deeds?     Was  not  our  father  Abraham 

22  justified  by  deeds,  when  he  offered  his  son  Isaac  upon  the  altar?  Thou 
seest  that  faith  was  working  along  with  his  deeds,  that  by  deeds  faith 

23  was  perfected,  and  that  the  scripture  was  fulfilled  which  saith.  Now 
Abraham  believed  God  and  it  was  counted  to  him  as  ufricjhtncss,  and  he  was 

1  Reading  i>!  iioi  'imv ; 


586  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2^*-A^ 

24  called  God's  friend.     You  see  it  is  by  deeds  a  man  is  justified,  and  not 

25  merely   by   faith.     In  the   same   way,  was  not   Rahab   the   harlot   also 
justified  by  deeds,  as  she  welcomed  the  messengers  and  dismissed  them 

26  by  another  waj-  ?     For 

Just  as  ajiaVt  from  the  breath  the  body  is  dead. 
So  also  faith  is  dead  apart  from  deeds. 

3  1  Crowd  not  to  be  teachers,  my  brothers. 

Since  }'ou  know  we  shall  be  the  more  heavily  sentenced. 

2  For  in  many  points  we  all  stumble  : 

He  is  a  perfect  man  who  stumbles  not  in  speech, 
He  is  able  to  bridle  his  whole  body  as  well. 

3  If  we  put  bridles  into  the  horses'  mouths  to  make  them  obey  us. 

We  turn  about  their  whole  body  as  well. 

4  Look  at  the  ships  too  !  for  all  their  size  and  their  speed  under  stiff  winds, 

They  are  turned  about  l\v  a  very  small  rudder,  wherever  the  impulse 
of  the  steersman  decides. 

5  So  also  the  tongue  is  a  small  member. 

Yet  it  boasts  of  great  exploits. 
Look  at  the  forest  kindled  by  a  tiny  fire  ! 

6  And  the  tongue— that  world  of  iniquity — 

The  tongue  proves  itself  a  very  fire  among  our  members  : 
Besides  staining  the  whole  body, 
It  fires  the  Wheel  of  being. 
Fired  itself  by  Gehenna. 

7  For  every  kind  of  beast  and  bird,  of  things  creeping  and  marine,  is  tamed 

and  has  been  tamed  by  mankind  : 

8  But  no  man  can  tame  the  tongue — 
Restless  evil  that  it  is,  full  of  mortal  poison. 

9  With  it  we  bless  the  Lord  and  Father, 

And  with  it  we  curse  men  made  after  the  likeness  of  God: 

10  From  the  same  mouth  issue  blessing  and  cursing  ; 
My  brothers,  this  ought  not  to  be  so. 

11  Does  a  fountain  send  out  fresh  water  and  brackish  water  from  the  same 

opening  ? 

12  Can  a  fig-tree,  my  brothers,  produce  olives  ? 
Or  a  vine,  figs  1 

No  more  can  salt  water  produce  fresh. 

13  Who  is  wise  and  sage  among  you  ? 

In  meekness  of  wisdom  let  him  show  his  deeds  Ijy  good  conduct. 

14  But  if  in  your  heart  you  have  bitter  jealousy  and  factiousness, 
Exult  not  over  the  truth  nor  lie  against  it. 

15  That  is  not  the  wisdom  which  comes  down  from  above  ; 
Nay,  it  is  earthly,  sensuous,  daemoniacal. 

16  For  wherever  jealousy  and  faction  exist. 
There  disorder  is  and  everything  ill. 

17  Whereas  the  wisdom  from  above  is  first  pure. 
Then  peacealile,  forbearing,  pliant. 

Full  of  mercy  and  good  fruits,  impartial,  unfeigned. 

18  Now  those  who  make  peace  are  sowing  in  peace  uprightness  as  the  fruit 

thereof. 

4  1  Wlience  come  wars,  whence  wrangles  amcmg  you  ? 

Is  it  not  from  this,  from  your  pleasures  that  wage  war  among  your 
members  ? 


4--;')=^]  JAMES  587 

2  You  desire,  yet  you  do  not  possess. 

You  are  envious  ^  and  jealous,  yet  you  cannot  obtain. 
You  wrangle  and  fight,  yet  ^  you  do  not  possess. 
Because  you  do  not  ask. 

3  You  do  ask,  yet  you  receive  not ; 

Because  you  ask  amiss,  in  order  to  spend  upon  your  pleasures. 

4  Unfaithful  to  your  troth, 

Do  you  not  understand  that  the  world's  friendship  is  enmity  against 
God? 
Whoever   then   would   be   the   world's  friend   proves  himself  God's 
enemy. 

5  Or  is  it  idly,  do  you  imagine,  that  the  scripture  saith, 

"  Jealously  he  yearns  for  the  spirit  which  he  made  to  dwell  in  us  "  ? 

6  Now /te  (/ranis  greater  (/race;  therefore  it  saith,  j 

The  haughty  God  resists,  \ 

But  to  the  humble  he  grants  grace.  i 

7  Be  subject  then  to  God. 

Eesist  the  devil,  i 

And  he  will  flee  from  you  : 

8  Draw  nigh  to  God, 

And  he  will  draw  nigh  to  you. 
Sinners,  cleanse  your  hands  ! 
Double-minded,  purify  your  hearts  ! 

9  Grieve  and  mourn  and  weep  ! 
Changed  be  your  laughter  into  mourning. 
And  your  joy  into  dejection  ! 

10  Humble  yourselves  before  the  Lord, 

And  he  will  raise  you. 

1 1  Defame  not  one  another,  brothers. 
He  who  defames  his  brother  or  judges  his  brother. 

Defames  the  law  and  judges  the  law. 
Now  if  thou  judgest  the  law, 

Thou  are  not  obedient  to  the  law,  Init  a  judge. 

12  One  is  lawgiver  and  judge. 
He  who  is  able  to  save  and  to  destroy. 
But  thou,  who  art  thou  to  judge  thy  neighbour? 

13  Come  now,  you  who  say,  "To-clay  or  to-morrow  we  shall  go  to  this 

14  or  that  city,  and  spend  a  year  there,  and  trade,  and  get  gain" — you  who 
are  ignorant  what  life  ^  shall  be  yours  upon  the  morrow  !      For  you  are  a 

15  vapour,   appearing  for  a  little  and  then  vanishing.      You  should   say 

16  instead,  "  If  the  Lord  will,  we  shall  do  this  or  that."     As  it  is,  you  exult 
in  your  pretensions  ;  all  such  exultation  is  evil. 

17  He  who  knows,  then,  to  do  good  yet  does  it  not. 
To  him  it  is  sin. 

5  1  Come  now,  you  rich,  weep  and  howl  for  your  impending  griefs  ! 

2  Your  wealth  lies  rotten. 

And  your  garments  have  become  moth-eaten. 

3  Your  gold  and  silver  are  rusted  over. 

And  their  rust  shall  be  evidence  against  you. 
Yea,  it  shall  devour  your  flesh  like  fire. 
You  have  been  laying  up  treasure  in  the  last  days. 

1  Reading  (pBoviTji.  "  Adding  xx.).  ^  Omitting  [[j-a^]]. 


588  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [5^*--° 

4  Behold,  the  icayes  of  which  you  Lave  defrauded  llie  laljoiirers  wlio  mowed 

your  fields,  are  calling  aloud, 
And  the  cries  of  the  harvesters  have  entered  into  the  ears  of  the  Lord  of 
Sabaoth. 

5  Yon  have  lived  on  earth  in  luxury  and  dissipation, 
You  have  nourished  your  hearts,  oh  the  day  of  slauylder. 

6  You  have  condeiuned,  have  murdered  the  upright  man : 

He  does  not  resist  j'ou. 

7  Be  patient,  then,  brothers,  until  the  arrival  of  tlie  Lord. 
Behold,  the  husbandman  waits  for  the  precious  fruit  of  the  earth. 

Patient  over  it  till  it  receives  the  earhj  a)id  the  latter  rain  : 

8  I'e  you  patient  also,  strengthen  your  hearts, 

For  the  arrival  of  the  Loid  is  near. 

9  Murmur  not  against  one  another,  brothers,  that  you  maj^  not  be  judged  : 

Behold,  the  judge  is  standing  before  the  door  ! 

10  As  an  example  of  hardship  and  patient  endurance,  brothers,  take   the 

11  prophets  who  have  spoken  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.  Behold,  we  call 
those  who  have  endured,  haffy.  You  have  heard  of  the  endurance  of  Job, 
and  \ou  have  seen  the  end  of  the  Lord,  that  the  Lord  is  full  of  sympathy 

12  and  pitzful.  But  above  all,  my  brothers,  swear  not :  neither 
by  heaven,  nor  by  earth,  nor  by  any  other  oath.  Let  your  "yes"  be  a 
simple  "yes,"  and  your  "no"  a  simple  "no" — that  you  may  not  fall 
under  condemnation. 

13  Is  anyone  among  you  in  hardship  ? 

Let  him  pray. 
Is  anyone  in  good  spirits  ? 
Let  him  sing  praise. 

14  Is  anyone  among  you  sick  ? 

Let  him  call  for  the  elders  of  the  Community, 

And  let  them  pray  over  him,  anointing  him  with  oil  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord. 

15  And  the  prayer  of  faith  shall  restore  the  invalid. 

And  the  Lord  shall  raise  him  up. 
Even  if  he  has  committed  sins, 
They  shall  be  forgiven  him. 

16  Confess  then  your  sins  to  one  another, 
And  pray  for  one  another. 

That  you  may  be  cured. 
Great  is  the  effect  of  an  upright  person's  prayer  in  its  activity. 

17  Elijali  was  a  man  with  a  nature  like  our  own  ; 

And  he  prayed  earnestly  that  it  might  not  rain, 

And  it  did  not  rain  on  the  laud  for  three  years  and  six  months. 

18  Tlum  he  prayed  again, 

And  the  sky  yielded  rain,  and  tlie  land  jiroduced  her  fruit. 

19  My  ])rother3,  if  anyone  amcmg  you  err  from  the  truth,  and  some  one 

20  turn  him  back,  let  him  know  that  he  who  turns  a  sinner  back  from  the 
error  of  his  way,  shall  save  his  sduI  fnim  deatli  and  liidf  a  multitude  of 
sins. 


THE  EPISTLE   OF  JUDAS 

Thk  main  indication  of  date  in  this  forciljle  and  brief  letter  is  to  be  found  in 
the  nature  of  the  error  that  is  denounced.  This  is  commonly  and,  upon  the 
whole,  rightly  taken  to  Ije  a  phrase  of  that  strange  antinomian  Gnosticism 
which  spread  over  sections  of  the  church  especially  during  the  second 
century.  The  epistle  (unless  the  epistolary  form  be  an  artificial  and 
literary  device)  is  addressed  to  a  definite,  local,  and  recent  manifestation 
of  this  libertinism  within  ('-)  the  church.  It  is  a  word  for  an  emergency. 
The  immediate  conditions  soon  passed  out  of  knowledge,  and  it  is 
unreasonable  to  expect  the  writing  to  afl^ord  clearly  defined  traces  of  a 
controversy  with  which  writer  and  readers  are  already  familiar.  Still  it  is 
none  the  less  possible  from  the  writing  itself  to  reconstruct  with  sufficient 
accuracy  the  spirit  of  its  period,  although  the  general  tone  of  the  letter 
points  not  to  a  genuine  epistle  but  to  a  homily.  In  the  background 
Gnostic  tendencies  are  unmistakable  :  the  stress  laid  on  distinctions  and 
classes  (i'',  dnoSLopiCovTes,  to  which  Ro  16^''  is  only  a  linguistic  parallel), 
the  claim  to  possess  visions  (^,  ewn-viaCoiievoL)  and  superior  knowledge 
(^^),  the  moral  laxity  (*■  -^),  the  repudiation  of  the  OT  God  and  of 
angels  (^,  KvpiorrjTa  dderovaiv,  86^as  8e  l3Xacr(f)rjij,ov(nv).  Most  critics  concur 
in  regarding  these  as  consistent  and  decisive  traces  of  the  opposition 
Avhich  the  church  presented  to  the  movement  headed  by  the  Nikolaitans 
(Apoc  2''-  ^5)  towards  the  end  of  the  first  century,  and  later  by  several 
sectaries,  including  Karpokrates.  Their  leading  tenet  ^  was  a  licentiousness 
which  obliterated  the  distinction  between  the  natural  and  the  moral  {napa- 
XprjCT'^^^^'-  '''[}  o'»p<i-  S"))  accompanied  by  ecclesiastical  insubordination,- 
and  a  violent  antipathy  to  Judaism.  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom,  iii. 
2,  6-10)  found  this  error  implied — though,  as  he  thought,  prophetically — 
in  the  epistle.  Omit  the  "  prophetically  "  and  the  correct  historical  stand- 
point is  gained  for  the  writing,  i.e.  somewhere  among  the  rising  currents 
in  the  sub-apostolic  age,  most  probably  after  the  beginning  of  the  second 
century.  This  is  corroborated  by  the  references  to  the  apostolic  age 
as  distant  and  authoritative  (^-  ■*•  ^'^) — the  apostles  being  not  merely 
scattered  but  dead,  as  the  passage  clearly  implies— and  to  the  faith  as  a 
crystallised  entity  (ana^  ■n-apadoBeicrrj  vols  ayiois  Triarei,  c]).  ^^),  to  whose 
historical  origin  the  readers  can  look  back. 

The  terminus  ad  quern  is  the  period  of  the  Muratorian  Canon  which 
includes  Judas,  or  more  closely,  that  of  2  Peter,  which  derives  from  the 
epistle.    The  mind  of  the  writer  appears  to  be  filled  with  anger  and  surprise 

1  As  in  the  pastorals,  it  is  met  by  denunciatiou  rather  than  discussion,  auger 
rather  than  analysis.  But  the  situation  is  not  yet  desperate.  The  errorists,  who  are 
on  the  way  of  Kain  (i.e.  sceptics),  are  not  altogether  irreclaimable,  and  the  church  is 
evidently  strong  enough  to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy's  camp.  In  ^-  ^*',  as  in 
Jas  211-4,  an  abuse  of  Pauline  principles  is  implied. 

2  On  this  demagogic  eruption,  cp.  Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  77,  85,  86.  Like  the  other 
features  of  the  situation,  it  rests  on  a  theoretical  propaganda  of  explosive  ideas. 

589 


590  HISTORICAL   NEW    TESTAMENT 

at  the  contemporary  godlessness  and  libertinism  (see  Jacoby,  NT  Ethik, 
pp.  455-459),  as  if  "these  were  (^)  for  him  at  least  a  comparatively  new- 
departure.  This  (as  Jiilicher  judiciously  remarks)  makes  it  advisable  not 
to  go  too  far  down  into  the  second  century. ^  On  the  other  side  the  termimis 
a  quo  is  probably  to  be  found  not  merely  in  the  Pauline  epistles  which 
it  presupposes  (especially  Col-Eph),  but  in  the  Johannine  epistles,  or  even 
in  the  pastorals,  witli  which  Jud-2  Pet  have  clear  literary  and  religious 
affinities,  no  less  than  with  the  Didache  (parts  of  it  written  by  author  of 
Judas  ?  Chase,  DB,  ii.  p.  799  f.).  Broadly  speaking,  the  range  for  its  com- 
position is  the  first  quarter — ijerhaps  the  first  half — of  the  second  century  : 
neither  within  nor  without  the  NT  is  there  any  evidence  to  justify  a  more 
precise  date.  So  Hilgenfeld  (Einl,  pp.  739-744)  and  Volkmar,  followed 
bv  most  critics,  including  especially  Mangold,  Lipsius,  Holtzmann  (Einl. 
pp.  327-329;  NTTk,  ii.  pp.  318-321),  and  Weizsiicker  (AA,  ii.  pp.  160, 
202).  Volter  formerly  put  it  later  than  140  a.d.  Pfieiderer  takes  it  similarly 
as  the  work  of  an  Alexandrian  Hellenist,  written  against  the  Karpokratian 
heresy  ( Urc.  pp.  835-838),  and  this  represents  practically  the  position  of 
several,  like  Hausratli  and  S.  Davidson  (INT,  ii.  p.  335  f.)  and  Cone 
(Gospel  and  its  Interpret,  p.  338  f .).  But  the  narrower  and  earlier  period,  100- 
125  (130)  A.D.,  recently  chosen  and  reasserted  by  Jiilicher  (Einl,  pp.  145- 
147),  McGiffert  (AA,  pp.  585-588),  and  Harnack  ('GViro/i,  pp.  465-470),  is, 
upon  the  whole,  certain.  The  relative  order  of  Judas  and  the  pastorals 
remains,  however,  ([uite  an  open  question.  It  is  attractive  rather  than 
safe  to  find  the  reference  of  Judas  ^^  (t5)v  prj^idrcov  rcov  npoeiprj^evcov  vtto 
T.  dnoaroXcov)  in  2  Tim  3'- ^  4^  1  Tim  4'  ;  earlier  prophecies  might 
answer  just  as  well  (e.g.  Col  2*^-,  Ac  20^^,  etc).  The  affinities  with 
the  Didache  (2^  =  Jud  22  f.^  4i  =  Jud^  etc.)  are  much  more  convincing,  and 
probably  indicate  that  the  situation  of  both  writings  is  fairly  identical. 

On  this  view  the  author  is  some  unknown  Judas  who  puts  forward  no 
claim  to  apostleship.  His  title  "  Brother  of  James,"  if  it  be  authentic, 
is  either  an  equivalent  for  "  bisliop"  or  a  merely  personal  reference.  If 
it  does  not  refer  to  the  author  of  "  James,"  it  must  be  supposed  to  have 
carried  some  weight  at  the  time,  although  we  have  lost  the  clue  to  its 
local  origin  and  appositeness.  Unless  the  writing  is  to  be  regarded  (with 
Harnack)  as  originally  anonymous,  or  (with  Pfieiderer,  W.  Briickner,  Chron, 
p.  298  ;  and  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  328,  329)  as  essentially  pseudonymous 
— which  is  unlikely,  as  the  primitive  Judas  was  far  from  being  a  prominent 
leader — -it  must  be  taken  with  this  shadow  upon  the  title.  Grotius 
assigned  its  composition  to  Judas  (Euseb.  HE,  iv.  5.  3),  a  bishop  of 
Jerusalem  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  and  in  the  dearth  of  evidence  this 
seems  not  an  unlikely  guess,  especially  (TU,  viii.  1,  2)  if  the  heresy  is 
interpreted  as  Coptic  or  Syro- Palestinian  Gnosticism.  The  remarkable  use 
of  the  apocryphal  ^  literature  and  its  legends  ^  in  the  epistle  has  suggested 

1  Seraler  long  ago  put  both  it  and  2  Peter  between  150  and  200,  the  former,  how- 
ever, as  an  epitome  of  the  latter. 

-  Parallels  collected  by  Spitta  (cp.  cit.) ;  passages  from  Enoch  by  Chase  in  DB, 
ii.  pp.  801,  802.  The  latter  critic  endeavonrs  with  great  plausibility  to  connect  the 
epistle  with  the  brother  of  Jesus  ;  but  at  too  great  expense,  if  such  a  date  (a  year  or 
two  after  the  pastoral  epistles  !)  involves  not  merely  the  authenticity  of  tlie  pastorals 
but  the  earlier  date  of  the  apocalypse  and  (apparently)  of  Hebrews.  Such  a  literary 
construction  is  quite  untenable.  Further,  ver.  4  does  not  imply  a  Pauline  mission- 
field  (p.  804).     Had  Paul  a  monojioly  of  preaching  "  grace  "  ? 

*  The  literary  dependence  upon  the  Assumptio  Mosis  in  ver.  9  must  be  maintained, 
in  spite  of  Clemen's  recent  scepticism  (KAI',  ii.  pp.  312,  314). 


THE    EPISTLE    OF    JUDAS  591 

to  Jiilicher,  however,  the  old  idea  of  an  Egyptian  origin  for  the  writing  ; 
while  Schenkel,  Mangold,  Pfleiderer,  and  Holtzmann  had  thought  of  Alex- 
andria, though  Palestine  or  Asia  Minor  is  intrinsically  as  probable.  To 
confine  it  to  the  Syrian  Antioch  is  simply  a  guess.  Many  a  community 
was  exposed  to  pagan  lawlessness  in  that  age.  In  fact  the  data  are  far  too 
scanty  to  permit  of  any  safe  conclusion  being  drawn  from  them  in  regard 
either  to  the  situation  or  to  the  author  of  this  vigorous,  brief,  and 
enigmatic  note.  It  implies  an  intimate  connection  between  writer  and 
readers,  involving  some  mutual  affection  and  knowledge.  But  any 
efforts  to  get  behind  this  fact  merely  result  in  fantastic  constructions 
which  lie  quite  off  the  ground  of  history. 

If  it  is  desired  to  find  within  the  NT  records  any  Judas  who  would 
correspond  to  the  description  of  the  title  (i),  the  brother  of  James  (Mk  6^, 
Mt  13^^)  would  certainly  be  the  most  likely  figure.^  But  as  grandsons 
of  his  were  alive  in  Domitian's  reign  (Euseb.  HE,  iii.  pj:).  19,  20),  the  period 
of  his  own  life  would  he  far  too  early  -  to  suit  the  evidence  of  the  writing, 
and  would  require  the  errors  to  be  interpreted  as  products  of  Jewish 
Christianity  or  hyper-Paulinism.  Neither  in  the  letter  nor  in  the  rest  of 
the  NT  is  there  the  slightest  ground  for  making  such  a  conjecture  upon  the 
authorship,  though  it  is  naturally  favoured  by  several  Anglican  scholars,  e.(/. 
Farrar  (Early  Days  of  Christianity,  bk.  ii.  chap,  xi.),  Flummev  (ExjMsitor's 
Bible,  "James  and  Jude,"  1891,  Plumptre  (Cambridge  Bible,  1887),  Salmon,^ 
and  Chase.  For  different  and  not  very  cogent  reasons,  von  Soden  (HC,  ill. 
2,  p.  186)  dates  the  letter  l^etween  80  and  90,  Weiss  before  70,  Wandel 
(der  Brief  des  Judas,  1898)  between  62  and  70,  Klihl  (-Meyer)  between  65 
and  80,  Schiifer  (Einl.  p.  314  f.)  between  64  and  66,  and  Renan  c.  54  a.d. 
(as  a  bitter,  covert  attack  upon  Paul  and  Paulinism  :  Saint  Paul,  chap.  x.). 
Spitta's  date  (+  80  a.d.)  is  bound  up  with  his  lonely  and  brilliant 
attempt  (i)er  2  Brief  d.  Petrus  und  der  Brief  d.  Judas,  1885  ;  also  Urc.  ii.  pp. 
409-411)  to  establish  the  relative  priority  of  2  Peter,  the  letter  of  Judas 
being  an  outcome  of  2  P  l^^ ;  but  his  arguments  really  prove  with 
renewed  force  the  need  and  reason  for  insisting  upon  the  opposite  order, 
no  longer  as  a  problem  but  as  a  postulate  for  the  criticism  of  the  two 
writings.  The  priority  of  Judas  is  rightly  accepted  by  modern  critics 
with  practical  unanimity.*     In  it  we  have  the  original  purport  of  several 

1  In  which  case  the  "James"  of  Judas,  ver.  1,  would  be  the  famous  president  of 
the  Jerusalem  Christians.  This  follows  also,  if  the  writing  is  one  of  the  pseudepi- 
grapha.  Adeney  (£1,  pp.  450-452)  also  takes  the  author  to  have  really  been  a  brother 
of  James   the  head  of  the  Jerusalem  church,  and  consequently  a  brother  of  Jesus. 

'-'  The  T«A«i  of  ver.  4  has  its  parallel  not  in  any  of  the  passages  quoted  by  Zahn  {Einl. 
ii.  pp.  87,  88),  where  the  context  determines  its  relative  scope,  but  in  Heb  1',  t«>.«( 
'.  f)io;  kaXy,(ra.:  non  viinimo  intervallo,  Bengel).  It  has  a  prophetic  retrospect,  for 
which  no  period  of  twenty  years  or  so  gives  auy  adequate  room.  Similarly  the 
destruction  of  unbelievers  refers  not  to  the  Jewish  ruin  of  70  A.D. ,  but  to  the  incidents 
underlying  the  corresponding  reminiscence  in  Heb  S^''-^^.  In  short,  all  attempts  to 
tear  the  document  out  of  the  second  century  are  largely  verbal,  and  break  down 
upon  serious  examination. 

3  ' '  Many  of  the  phrases  packed  together  in  Jude's  epistle  might  each  be  the  text  of 
a  discourse  ;  so  that  I  could  easily  believe  that  we  had  in  this  epistle  heads  of  topics 
enlarged  on,  either  in  a  larger  document,  or  by  the  apostle  himself  in  vivcl  voce 
addresses,"  p.  477  n.  The  same  has  been  suggested  in  regard  to  James.  There  also, 
as  here,  the  wisdomditerature  is  largely  drawn  upon,  and  the  writer  is  acquainted 
with  general  Greek  literature  (cp.  also  Jud  i6  with  Jas  2^). 

■*  A  recent  exception  is  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  73-110),  who  dates  Jud  70-75  A.D. , 
supposing  it  to  have  been  written  by  the  brother  of  Jesus  and  addressed  to  the 
churches  already  warned  in  2  Peter  some  ten  years  previously  (60-63).  He  refers  ver. 
5  to  the  catastrophe  of  70  a.d.     Bartlet  {AA,  pp.  344-351)  is  fully  alive  to  the 


592  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

words  and  sentences  which  have  been  modified  and  readjusted  in  2  Peter 
to  a  different  situation  (Jud  9  =  2  P  2",  Jud  io  =  2  P  2^^,  Jud  12  =  2  P  2i0- 
Tlie  latter  writing  preserves  some  of  the  conceptions  of  the  earlier,  l)ut 
they  are  presented  in  a  more  abstract  and  expanded  form,  and  often 
would  be  unintelligible  were  it  not  for  the  comment  supplied  by  Judas. 

common  situation  of  the  Didachfi  and  this  epistle,  but  the  early  date  he  assigns  to  the 
former  unfortnnately  obliges  him  to  press  Judas  back  to  70-80  a.D.  as  a  Syrian 
document.  It  is,  however,  quite  proper  to  insist  that  phenomena  such  as  those  pre- 
sented in  this  epistle  owe  much  of  their  obscurity  to  the  fact  that  the  modern  reader 
"  is  not  aware  of  the  background  of  traditional  and  superstitious  beliefs  that  existed 
from  the  first  even  in  Christian  minds,  but  were  kept  in  abeyance  as  long  as  the 
power  of  fresh  faith  was  unimpaired.  Time,  however,  with  its  slow  but  potent 
alchemy,  gradually  destroyed  this  relation  between  the  old  and  the  new.  .  .  .  The 
delay  of  the  Lord's  return  had  an  unsettling  eti'ect,  causing  men  to  fall  moi'e  and 
more  under  the  sway  of  the  ordinary  forces  of  human  nature  and  society,  and  then 
by  the  aid  of  old  beliefs  to  frame  theories  to  explain  and  jiistify  their  practice." 
This  is  admirably  put,  and  points  to  a  constant  source  of  deflection  in  the  Christian 
consciousness  of  the  prinntive  age. 


JUDAS 

Tlie  sole  purpose  of  the  writing  is  to  warn  Christendom  against  a  band  of 
pseudo-Christians,  whose  doctrines  are  as  frightful  and  anti-christian  as  is  their 
moral  conduct.  Written  in  some  anxiety  regarding  the  spread  of  such  tendencies 
within  the  church,  the  "  epistle  "  shows  more  goodwill  than  skill  in  its  methods 
of  controversy.  More  space  is  given  to  indignation  at  these  shameless  persons 
and  to  the  description  of  the  judgment  awaiting  them,  than  to  a  proof  of  what 
is  base  in  their  principles  and  behaviour.  Only  in  one  or  two  expressions — 
and  even  these  merely  hint  in  part  at  the  subject — is  any  useful  advice  given 
regarding  the  individuals  in  question.  The  refutation  proper  consists  entirely 
of  tlie  assertion  that  people  were  long  ago  prepared  for  such  phenomena,  by  the 
predictions  of  prophets  and  apostles.  The  style  does  not  give  evidence 

of  any  remarkable  ability,  but  it  is  not  lacking  in  a  certain  marked  force. 
Leaving  out  the  objectionable  quotations  from  the  apocryphal  writings,  the 
author  of  2  Peter  atterwards  incorporated  in  his  own  epistle  this  tiny  letter  of 
Judas,  which  had  fallen  into  oblivion,  but  whose  bitter  invectives  seemed  to 
him  most  serviceable. — Jiilicher. 


Address  and  greeting. 
The  occasion  of  the  letter. 

Denunciation  and  doom  of  the  errorists  ; 
Their  exposure  from  prophecy, 
Their  characteristics, 
Their  treatment  by  Christians. 
Doxology. 


38 


JUDAS 

1  Judas,  a  slave  of  Jesus  Christ  and  brother  of  James, 

to  those  who  are  called,  beloved  in  God  the  Father  and  kept  for 
Jesus  Christ : 

2  mercy  to  you  and  peace  and  love  be  multiplied. 

3  Beloved,  in  my  great  eagerness  to  write  you  concerning  our  common 
salvation,  I  am  obliged  to  write  and  appeal  to  you  to  contend  for  the  faith 

4  which  was  once  for  all  delivered  to  the  saints.  For  some  men  have 
slipped  in  by  stealth,  those  who  were  predestined  to  this  doom  long  ago 
— "  impious  men,  turning  the  grace  of  our  God  into  sensuality,  denying 

5  also  the  only  Master  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  Kow  I  desire 
to  remind  you — knowing  as  you  do  all  things  once  for  all — 

that  after  the  Lord  saved  a  people  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  he  next 
destroyed  those  who  believed  not  : 

6  and  that  the  angels  who  kept  not  their  office  but  abandoned  their  own 

habitation,  he  has  kept  under  the  nether  blackness  in  fetters 
everlasting  for  the  judgment  of  the  great  Day  : 

7  even  as  Sodom  and  Gomorra,  with  the  surrounding  cities,  who  (in  a 

way  resembling  these  men)  glutted  themselves  with  fornication 
and  went  after  strange  flesh,  are  exhibited  as  a  Avarning,  under- 
going the  penalty  of  tire  eternal. 

8  Yet  in  the  same  way  these  men  of  sensual  imagination  also 

pollute  the  tlesh, 
contemn  the  Lordship, 
and  abuse  Majesties. 

9  Now  when  Michael  the  archangel  was  disputing  with  the  devil  in  contro- 

versy over  the  body  of  Moses, 
He  dared  not  bring  an  abusive  accusation  against  him  ; 
Nay,  he  said,  "  The  Lord  rebuke  thee." 

10  Lut  these  men  heap  abuse  on  anything  they  are  ignorant  of. 

And  anything  they  do   understand   by  nature,  like   the   irrational 
Ijrutes,  through  that  they  are  corrupted. 

11  Woe  to  them! 

For  they  went  the  road  of  Kain, 

and  rushed  headlong  for  wages  in  the  error  of  IJalaam, 

and  perished  in  the  rebellion  of  Korah. 

12  These  are  the  men  who  are  sunken  rocks  in  your  love-feasts, 

feasting  with  you  unafraid, 

shcphcrdinrj  their  ov:n  selves  : 
Rainless  clouds  carried  away  by  winds. 
Fruitless  autumn-trees,  twice  dead,  uprooted, 

13  Wild  sea-waves,  foaming  out  their  own  disgrace, 

5'Jl 


'*-'5]  JUDAS  595 

Wandering  stars,  for  whom  the  netlier  Ijhxckness  of  darkness  has  been 
for  ever  kept. 

14  Now  Enoch,  the  seventh  from   Adam,  proj^hesied   of   these   also, 

saying : 

15  "  Lo,    the   Lord  came    ivith  Jus   holy  onijriads,   to  execute  judgment 

upon  all, 
and  to  convict  all  the  impious 

of  all  their  impious  deeds  which  impiously  they  wrought, 
and  of  all  the  harsh  -words  which   impious  sinners' have  spoken 
against  him." 

16  Tliese  are  murmurers,  grumbling  at  their  lot, 

Walking  after  their  own  lusts — 

And  their  mouth  speaks  extravagantly — 

Paying  regard  to  men's  appearances  for  their  own  advantage. 

17  But  as  for  you,  beloved, 

Eemember  the  words  spoken  beforehand  by  the  apostles  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ, 

18  How  they  told  you  :  "  At  the  end  of  the  ^  time  there  shall  be  scoffers 

who  walk  after  their  own  impious  lusts." 

19  These  are  the  men  who  make  divisions, 

Sensuous  men, 

who  have  not  the  Spirit. 

20  But  as  for  you,  beU)ved, 

Building  yourselves  up  on  your  most  holy  faith, 
Praying  in  the  holy  Spirit, 

21  Keep  yourselves  in  the  love  of  God, 

Waiting  for  the  mercy  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  to  life  eternal. 

22  Also,  reprove  some  who  separate  themselves  ; 
Save  others  by  snatching  them  out  of  the  fire  ; 

23  Have  mercy  on  others  with  fear,  hating  even  the  tunic  spotted  by  the 

flesh. 

24  Now  to  him  who  is  able  to  preserve  you  from  stumbling,  and  to  set 

25  you  with  rejoicing  faultless  before  his  majesty — to  the  only  God,  our 
Saviour  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  belong  majest)',  sovereignty, 
dominion,  and  authority,  before  all  time  and  now  and  for  all  time  : 
Amen. 

1  Adding  TOW. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  SYMEON  PETER  (II.) 

The  composition  of  this  writing  during  the  course  of  the  second  century, 
and  probably  in  its  first  half,  cannot  be  regarded  any  longer  as  one  of 
the  open  (juestions  in  NT  criticism.  The  ej^istle  :s  notoriously  weak  in 
external  attestation  (DB,  iii.  jjp.  799-806),  but  the  security  of  the  critical 
conclusion  rests  mainly  upon  internal  evidence.  Especially  noteworthy 
are  (a)  the  references  to  Paul's  epistles  ^  (3^''')  :  these  would  appear  to 
have  acquired  considerable  prestige  in  the  church,  and  to  lie  ranked  kot 
e^oxnv  side  by  side  with  the  canonical  scriptures,  as  well  as  numbered 
among  that  class  of  l)ooks  which  forms  a  subject  of  discussion  and  dispute. 
All  this,  especially  the  co-ordination  of  apostolic  writings  with  the  sacred 
codex  of  the  OT,  points  to  a  late  and  ecclesiastical  atmosphere.  (6)  The 
writer,  who  is  not  an  apostle  (3-,  rwr  aTrooToXcoi/  v^av),  at  the  same  time 
appeals  intentionall}^  and  emphatically  to  the  authority  of  Peter  (I12-19 
31.  2.  15^  .  }jg  plainly  uses  1  Peter,  which  he  endeavours  to  imitate  for  his 
own  purposes  in  spite  of  individual  peculiarities  of  style  and  thought  (cp. 
on  the  well-marked  difference  of  language,  Holtzmann,  Einl.  p.  322,  and 
the  moderate  statement  of  Simcox  :  JVriters  of  NT,  pp.  63-69,  besides 
the  critical  editors),  (c)  The  literary  relations  of  the  epistle  involve  its 
dependence  upon  Clem.  Rom.,  and  even  more  markedly  on  the  epistle  of 
Judas,  of  which  a  large  part  is  rejsroduced  exjsanded  in  2  Peter  2  :  prob- 
ably also  (in  spite  of  Chase's  scepticism)  a  similar  connection  with  4th 
Esdras  and  the  Antiquities  of  Josephus,-  and  apparently  a  set  of  simi- 
larities in  thought  and  expression  to  the  recently  discovered  Apocalvpse  of 
Peter  {DB,  iii.  pp.  814-816  ;  Harnack,  TU,  ix.  2.  p.  90  f.),  if  not  to  Hebrews 
and  James  as  well,  (rf)  The  general  contour  of  the  writing  is  late  :  we 
have  the  incipient  ecclesiasticism  of  the  church  with  its  three  authorities 
(3-),  the  Lord,  the  apostles,  the  prophets  ;  the  corresponding  identification 
of  "  apostolic  "  with  "  authoritative  "  ;  the  subtle  traces  of  Gnosticism  with 
its  subjectivity  (P")  and  conceptions  of  the  Divine  essence  (I'*),  in  view 
of  which  the  writer  emphasises  the  genuine  Christian  "knowledge" 
{yv(b(Tis,  iiriyvaxTis;)^  with  its  correlative  of  steady   faith  in  the  second 

1  "  Das  Christuiitliuiii  ist  liier  schon  ganz  geworden,  was  zuvor  das  Judentlnira 
war;  BibelglauT)c,  Buclireligion,  wie  deni  auch  I-"- 21  die  Iiispirationslehre  in  der 
Form  des  scliroH'steu  Supernatiiralismus  vorgetragen  wird "  (Holtzmann,  NTTh, 
ii.  p.  397).  On  the  analogous  Hellenic  belief  in  inspiration  and  reverence  for 
antiquity,  cp.  Hatcli,  Hibbert  Lectures,  pp.  50,  51. 

-  Elaborated  in 'three  articles  by  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott  {Exj}."-  iii.  pp.  49-63,  139-153, 
204-219),  which  are  not  deprived  of  their  i^nhstantial  force  by  the  adverse  discussions 
of  Professor  WarHeld(,Vo(/CA.  Pn-slnjlrrni  ,1  ll.,-l,ii-^  1882,  p.  45  f.,  1883,  p.  390f.),  Dr. 
Salmon  {INT,  p.  4971'.),  and  Zulm  (Einl.  ii.  p.  10'.)) ;  cp.  the  more  impartial  investi- 
gations of  Farrar  {Exp:-  iii.  pp.  401-i2;j ;  ;:,'(/,/■///  Days,  bk.  ii.  chap.  ix.  ;  Exp.'^  viii. 
pp.  58-69)  and  Krenkel  {Josephus  u.  Lucas,  p.  350  f.). 

3  Knowledge  has  displaced  the  "hope"  of  1  Peter,  and  by  a  corresponding  change 
the  sufferings  of  Christ  and  Christians  have  fallen  into  the  background  (contrast 
1  P  51  with  2  P  lifiis). 

596 


THE    EPISTLE    OF    SYMEON    PETER    (ll.)  597 

advent,  according  to  the  original  and  apostolic  tradition,  and  as  opposed 
to  current  spiritualisations  ;  the  fact  of  errorists  being  able  for  their  own 
ends  to  pervert  the  scripture  (3^''),  and  to  make  use,  as  it  is  known  the 
Marcionites  did,  of  Paul's  epistles  (passages  like  1  Thess  5^  '•,  2  Thess  2'^'^, 
Eom  2",  are  much  more  likely  than  Gal  2^^  if  any  special  reference  is 
to  be  thought  of) ;  the  general  impression  that  the  early  Christian  age  is 
far  behind  the  writer  and  his  readers,  an  era  to  be  looked  back  upon 
(e.g.  3^,  a(f)'  rjs  yap  ol  rrarepes  eKoipi^drjcrav).  These  form  a  cumulative 
argument  for  the  second-centurv  date,  wliich  is  final.  It  is  accepted  even 
by  writers  like  Beyschlag  (NTTh,  ii.  pp.  490-498),  who  finds  2  Peter  is 
critically  disputed  with  evident  reason,  based  upon  the  epistle  of  Judas 
— which  he  puts  into  the  first  century — and  a  product  of  the  second 
century  ;  as  also  by  Bovon  (NTTh,  ii.  pp.  485  f.).  Generally  c.  150  a.d.  or 
the  years  preceding  that  time  form  the  period  ^  adopted  by  a  very 
numerous  and  weighty  league  of  scholars,  including  Reuss  (275-277), 
Hilgenfeld,  Hausrath,  Bleek,  Mangold,  Renan,  S.  Davidson  (INT,  ii.  pp. 
523-559),  Holtzmann,  Kriiger,  von  Soden,  Ramsay  (before  130  a.d.), 
McGiftert,  Adeney,  and  most  recently  Chase  (DB,  iii.  pp.  796-818)  in  an 
article  of  exceptional  brilliance  and  research.  After  Keim  (iv.  p.  312,  etc.), 
Pfleiderer  puts  the  date  further  down  into  the  century  ( t/^rc.  pp.  838-843), 
and  Jiilicher  chooses  150-175  a.d.  ;  but  Simcox  rightly  demurs  to  such  a  late 
period,  on  the  ground  that  the  book  contains  an  indisputably  Heln-aistic 
element,  and  it  is  probably  safer  to  place  the  writing  not  subsequent  to  the 
seventh  or  eighth  decade  of  the  second  century.  At  any  rate  it  is  the  latest 
writing  in  the  NT  (cf.  Bruckner,  Chron.  pp.  296-307).  Harnack's  well- 
known  theory  would  imply  that  about  this  time,  i.e.  150-175,  the  Petrine 
title  was  added  to  1  Peter,  probably  bv  the  author  of  2  Peter  {Chron. 
pp.  450-470). 

This  date  involves  the  pseudonymity  of  the  epistle.  Of  course,  were 
the  title  to  be  interpreted  literally  and  logically,  the  writing  would  be  the 
testament  of  Peter.  It  must  then  have  been  composed,  as  the  author 
intended  his  readers  to  believe,  shortly  before  the  death  of  Peter  and 
subsequently  to  the  first  epistle,  i.e.  between  65  and  67  (Salmon,  Lumby, 
etc.).  Weiss  (followed  by  Kiihl),  with  his  theory  of  the  extremely  early 
date  of  1  Peter,  has  little  difiiculty  in  supposing  that  this  writing  might 
have  followed  some  ten  years  later  (INT,  ii.  pp.  154-169),  and  Spitta,  on 
grounds  of  his  own,  arrives  at  a  similar  result ;  while  Zahn  actually  dates 
the  writing  before  63,  addressed  by  Peter  to  churches  ^  in  or  near  Pales- 
tine (Einl.  ii.  pp.  42-110).  But  the  contents  of  the  epistle  are  in  hopeless 
contradiction  with  this  hypothesis,  the  case  for  which  is  largely  made  up 
of  assertions  and  assumptions.  It  may  be  said  with  perfect  moderation 
and  justice  that  the  whole  available  evidence,  positive  and  negative, 
internal  and  external,  points  away  from  such  a  period  of  composition. 
Calvin's  excellent  sense  made  him  very  dubious  of  the  Petrine  authorship, 
and  finally  suggested  to  him  that  the  epistle  might  have  been  composed 

1  Wheu  the  bubbling,  many-coloured  tlieosophies  of  Gnosticism  were  fronted  by  a 
movement  of  the  church  tgwards  organisation  and  a  canon.  2  Peter  thus  forms 
(cp.  Kenan's  testimony,  L' Eglise  Chret.  chap,  vii.)  the  most  worthy  member  of  the 
series  of  Petrine  pseudepigrapha ;  it  is  an  attempt  to  conserve  the  faith  against 
Gnostic  errors  and  the  moral  and  mental  snares  which  they  set.  Still,  the  actual 
environment  of  the  book  is  dim.  All  we  can  see  is  that  eschatological  doubts  have 
risen,  since  Judas  wrote.  Scepticism  upon  the  last  things  has  been  revived  and 
added  to  the  heresies  already  prevalent. 

2  Jewish-Christian,  upon  the  whole,  and  indebted  for  their  Christianity  to  Peter 
or  to  other  early  disciples  and  apostles  of  Jesus. 


598  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT 

at  the  command  of  the  apostle  by  one  of  his  followers,  as  he  had  already 
conjectured  that  Malachi  was  a  name  assumed  by  Ezra.  This  is  a  reason- 
able line  of  criticism,  and  it  has  become  a  favourite  in  several  quarters. 
Recently,  for  example,  the  allied  hypothesis  of  a  literary  amanuensis  has 
been  ingeniously  used  ^  to  account  for  the  faults  and  conflicting  facts  of 
style  and  expression.  On  this  view  the  writing  becomes  Petrine  rather  than 
Peter's  ;  the  cast  of  thought  is  secured  for  the  apostle,  while  the  peculiar 
Greek  is  attributed  to  a  different  secretary  from  the  Silvanus  who  com- 
posed the  first  epistle.  But  this  notion  raises  more  difficulties  than  it 
solves.  Nor  does  it  fairly  satisfy  the  internal  evidence  of  the  writing, 
which  is  crucial.  A  better  attempt  upon  the  same  line  is  that  of  Professor 
Piamsay  {CRE,  pp.  492,  493).  He  regards  the  author  as  a  pupil  of  Peter, 
who  reproduced  his  master's  counsels  and  spirit  in  face  of  new  and  later 
circumstances,  just  as  the  author  of  the  "pastorals"  is  held  to  have  done 
with  Pauline  ideas.  But,  as  he  proceeds  to  point  out,  some  words  of 
Tertullian  {Adv.  Marcion,  iv.  5)  ^  indicate  that  in  ancient  opinion  a  pupil's 
work  could  often  be  treated  as  that  of  his  master  :  conseciuently,  pseudo- 
nymity  in  a  case  like  the  present — though  a  further  development — might 
be  considered  as  a  method  which  betokened  humility  and  self-effacement 
upon  the  part  of  the  author,  rather  than  any  attempt  to  deceive  his  con- 
temjioraries.  This  indeed  Avould  be  the  true  standpoint  from  which  to 
regard  any  NT  pseudepigrapha.  Probably,  too,  2  Peter  was  put  under 
Peter's  name  owing  to  the  eminence  of  the  genuine  first  ejjistle  and  the 
increasing  authority  of  the  Petrine  tradition  among  the  sub-apostolic 
communities. 

The  Greek  style  of  the  book  has  drawn  upon  it  severe,  though  slightly 
exaggerated,  strictures  from  Dr.  Abbott,  who  inveighs  against  its  "  use  of 
some  words  almost  unknown  to  Greek  literature,  its  misuse  of  other 
words  and  idioms,  its  fondness  for  grandiloquent  novelities  and  strained 
sonorousness,  its  weak  reduplication  of  florid  phrases."  This  laboured 
and  ambitious  character  suggests  to  him  the  English  written  by  a  Ben- 
galee affecting  the  "  fine  style."  After  one  gets  over  the  odd  associations 
of  the  parallel,  "  Baboo  Greek  "  helps  to  elucidate  at  least  one  or  two 
points  in  the  epistle  ;  it  is  decisive  against  the  Petrine  authorship,  though 
not  directly  for  the  second-century  date.^  Chase  also  terms]  the  vocabu- 
lary "ambitious,  poor,  and  inadequate"  {DB,  iii.  pp.  806-809). 

The  origin  of  the  epistle  has  been  usually  given  as  Egyptian,  bi;t 
Deissmann  (Bibel-Studien,  jip.  277-284)  has  discovered  some  interesting 
parallels  between  the  style  of  the  introduction  and  a  decree  of  Stratonicea, 
which  would  rather  point  to  Asia  Minor. 

1  JE.ff.  by  Farrar  and  Simcox.  But  the  uotiou  i.s  as  old  as  Jerome's  day.  ]\Iiieli 
more  plausible  is  the  idea  that  2  Peter  is  by  the  author  of  the  "Apocalypse  of 
Peter." 

-  "Since  it  is  permissible  that  what  scholars  publish  should  be  regarded  as  the 
work  of  llnir  master";  cp.  Dr.  Sanday's  most  cautious  sentences  ("Inspiration," 

BaM/>/n„    l.rrl„i:.<.    pp.   348-3f)0). 

3  The  -lowiii-  distance  from  the  religious  centre  of  Christianity  is  even  more 
noticeiiblc  in  2  I'uler  than  in  the  other  NT  productions  of  the  second  century.  It 
comes  out  in  the  dinunution  of  simplicity,  the  increased  recourse  to  vehement 
appeals  and  threats,  the  dependence  on  Jewish  Haggada,  and  the  presence  of 
popular  ideas  such  as  that  of  tlie  world's  catastrojihic  overthrow  and  renewal  (a 
Stoical  opinion,  Cicero,  de  Xut.  Dcorum,  ii.  46). 


11.  PETEK 

The  libertines  who  are  attacked  in  the  epistle  of  Judas  appeal  to  a  deeper 
Gnosis,  they  criticise  the  traditional  faith  and  are  on  the  point  of  separating 
themselves  from  Christendom  ;  but  iu  2  Peter  they  reveal  themselves  in 
a  still  more  advanced  stage  of  development.  They  cast  doubts  upon  the 
Christian  tradition  and  occasion  heresies.  Their  libertine  tendencies  and  the 
background  for  these  in  angelology  remain  the  same,  even  if  the  details 
are  somewhat  clearer  and  the  propaganda  more  energetic.  But  they  have 
brought  one  new  idea  into  action,  which  for  the  time  has  produced  a  widespread 
opposition  in  Christian  circles.  This  idea  is  to  doubt  the  eschatological 
Christian  outlook  ;  and  it  assumes  the  guise  of  an  appeal  to  a  deeper  knowledge 
of  Christ,  to  a  particular  conception  of  the  OT,  as  well  as  to  the  position  of 
Paul.  The  last-named  point  could  be  manipulated  in  support  of  a  theoretical 
basis  for  libertinism,  and  also — by  an  ingenious  change  of  meaning — to  ex- 
tinguish the  outlook  for  the  second  Advent.  The  author  places 
himself  in  the  ranks  of  those  apostles  who  were  invested  with  canonical 
authority.  Indeed,  he  lays  emphasis  on  this  expressly.  His  aim  is  to  dee[ien 
the  impression  of  what  he  writes  by  introducing  it  as  the  last  word  of  Peter, 
the  testament  of  the  apostle  given  immediately  before  his  death. — von  Sodcn. 


1^"*  Greeting  :  the  possession  of  the  Divine  Life  : 

1^"^^  its  moral  obligations. 

2^12-21  'Yo  urge  tliese,  the  motive  of  the  writer  :  his  authority. 

The  need  of  such  counsel :  in 
2'"--  («)  the  rise  of  false  prophets  and  teachers — 

doom  of  these  and  their  adherents  foretold 
and  certain. 
3^"^^  (b)  the  doubts  of  the  second  Arrival — 

the  day  of  the  Lord,  certain  and  critical. 

3"-is  Final  appeal. 


II.  PETEK 

1   1  Symeon  Peter,  a  slave  and  apostle  of  Jesus  Christ, 

to  those  who  have  been  allotted  along  with  us  a  faith  of  equal 
privilege,  through  the  justice  of  our  God  and  the  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ : 

2  Grace  to  you  and  peace  be  multiplied  in  the  full  knowledge  of  God 

3  and  of  Jesus  our  Lord,  as  his  divine  power  has  bestowed  on  us  all  that 
makes  for  life  and  piety  through  tlie  full  knowledge  of  him  who  called  us 

4  by  his  own  majesty  and  virtue— through  which  he  has  granted  promises 
that  are  precious  to  us  and  most  great,  in  order  that  through  these  you 
may  come  to  share  in  the  divine  nature  and  escape  from  the  corruption 

5  which,  thanks  to  lust,  is  in  the  world.  Yea  and  for  this  very  object, 
contributing  on  your  part  all  eagerness,  in  your  faith  furnish  virtue  ;  and 

6  in  virtue,  knowledge  ;  and  in  knowledge,  self-control  ;  and  in  self-control, 

7  patience ;  and  in  patience,  piety  ;  and  in  piety,  brotherly  love  ;  and  in 

8  brotherly  love,  love.  For  if  these  things  exist  with  you  and  increase, 
they  render  you  neither  idle  nor  fruitless  in  gaining  the  full  knowledge 

9  of  our  Lord'jesus  Christ;  for  he  who  has  not  these  things  by  him  is 
Vjlind,  short-sighted,  since  he  has  forgotten  the  cleansing  from  his  sins 

10  of  long  ago.  Therefore,  brothers,  endeavour  all  the  more  eagerly  to 
make   sure  of  your   calling  and  selection,  for   by  so  doing  you   shall 

]  1  nuver  stumble.  In  this  way  you  shall  have  richly  furnished  to 
\ou  the  entrance  into  the  eternal  reign  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ. 

12  Therefore  I  shall  take  care  always  to  remind  you  of  these  things, 
although  you  know  them  and  are  established  in  the  truth  you  now 

13  possess.     Indeed  I  consider  it  right,  so  long  as  I  dwell  in  this  tent,  to 

14  stir  you  up  by  way  of  reminder  ;  since  I  know  my  tent  must  be  struck 

15  speedily,  as  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  also  pointed  out  to  me.  Yes  and  I 
will  eagerly  endeavour  tliat  even  after  my  departure  you  may  constantly 

IG  recollect  these  things.  For  it  was  no  sophistical  myths  that  we  followed, 
when  we  made  known  to  you  the  jiower  and  arrival  of  our  Lord  Jesus 

17  Christ :  nay,  we  were  adn'iitted  to  the  spectacle  of  his  grandeur.  For  he 
received  honour  and  majesty  from  God  the  Father,  when  such  a  voice  as 
this  reached  him  from  the  grand  Majesty, 

"This  is  my  beloved  Son, 
With  whom  1  am  delighted" — 

18  and  this  voice  we  heard  borne  out  of  the  sky,  when  we  were  with  him  on 

19  the  holy  mountain.  And  so  we  have  the  word  of  prophecy  more  sure 
than  ever,  to  which  you  do  well  to  devote  yourselves,  as  to  a  lamp  shining 
in  a  darksome  place,  until  the  day  dawn  and  tlie  day-star  arise  within 

20  your  hearts ;  especially  as  you  know  that  every  prophecy  eludes  indi- 
vidual interpretation, 

21  For  it  was  nof,  llirough  man's  will  that  any  prophecy  was  ever  borne, 


2^-20]  n_    PETER  601 

But  lioly  ^  men  of  God  spoke  as  they  were  impelled  by  the  holy 
Spirit. 

2  1  But  false  prophets  also  appeared  among  the  People, 

As  among  you  also  there  shall  be  false  teachers, 
Men  who  shall  stealthily  introduce  destructive  heresies, 

And   by  denying  the  Master  who  bought  them   bring   speedy 
destruction  ujDon  themselves. 

2  And  many  shall  follow  their  sensuality, 

Through  whom,  the  way  of  the  truth  shall  he  maligned. 

3  And  in  covetousness  shall  they  make  gain  out  of  you  with  feigned 

words — 
Men  whose  doom  from  of  old  comes  apace. 
And  their  destruction  slumbers  not. 

4  For  if  God  spared  not  angels  when  they  sinned. 

But  thrusting  them  down  to  Tartarus,  to  pits  of  nether  blackness, 
Delivered  them  to  be  kept  for  judgment : 

5  And  if  he  spared  not  the  ancient  world, 

But  preserved  Noah,  a  herald  of  uprightness,  along  with  seven 

others. 
When  he  brought  a  deluge  wpon  the  world  of  the  imjiious  : 

6  And  if  he  reduced  the  cities  of  Sodom  and  Gomorra  to  ashes,  and 

sentenced  them  to  overthrow. 
Making  an  example  of  them  for  future  impiety, 

7  And  rescued  upright  Lot,  weighed  down  by  the  sensual  conduct 

of  the  lawless 

8  (For  as  that  man  of  uprightness  resided  among  them. 

Through  sight  and  hearing  he  tormented  his  upright  soul  with 
their  unlawful  deeds  from  day  to  day) — 

9  The  Lord  knows  how  to  rescue  the  pious  out  of  trial, 

And  to  keep  the  unjust  in  punishment  for  the  day  of  judgment, 

10  But  especially  those  who  walk  after  the  flesh   in    the  lust  of 

pollution  and  despise  the  Lordship. 

11  Daring,  arrogant,  they  tremble  not  when  they  abuse  Majesties  !  Whereas 
angels,  greater  though  they  are  in  might  and  power,  do  not  bring  an 

12  abusive  accusation  against  them  before  the  Lord.  But  these,  like 
irrational  brutes,  by  nature  born  for  capture  and  corruption,  uttering 
abuse  about  what  they  are  ignorant  of,  shall  also  perish  in  their  cor- 

13  ruption,  obtaining  the  wages  of  iniquity  ;  men  who  reckon  it  a  j^leasure 
to  live  luxuriously  in  open  daylight,  spots  and  blots,  luxuriating  in  their 

14  deceits  as  they  feast  with  you,  with  eyes  full  of  adultery  and  insatiable  ^ 
in  sin,  beguiling  unstal:>le  souls,  with  their  heart  trained  in  covetousness, 

15  children  to  be  cursed.  Leaving  the  straight  road,  they  erred  as  they 
followed  the  road  of  Balaam  the  son  of  Bosor,  who  loved  the  wages  of 

16  iniquity  but  got  rebuked  for  his  own  malpractice:  a  dumb  beast  of 
burden  spoke  with  human  voice  and  prevented  the  infatuation  of  the 

17  prophet.     These  men  are  waterless  fountains  and   mists   driven   by   a 

18  squall,  for  whom  the  nether  blackness  of  darkness  has  been  kept.  For, 
uttering  futile  extravagances,  they  beguile  in  the  lusts  of  the  Hesh,  by 
sensuality,  those  who  are  just  escaping  from   men  of   erring  conduct, 

19  promising  them  freedom  while  they  are  slaves  of  corruption  themselves  ! 

20  For  whatever  a  man  is  worsted  by,  to  that  he  is  enslaved.  For,  after 
escaping  the  pollutions  of  the  world  through  the  full  knowledge  of  our  ^ 

1  Reading  Hyiot.  -  Reading  «.y.x':«.^«.a■Tovt.  ^  Adding  r./Auv. 


602  HISTORICAL    NEW    TESTAMENT  [2'-^-3^^ 

Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  if  tliey  are  once  more  entangled  and 

21  worsted  by  these,  their  last  state  turns  out  -worse  than  their  tirst.  Better 
had  it  been  for  them  never  to  have  known  the  way  of  uprightness  than, 
after  knowing  it,  to  turn  back  from  the  holy  commandment  delivered  to 

22  them.  What  has  happened  to  them  is  what  the  true  proverb  says  :  a  dog, 
that  has  turned  back  to  his  own  vomit;  and,  "a  sow  that  had  washed,  to 
wallowing  in  the  mud." 

J  1        This  is  now  the  second  letter,  beloved,  that  I  write  to  you,  and  in 

2  them  I  seek  to  stir  up  your  sincere  mind  by  way  of  reminder,  that  you  re- 
member the  words  which  have  been  spoken  beforehand  by  the  holy 
prophets,  and  the  commandment  of  the  apostles  sent  you  from  the  Lord 

3  and  Saviour  ;  as  you  know  this  first  of  all,  that  in  the  last  days  scoffers 

4  shall  come  scoiHng,  walking  after  their  own  lusts  and  saying,  "  Where  is 
the  promise  of  his  arrival  ?  For,  from  the  day  when  the  fathers  fell 
asleep,  all  things  remain  exactly  as  they  were  from  the  begimiing  of  the 

5  creation."  They  forget,  in  this  notion  of  theirs,  that  skies  and  earth 
existed  long  ago,  composed  out  of  water  and  through  water  by  the  word 

6  of  God,  through  whicii  (water  and  word)  the  then-existing  world  was 

7  deluged  and  destroyed  ;  while  the  present  skies  and  earth  have  been 
reserved  by  the  same  word,  kejDt  for  fire,  for  the  day  when  impious 
men  are  judged  and  destroyed. 

8  Now  forget  not  this  one  thing,  beloved  : 

Jl'ith  the  Lord  a  single  day  is  like  a  thousand  years, 
And  a  thousand  years  like  a  single  day. 

9  The  Lord  is  not  slow  with  the  promise,  as  some  reckon  slowness : 

Nay,  he  is  longsuffering  towards  you, 

Unwilling  that  any  should  perish,  but  that  all  should  betake 
them  to  rej^entance. 

10  The  day  of  the  Lord  will  come,  like  a  thief  : 

And  in  it  the  skies  shall  pass  away  with  hurtling  noise. 

The  elements  shall  be  set  atlame, 

And  the  earth  with  the  works  therein  shall  be  burned  up. 

11  As  these  things  are  all  thus  to  be  dissolved, 
What  must  you  be  in  holy  conduct  and  inety, 

12  Expecting  and  yearning  for  the  arrival  of  the  day  of  God, 

By  which  the  skies  shall  be  set  on  fire  and  dissolved. 
And  the  elements  shall  be  set  aHame  and  melt  / 

13  But  it  is  neiv  skies  and  a  new  earth  that  we  expect,  according  to  his 

I)romise  : 
And  in  them  u^n-ightness  dwells. 

1 4  Wlieref ore,  beloved,  as  you  are  expecting  these  things,  endeavour  eagerly 

15  to  Ije  found  in  peace,  unstained  and  unblamable  before  him  ;  and  reckon 
the  longsuffering  of  our  Lord  as  salvation — ^just  as  our  beloved  brother 

IG  Paul  also  wrote  to  you  by  the  wisdom  given  him,  speaking  of  these 
matters,  as  indeed  he  did,  in  all  his  letters ;  letters  containing  some 
things  hard  to  understand,  which  the  ignorant  and  unstable  distort  (as 

17  they  do  the  rest  of  thescrijjtures)  to  their  own  destruction.  As  for 
you  then,  Ijeloved,  knowing  these  things  beforehand,  be  on  your  guard  that 
you  may  not  be  carried  away  by  the  error  of  the  lawless  and  fall  from 

18  your  own  steadfastness ;  but  grow  in  the  grace  and  knowknige  of  our 
Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Clirist.  To  him  l)e  the  majesty  both  now  and  to 
the  day  of  eternity. 


APPENDIX 


The  critical  study  of  ancient  documents  means  nothing  else  than  the  careful 
sifting  of  their  origin  and  meaning  in  the  light  of  liistory.  The  first  principle 
of  criticism  is  that  every  book  bears  the  stamp  of  the  time  and  circumstances  in 
which  it  -was  produced.  An  ancient  book  is,  so  to  speak,  a  fragment  of  ancient 
life  ;  and  to  understand  it  aright  we  must  treat  it  as  a  living  thing,  as  a  bit  of 
the  life  of  the  author  and  his  time,  which  we  shall  not  fully  understand  without 
putting  ourselves  back  into  the  age  in  which  it  was  written.  People  talk  much 
of  destructive  criticism,  as  if  the  critic's  one  delight  were  to  prove  that  things 
which  men  have  long  believed  are  not  true,  and  that  books  were  not  written  by 
the  authors  whose  names  they  bear.  But  tlie  true  critic  has  for  his  business, 
not  to  destroy,  but  to  build  up.  ...  He  must  review  doubtful  titles,  purge  out 
interpolations,  expose  forgeries  ;  but  he  does  so  only  to  manifest  the  truth,  and 
to  exhibit  the  genuine  remains  of  antiquity  in  their  real  character.  ...  In  a 
word,  it  is  the  business  of  the  critic  to  trace  back  the  steps  by  which  any  ancient 
book  has  been  transmitted  to  us,  to  find  where  it  came  from  and  who  wrote  it, 
to  examine  the  occasion  of  its  composition,  and  to  search  out  every  link  that 
connects  it  with  the  history  of  the  ancient  world  and  with  the  personal  life  of 
the  author. — W.  Robertson  Smith. 


APPENDIX 

ON  THE  HYPOTHESES  OF  INTERPOLATION,  COM- 
PILATION, AND  PSEUDONYMITY,  IN  RELATION 
TO  THE  NT  LITERATURE 

Any  discussion  of  the  NT  writings,  esi^ecially  witli  reference  to  their 
date,  must  include  some  attempt  to  appreciate  the  literary  customs  and 
conditions  among  which  these  writings  took  their  earliest  or  final  shape. 
The  first  and  most  obvious  question  is  that  of  translation.  It  is  intro- 
ductory to  the  others,  and  scarcely  as  vital ;  but  it  cannot  be  passed  over 
without  some  notice  at  least  of  its  existence. 

The  question  is,  are  all  the  NT  writings  extant  in  the  language  in 
which  their  authors  originally  wrote  them  ?  Or  have  any  been  subse- 
quently translated  from  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  (that  "  most"  concrete  and 
unmetaphysical  of  languages,"  M.  Arnold)  into  Greek  1  The  bearing  of 
this  upon  the  problem  of  a  book's  date  may  be  illustrated  by  the  case 
of  Ecclesiasticus.  The  Greek  version  of  this  book  is  a  translation  of  the 
Hebrew  original,  prepared  some  fifty  years  later  by  the  grandson  of  the 
author.  Here  translation  implies  a  notable  gap  between  the  earlier  and 
the  final  form  of  the  liook.  When  the  translator  is  identical  with  the 
author  of  the  original,  the  matter  is  comparatively  speaking  of  less  import- 
ance :  as  in  the  case  of  Josephus,  who  composed  his  history  of  the  Jewish 
war  in  the  Aramaic  vernacular,  intending  it  for  the  Jews  resident  across 
the  Euphrates  (toIs  ava>  jBaplBdpois),  but  afterwards,  to  gain  access  for  his 
work  to  the  wider  circles  of  the  Roman  Empire,  rendered  it  into  Gi^eek. 
Still,  apart  altogether  from  the  personality  of  the  translator,  the  question 
of  translation  affects  to  some  degree  the  date  of  a  writing.  The  earlier 
instances  in  all  departments  of  Jewish  literature  (e.g.  1  Maccabees, 
Judith,  Seirach,  Psalt.  Sol.,  Enoch,  Book  of  Jubilees,^  etc.-)  prove  the 
abstract  possibility  of  translation  in  regard  to  a  NT  writing,  while  the 
bi-lingual  nature  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  use  of  Aramaic  and  Greek 
in  Palestine  indicate  that  such  a  practice  must  have  been  necessary  for 
the  extensive  circulation  of  literature.  The  hypothesis  therefore  has  a 
legitimate  claim  to  be  at  least  tested.  Whether  it  explains  in  a  satis- 
factory fashion  any  or  all  of  the  NT  records  in  connection  with  which  it 
has  been  raised,  is  a  question  that  depends  upon  the  further  examination 
of  the  particular  case  and  its  evidence. 

1  lu  the  case  of  this  writing  it  is  still  a  moot  point  whether  the  original  was 
Aramaic  or  Hebrew. 

2  Dalman  (Die  Worte  Jesu,  1899,  i.  pp.  10-13)  extends  the  practice  further  among 
the  pseudepigrapha  ;  he  even  conjectures  an  Aramaic  original  for  the  Hebrew  of  Dan 
1-6,  as  Marshall  (DB,  i.  p.  253)  does  for  Baruch,  39-4i  Similarly  for  4th  Esdras, 
Wellhausen  {Ski:.zen  u.  Vorarbciten,  vi.  p.  235  f.). 

605 


606  APPENDIX 

Only  tliree  Looks  in  tlie  NT  ^  can  be  seriously  sui^posed  to  admit  even 
of  the  discussion  of  this  hypothesis  with  regard  to  their  contents.  Chief 
among  these  is  (a)  the  gospel  of  Matthew.  The  Papias  -  tradition  of 
Matthew's  Aramaic  Logia  (Eus.  HE,  iii.  39,  ejipath  duiKeKTco  to.  Xoyia 
avveypdyj/aTo  (v.  1.  avvern^aTo),  Tjpfxrjvfva-f  S'  aira  cos  rjv  dvvciTos  eKaaTOs) 
naturally  led  scholars  of  later  ages  to  naively  confuse  or  to  deliberately 
identify  this  Aramaic  compilation  with  the  canonical  gospel.  The 
motives  for  such  a  belief  were  obvious.  It  secured  apostolicity  for  the 
gospel,  and  it  seemed  to  explain  satisfactorily  some  of  its  linguistic  and 
theological  features.  But  if  one  result  is  certain  in  synoptic  criticism,  it 
is  that  the  extant  Matthew  is  no  translation.  The  Logia  to  which  Papias 
refers  formed  one  of  its  sources,  but  even  this  already  existed  in  a  Greek 
translation  as  it  lay  before  the  final  author  of  the  gospel,  along  with  his 
other  main  source,  the  Greek  Mark.  Even  apart  from  its  dependence 
upon  these  documents,  the  linguistic  phenomena  of  the  gospel  afford 
evidence  -  that  is  practically  decisive,  e.g.  the  comparatively  smooth 
Greek,  the  number  of  OT  quotations  that  necessarily  imply  a  use  of  the 
LXX,  phrases  of  peculiarly  Greek  assonance  and  rhythm  (like  6',  ^arra- 
Xoyrjcrtire  .  .  .  noXvXoyia  ;  6^'',  dcpavl^ovan'  .  .  .  (pavmaiv  ;  Sl'*^  24^- ''''), 
etc.  The  relation  between  this  Aramaic  (Dalman)  or  Hebrew  (Resell,^ 
TU,  X.  1.  p.  90  f.)  compilation  of  Logia  and  the  canonical  Matthew  is  ex- 
tremely intricate  (on  the  Avhole  question,  cp.  Holtzmann,  Tluol.  Jahres- 
hcricht,  1889,  pp.  99-103,  and  Harnack's  frank  note,  Chroji.  pp.  692-694). 
But  at  any  rate  the  identification  of  the  two  is  precarious  in  the  exti-eme. 
It  is  even  doubtful  whether  Xdyta  at  that  time  could  have  been  applied  to 
a  NT  writing  ;  and  from  what  we  know  of  the  Hebrew  "  Matthew,"  the 
scanty  traces  of  its  nature  and  contents  (in  Origen  and  Jerome)  indicate 
that  the  writing  was  very  different  from  our  extant  gospel.  Some  editors, 
however,  like  Sclianz  {Gomm.  iiber  das  Evglm.  d.  heiligen  Matthaus,  pp.  8-23) 
and  Carr  {CGT,  pp.  xx-xxiii),  still  adhere  to  the  translation  hypothesis,'' 
while  Blass  among  others  (including  Nestle)  goes  back  even  to  an  Aramaic 
original  not  only  for  the  first  part  of  Acts,  but  even  for  Mark's  Gospel  ^ 

1  Leaving  oiit  of  account  the  possibly  Jewish  (Hebrew)  sources  which,  it  has  been 
conjectured,  underlie  the  earlier  chapters  of  Matthew  and  Luke,  and  portions  of  the 
Apocalypse.  It  is  curious  that  an  attempt  has  recently  been  made  by  Dr.  H.  P. 
Cliajes  to  reconstruct  the  Hebrew  (!)  original  of  Mark  (Markus-Stvdieu,  1899). 

-  Cp.  the  statement  and  discussion  in  Weiss,  JMatthdns-Evangelium,  pp.  35-48  ; 
Roberts'  Greek  the  Lawjuxujc  of  Christ  mul  his  A}wstlcR  (1888),  chaps,  x.-xiii.;  and 
Conybeare,  I)B,  ii.  p.  262.  This  posiiidn.  ickIk  d  l)y  critics  of  the  synoptic  problem, 
has  been  recently  corroborated,  from  1liu  stiiinliioint  of  an  expert  in  Aramaic,  by 
Dalman  {Dk  WorU  Jesu,  pp.  47-57),  and  is  conclusively  stated  by  Weiss  (-Meyer," 
1898,  Matthaus,  pp.  4-13).  Cp.  also  W.  C.  Allen  [Exji.  Ti.  xi.  ijp.  135-137),  who, 
however,  seems  impressed  by  the  Aramaic  phraseology  of  Mark  {Exp.^  i.  pp. 
436-443). 

3  He  gives  a  lucid  summary  of  his  position  in  ThSt,  pp.  95-128,  a  study  of  n.3^ 
j;^:.  For  Zahn's  theory,  see  his  Einl.  ii.  pp.  295-322,  a  collection  of  good  material 
and  less  acceptaVile  infiTcnccs. 

4Cp.  also  Gla  (/>/-  (hi'ji .mlsjirache  des  Mt.-Evglms.  1887),  wlio  holds  to  au 
Aramaic  original  for  lln'  l; 'S|m  1.  Ijut  will  not  identify  it  with  the  Hebrew  gospel. 
For  the  cognate  theory  that,  au  original  Aramaic  gospel  once  existed,  see  Marshall's 
acute  and  elaborate  papers  {E.rp.^  iii.-iv.,  resume  in  E:rj>.  Ti.  iv.  pp.  260-267).  This 
and  the  theories  of  A.  Meyer  and  Wellhausen  upon  the  primitive  form  and  dialect  of 
the  Urevangelium  are  discussed  liy  Dalman,  o]).  cit.  Einleittni'j,  vi. 

5  One  good  feature  of  Swete's  recent  edition  of  Mark  (also  of  Salmond's  article, 
DB.  iii.  pp.  251,252)  is  tlie  reasoned  opposition  offered  to  such  a  hypothesis,  which 
contradicts  the  earliest  tradition  (Papiivs),  is  not  absolutely  necessary  for  the  textual 
phcnotnena,  and  must  Ije  pronounced  a  tissue  of  improbabilities. 


APPENDIX  607 

(PG,  pp.  190-218) ;  Lut  the  most  reasonable  conclusion,  with  reference 
not  merely  to  one  but  to  all  those  gospels,  is  that,  while  the  matrix  of 
their  original  tradition  was  the  Aramaic  vernacular  of  Palestine,  the 
extant  gospels  as  well  as  their  immediate  sources — so  far  as  these  can  be 
traced  and  felt — were  composed  with  practical  entirety  in  Greek.^ 

(b)  The  idea  of  an  Aramaic  original  for  the  epistle  of  James  has  also 
been  unconvincingly  revived  by  Wordsworth  {Studia  Biblica,  i.  p.  144  f.),- 
who  conjectures  that  our  present  text  forms  one  of  two  translations.  The 
real  impulse  to  this  theory  is  the  desire  to  do  justice  to  the  excellent  Greek 
style  of  the  epistle  and  at  the  same  time  to  preserve  its  apostolic  origin. 
But  the  hypothesis  will  not  hold  water.  No  NT  writer  moves  with  such 
vigour  and  freshness  in  Hellenistic  Greek  as  the  author  of  James.  His 
book  has  assonances  and  idioms  that  preclude  any  idea  of  a  translation, 
and  ally  him  to  the  wisdom  literature  of  Alexandria  as  well  as  to  the 
Greek  classics.  The  style  of  James  embraces  Hebraisms,  as  was  to  be 
expected  ;  but  it  is  as  distinctively  and  indejiendently  Greek  as  a  page  of 
Marcus  Aurelius. 

(c)  At  an  early  period  ^  Hebrews  was  widely  imagined  to  be  a 
translation  hj  Luke  of  Paul's  originally  Hebrew  composition  (Euseb.  HE, 
VI.  14.  2,  yeypa(f)6ai.  8e  '"ElSpalois  ej3pdiKfj  (poivjj,  AovKciv   Se  (piXoTifjicos  avrijp 

,IJie6epp.Tjvev(Tavra  eKdovvai  Tolg"EWr]aiv).  Paul  wrote  it,  says  Jerome,  "  ut 
Hebraeus,  Hebraeis,  Hebraice."  The  motive  of  this  theory  (from  Clement 
to  Thomas  Aquinas)  falls  of  course  with  the  abandonment  of  the  Pauline 
authorship.  But  it  never  had  any  real  countenance  from  the  internal 
evidence  of  the  writing,  with  its  verbal  and  close  use  of  the  LXX 
(especially  10^-  ^o,  also  V  lO'""  12-\  etc.),  its  assonances  (epadev  .  .  .  ewadev, 
5*  ;  KuXov  .  .  .  KXKov,  51*  1^  8",  etc.),  and  the  fine  rhetorical  periods  that 
mark  its  structure.  In  face  of  the  excellent  Greek  of  the  epistle,  the 
translation-hypothesis  is  nothing  better  than  a  curiosity  of  criticism  (cp. 
Westcott,  Hebreivs,  pp.  xxxii-xxxv). 

These  and  every  other  application  of  the  translation-hypothesis  to  the 
NT  literature  may  be  therefore  set  aside  with  almost  absolute  con- 
fidence. It  is  wrecked  repeatedly  and  fatally  upon  the  evidence  of  style. 
It  is  in  conflict  with  the  fact  that  long  before  any  NT  writing — and 
esjjecially  a  gospel — was  comjiosed,  the  church  was  becoming  full  of 
members  who  knew  Greek  (Ac  6^  9-^)  and  no  Aramaic.  Their  needs 
became  more  and  more  paramount,  and  it  was  to  the  situation  created  by 
their  presence  and  requirements  that  the  NT  writings  later  than  Paul  were 
mainly  addressed.  The  translation-hypothesis  in  fact  is  bound  up  with  a 
conception  of  the  early  Christian  development  which  places  several  of  the 

1  Extremely  fair  summaries  of  the  critical  position  in  Bovou,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  72-84  ; 
Zahn,  Einl.  1.  pp.  1-51  ;  T.  K.  Abbott,  Essays  on  Original  Texts  of  Old  and  New 
Test.,  1891,  pp.  154-158;  and  Werule,  SynojMsche  Frage,  pp.  117-121  (Matthew), 
221-223  (Mark  and  Luke). 

2  His  arguments  (based  mainly  on  the  Latin  translation  in  Codex  Corbey,  which 
seems  to  presuppose  a  Greek  original  differing  from  the  extant  text)  are  taken  very 
seriously  and  refuted  with  complete  success  by  Mayor,  Epistle  of  St.  James,  pp. 
xli-xlii,  ccv-ccxiii.  So  Zahn  {Einl.  i.  pp.  84,  85),  who  remarks  that  if  the  extant 
James  were  not  the  original,  it  would  imply  a  mastery  of  the  art  of  translation  such 
as  could  not  be  paralleled  in  antiquity. 

3  The  view  still  seems  to  linger.  Panek  (Commentariiis  in  epistolam  heati  Pauli 
apostoli  ad  Hebraeos,  1882)  considers  the  epistle  was  originally  written  by  Paul  in 
Aramaic,  and  Dr.  Schiller-Szinessy  {Exp.^  iv.  p.  326)  is  "fully  convinced  from 
internal  evidence  that  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  in  the  original,  belonged  to  St. 
Paul,  and  that  only  the  Greek  now  in  our  hands  is  a  somewhat  inexact  translation 
of  it.^' 


608  APPENDIX 

NT  writings  at  a  period  too  early  for  their  real  nature  and  cliaracteristics. 
It  has  never  won  serious  or  extensive  support,  and  seems  less  likely  to  do 
so  than  ever.^  On  the  contrary,  one  of  the  postulates  of  modern  criticism 
is  that  the  NT  writings,  whatever  processes  they  may  have  gone  through 
in  the  course  of  their  composition,  are  extant  in  the  language  in  which 
they  passed  from  their  final  authors  to  those  who  first  received  the 
autographs.  2 

The  following  collateral  topics,  however,  need  more  serious  discussion, 
as  they  closely  touch  the  problem  of  the  NT.  documents  and  their  dates. 

{ij  The  possibility  of  interpolation.  Substantially  a  writing  may 
bear  evidence  that  it  lias  originated  in  a  certain  period,  while  nevertheless 
it  contains  sections  or  verses  which  obviously  belong  to  a  dift'erent  age, 
earlier  or  later.  In  such  a  case  the  hypothesis  of  interpolation  becomes 
legitimate.  Its  relevance  is  always  disputable  :  hardly  ever,  its  possi- 
bility. During  the  pre-canonical  age,  and  indeed  for  some  centuries 
afterwards,  the  NT  texts  were  exposed,  in  the  course  of  things,  to  the 
possibility  of  such  additions  and  incorporations.  Habent  sua  fata  lihelli. 
No  less  than  the  gospels,  the  other  writings  of  the  NT  "  arose  not  in  the 
sort  of  world  where  depositions  are  taken,  nor  in  the  sort  of  world  where 
manuscripts  are  guarded.  They  arose,  and  they  passed  many  years,"  as 
Matthew  Arnold  •'  proceeds  to  point  out,  "  in  the  immense,  underground, 
obscure,  fluctuating  world  of  the  common  people.  Probably  even  neigh- 
bours and  contemporaries  never  knew,  or  cared  to  know,  quite  accurately, 
the  literary  history  of  a  document  like  one  of  our  gospels  ;  and  beyond 
({uestion  the  knowledge,  if  it  ever  existed,  was  soon  lost  irrecoverably." 
AVithin  the  second  century  especially  MSS  had  their  vicissitudes.  These 
were  due  partly  to  their  occasional  obscurity,  partly  to  their  very  popu- 
larity and  wide  circulation.  They  were  exposed  to  alteration,  omission, 
addition  at  the  hands  alike  of  copyist  and  of  reader.  Traces  of  this  still 
exist  in  our  oldest  MSS.,  e.g.  the  Marcan  appendix  (Ro  16-^),  and  the 
Johannine  pericope  (T^^-S^i).  But  there  is  no  reason  to  deny  the  abstract 
probability  of  such  interpolations  even  where  the  extant  text  no  longer 
suggests  any  break.  The  history  of  the  text  does  not  in  most  cases  reach 
back  so  accurately  and  so  far,  that  room  is  not  left  between  the  autographs 
and  the  earliest  known  text  for  changes  to  have  taken  place.    These  changes 

1  Nestle  [SK,  1896,  p.  102  f. ;  Phil.  Sacra, passim)  and  Blass  [EvaiigeUum  sec.  Luc. 
pp.  vi,  xxi)  have  recently  conjectured  an  Aramaic  basis  for  the  early  part  of  Acts ; 
but  the  liuguistic  evidence  is  not  conclusive. 

-  The  case  of  tlie  apocalyptic  Jewish  writings  is  scarcely  analogous.  As  Gunkel 
points  out  (KAP,  ii.  p.  333),  the  number  of  "  barbarian "  languages  in  which  so 
many  of  them  are  extant,  is  due  to  their  historical  fortunes.  Jewish  apocalyptic 
literature,  he  argues,  has  experienced  two  great  catastrophes.  One  was  the  loss  of 
the  Hebrew  originals,  when  the  Jewish  synagogue,  on  re-assembling  alter  the  Roman 
crisis,  repudiated  apocalyptic  and  Greek  literature.  That  the  whole  Jewish-Greek 
literature  did  not  perish  at  that  time,  was  due  to  the  fact  that  it  had  already  flowed 
into  the  Christian  churches,  where  the  various  translations  made  in  languages  so 
widely  different  show  the  popularity  and  enormous  diffusion  of  the  apocalyptic 
literature  in  this  its  second  home.  Yet  it  was  there  that  a  fresh  catastrophe  over- 
took it.  The  spirit  of  Greek  philosophy,  which  possessed  the  Greek  theologians, 
scented  heresy  ;  it  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Oriental  mythology  in  the 
apocalyptic  literature.  Hence  the  disappearance  of  Jewish  apocalyptic  from  the 
Greek  church.  Hence,  too,  its  preservation  in  "barbarian"  tongues  (Syrian, 
Armenian,  Latin,  Ethiopic,  etc.). 

3  Ond  and  the  Bible,  chap.  vi.  Cp.  Schmiedel,  IIC,  II.  i.  pp.  80,  81  ;  Blass,  PG, 
p.  77  f. ;  and  Reuss,  pp.  367-380.  In  3rd  Maccabees,  for  example,  the  opening  leaf 
or  the  introduction  has  been  evidently  lost  at  a  very  early  date. 


APPENDIX  609 

may  have  been  inconsiderable  or  fairly  extensive.  But  the  primitive 
corruptions  which  actually  are  marked  in  the  text  forbid  us  at  any  rate  to 
decide  off  hand  (Zahn,  Forschuwjen  Gesch.  Kan.  I.  p.  244  f .)  that  there 
are  not  others  which  only  conjectural  acuteness  can  detect  by  means  of 
sheer  internal  evidence. 

By  the  second  half  of  the  second  century  it  may  be  considered  that 
the  literature  of  the  NT,  although  comparatively  fixed,  was  further 
exposed  to  heretical  remodelling  and  alteration.  Omission  and  alteration 
were  favourite  features  in  the  rising  methods  of  controversy  (e.g.  the 
Marcionite),  especially  as  appeal  came  to  be  made  from  both  sides  to 
the  authority  of  the  Christian  scriptures.  Origen  accused  the  Valentin- 
ians  of  this  practice  ;  Eusebius  blamed  Tatian  ;  while  Celsus  retorted 
upon  the  Christians  the  charge  of  having  interpolated  in  their  own 
interests  the  Sibylline  oracles.  Apart  from  the  truth  of  these  statements, 
it  is  certain  that  they  presuppose  a  recognised  custom.  Iliacos  intra 
muros  peccatiir  et  extra.  The  charge  would  not  have  been  worth  making, 
unless  the  fact  on  which  it  rested  had  been  at  least  a  popular  and  highly 
credible  habit,  and  evidence  for  this  crowds  in  from  every  side.^  The 
motives  for  interpolation  become  rather  sinister  and  less  naive  than  in 
the  earlier  period,  but  the  practice  seems  to  have  been  a  fairly  continuous 
and  natural  feature  of  the  age  between  70  and  170  a.d.  It  is  therefore 
generally  open  to  doubt  whether,  in  the  extant  form  of  a  NT  writing, 
we  possess  the  work  as  it  actually  left  its  author's  hand.  Further,  a 
copy  became  the  proj^erty  of  its  owner ;  he  might  correct  or  revise  as 
he  chose,  the  question  of  authors'  idghts  not  being  recognised  very  keenly 
in  that  age.  Not  even  the  earlier  copies,  therefore,  can  be  affirmed  to 
have  been  the  most  exact  (Blass,  PG,  pp.  70-73). 

Such  interpolation  and  even  recension  was  already  and  especially 
common  in  the  apocalyptic  literature.^  The  early  church  naturally 
found  part  of  its  favourite  literary  nourishment  in  apocalypses  which 
must  have  been  originally  Jewish.  These  were  in  turn  revised  and 
interpolated  according  to  Christian  principles  of  edification,  and  in  order 
to  suit  fresh  occasions.  Adajjtation,  in  this  field,  and  at  tliat  primitive 
epoch,  would  obviously  be  more  common  than  original  authorship. 
These  pieces  were  at  hand,  already  in  use  (Harnack,  HD,  i.  pp.  100-102). 
It  was  comparatively  easy  to  read  into  them  a  Christian  significance, 
and  where  needful  to  interjaolate  accordingly.  A  glance  at  the  apocalyptic 
literature  between  40  and  160  a.d.,  shows  that  to  modify  or  partially 
alter  an  already  existing  document  was  not  unusual  in  Christian  circles, 
the  result  being  that  the  dating  of  eschatological  pieces  is  an  extremely 
intricate  undertaking. 

Insertions,  of  course,  may  be  the  work  of  the  author  himself.  For 
example,  in  Lk  1^-252  it  is  held  that  the  writer  has  incorporated  in  his 

1  Jiilicher,  Jiinl.  pp.  378-383 ;  Nestle,  £i«/.  pp.  161-175.  By  170  a.d.  Dio- 
iiysius  of  Corinth  (HJ^,  iv.  23)  found  his  epistles  sown  with  tares  by  "the  apostles 
of  the  devil"  (ix  f/.lv  liaipoiJiiTie,  a  hi  ■rpo(rTi8ivjis).  No  wonder,  he  adds,  that  even  the 
Lord's  writings  (y.vpiaxvv  ypatpiiv,  i.e.  the  gospels,  or  possibly  the  Pauline  epistles  and 
OT)  have  also  been  attacked. 

-  Mr.  Conybeare  (Jewish  Quart.  Revieiv,  1892,  pp.  375-398)  explains  the  mixture 
of  "equivocal  Christianity  with  imequivojal  Judaism"  in  the  Testaments  of  the 
Twelve  Patriarchs,  by  conjecturing  that  even  this  writing  represents  a  Christian 
recension  of  an  originally  Jewish  book,  a  view  which  has  been  held  on  all  sides  since 
the  researches  of  Schnapp,  its  best  editor  (recently  in  KAP),  who  detected  a  Jewish 
as  well  as  a  Christian  interpolator.  For  a  sifting  scrutiny  of  his  results,  cp.  Bousset 
{ZNW,  1900,  pp.  142-175,  187-209). 

39 


610  APPENDIX 

narrative  (drawn  from  the  evangelic  Palestinian  tradition)  a  section  con- 
taining materials  of  rather  a  different  cast  and  character ;  although  upon 
a  scale  of  this  size  the  literary  method  becomes  almost  "revision."  ^  The 
"Shepherd"  of  Hernias  is  a  similar  instance.  In  all  likelihood  it  was 
amended  and  enlarged  at  a  later  date,  from  the  first  and  earlier  draft.  If 
Dr.  Blass'  theory  of  Codex  Bezae  were  proved,  the  third  gospel  and  the  hook 
of  Acts  are  extant  in  two  versions,  both  of  which  are  the  work  of  the 
same  author.  He  accounts  for  the  difference  of  the  bi-lingual  MS  D 
ingeniously  enough.  Luke  wrote  his  gospel  first  for  Jerusalem  before 
54  A.D.  ;  then  some  half-dozen  years  afterwards  revised  it  for  Rome, 
omitting  certain  parts  of  the  earlier  draft.  Acts,  on  the  contrary,  was 
at  first  written  for  Rome,  and  issued  afterwards  in  a  more  concise 
recension.  Consequently  the  Roman  form  of  the  text  (R)  or  (D)  repre- 
sents in  the  gospel  the  second  or  fair  copy,  shorter  and  more  concise  ;  in 
Acts,  again,  it  has  passages  in  addition  to  the  current  text,  and  thus 
represents  the  author's  first  draft.  On  such  a  hypothesis  2  the  additions 
and  interpolations  are  due  for  the  most  part  to  the  original  author  of  the 
books.  Similarly  with  the  "  we-sections "  in  Acts,  either  they  were 
originally  written  and  afterwards  resumed  by  the  author  of  the  whole 
book,  or  else  they  came  from  another  hand  and  have  been  incorporated 
in  the  later,  larger  work. 

But  again,  and  more  commonly,  interpolations  are  due  to  a  different 
editor  or  reviser,  inserted  for  motives  which  it  is  the  task  of  criticism  to 
discover.  Thus  the  state  of  the  gospel  MSS  (Blass,  PG,  pp.  77  f.,  234  f.) 
suggests  that  a  writing  wliich  had  ^practically  taken  its  present  shape  long 
before  the  date  of  the  earliest  extant  MS,  yet  failed  to  acquire  a  perfectly 
stereotyped  form.  The  main  reason  for  this  tendency  towards  "  addition  " 
was  the  vitality  of  the  oral  tradition  which  accompanied  the  early  liter- 
ature, the  obvious  bias  in  the  direction  of  harmonising,  and  also  the 
natural  disinclination  on  the  part  of  coj^yists — who  had  powers  of 
initiative,  amounting  sometimes  to  an  editorial  function — to  allow  useful 
material  to  drop  aside.  The  synoptic  gospels,  e.g.,  left  an  aftermatli 
of  sayings  and  incidents,  partially  preserved  to  us  as  "  agrapha "  ;  con- 
sequently expansion  was  more  natural  than  abbreviation.  At  the 
same  tiiiie  such  additions  are  usually  slight ;  and  their  bearing,  so  far 
as  regards  the  problem  of  dates,  is  not  serious.  Instances  of  this 
supplementary  variation  in  MSS   are  given  with   sufficient   fulness  by 

1  There  is  a  partiiil  analogy  in  the  method  ol' authors  like  Aristotle  and  Juvenal, 
who  deliberately  added  sections  or  paragrajihs  to  earlier  compositions.  Martial,  too, 
seems  to  have  re-issiied  the  tenth  l)ook  of  his  epigrams,  altered  and  adapted  to  tlie 
requirements  of  Trajan's  reign  at  the  close  of  the  first  century.  For  the  possibility 
of  this  practice  within  the  NT,  cp.  Scrivener,  Introd.  Crit.  NT  (ed.  Miller),  i.  p.  18, 
ii.  pp.  298-299,  hut  especially  Zahn,  (iK,  i.  pp.  639-662. 

2  Reviewed  more  or  less  unfavourably  bv  Ramsay  (Exp.^  i.  pp.  129  f.,  212  f.,  vi. 
460  f.),  Chase  (CIt,  1894,  pp.  303-305),  and  Page  {Class.  Rev.  1897,  p.  217).  The 
relation  of  Codex  Bezae  to  the  third  gospel  is  fully  discussed  by  Griife,  »S7r(1898) 
pp.  116-140  ;  cp.  also  Lightfoot,  Fresh  Revision,^  p.  32.  For  Dr.  Salmon's  theory 
of  Luke  giving  public  readings  of  his  work  and  his  explanations  being  jireserved  in 
the  West,  cp.  "his  INT,  p.  603,  and  Some  Thoughts  on  Text.  Crit.  pp.  134-141.  There 
seems  to  be  something  in  the  climate  of  this  Codex  which  excites  the  imaginative 
faculty  of  its  critics.  One  of  the  most  recent  (JTS,  Oct.  1899,  pp.  76-87)  considers 
that  the  Bezan  text  of  Acts  represents  "  advance-sheets  suffered  by  St.  Luke  to 
pass  into  circulation  among  the  Roman  Christians  in  answer  to  their  imjiatient 
curiosity."  The  literary  thirst  of  primitive  Christians,  even  for  a  saint's  opinions 
upon  history,  remains,  however,  quite  a  theological  x. 


APPENDIX  611 

Westcott  and  Hort^  in  their  second  volume.  A  cardinal  though  sub- 
apostolic  class  includes  those  which  occur  in  Codex  Bezae,  whether  due 
to  "catholic"  or  Montanist  influences,  in  one  locality  or  another.  But 
over  the  whole  field  of  the  NT  literature,  with  the  textual  divergences 
which  arose  in  the  course  of  its  transmission,  the  canon  holds,  that  "  as 
we  a^jproach  nearer  to  the  autographs,  the  freedom  of  the  copyists 
increases"  (Sanday,  Exp^  in.  p.  191  ;  cj).  Robertson  Smith,  OTJC,^ 
pp.  91  f.,  126  f.).  For  Acts  in  particular,  consult  Wendt  (-Meyer,  §  9), 
Weiss  (TU,  xvii.  1,  "Der  Codex  D  in  der  Apgeschichte,"  1897;  Text- 
kritische  Untersuchung),  Ramsay  {CRE,  chap.  viii. ;  Exp.  1897,  pp.  460-471). 
Professor  Rendel  Harris  (Study  of  Codex  Bezae,  1891)  finds  in  the  glosses 
of  the  Western  text  (written  before  the  age  of  Perpetua)  the  influence  of 
Montanism  ;  and  while  unable  to  discover  a  Syriac  basis  for  the  glosses, 
refuses  to  regard  the  text  as  genuinely  Lucan  (Foiu-  Lectures  on  the 
Western  Text,  1894).  Ramsay  dates  the  revision  between  150  and  161 
A.D.,  Harnack  puts  it  from  twenty  to  fifty  years  after  the  appearance  of 
the  first  text,  and  Chase  {Old  Syriac  Element  in  Codex  Bezae,  1893,  pp. 
103-105)  finds  evidence  for  dating  the  Bezan  text  of  Acts  not  later  than 
180  A.D.,  and  the  underlying  Syriac  text  c.  150  a.d.,  both  originating  in 
Antioch  with  its  mixture  of  Greek  and  Syrian  inhabitants.  Somewhere 
on  these  lines  the  true  solution  of  this  problem  is  to  be  reached. 

Dr.  Blass'  theory,  on  the  contrary,  makes  the  Western  text  quite  a 
century  earlier.  The  crucial  points  of  his  thesis  are  (i.)  that  the  additions 
to  the  Bezan  text  belonged  to  the  original  work,  and  (ii.)  that  the 
ordinary  text  (a)  must  have  been  also  written  by  the  author  himself,  else 
it  could  not  have  won  universal  recognition.  He  supports  this  hypo- 
thesis (first  suggested  by  Joannes  Clericus)  on  some  ingenious  classical 
parallels  ;  but  it  is  easier  to  admit  that  an  ancient  author  may  have  seen 
good  reason  to  make  more  than  one  copy  of  his  work,  as  in  the  case,  e.g., 
of  Aquila's  version  of  the  OT,  than  to  allow  the  applicability  of  such  a 
practice  to  the  particular  case  in  question.  Further  proof'  would  be 
required,  and  further  proof  is  not  forthcoming — aj^art  from  the  contra- 
dictory phenomena  of  the  Bezan  text,  which  itself  contains  several 
allusions  quite  irreconcilable  with  its  Lucan  origin.  There  is  one 
curious  parallel  from  early  English  literature,  which  deserves  mention. 
"  Piers  the  Plowman  "  exists  in  three  varying  texts,  all  from  the  hand  of 
Langland  himself  (cp.  Skeat's  preface  to  his  edition  (Clarendon  Press), 
pp.  i.Y-xii) :  the  A-text,  a  rough  sketch  dated  1362  ;  the  B  text  (1377) 
neaidy  trebled  in  size  from  the  former,  with  additions  which  "are,  most 
of  them,  exceedingly  good  and  distinguished  by  great  freedom  and  origin- 
ality of  thought"  ;  and  finally  the  C  text,  consisting  of  later  revisions  and 
additions,  slightly  larger  than  the  B  text,  and  with  a  tendency  to  diflfuse- 
ness.  Blass  notices  the  parallel  {Acta  Apost.  §  13,  ad  fin.),  but  the  wide 
dift'erence  of  literary  methods  in  the  two  ages  makes  it  an  illustration 
rather  than  an  argument,  so  far  as  his  immediate  purpose  is  concerned. 
An  equally  interesting  example,  which  he  has  failed  to  observe,  is 
aff'orded  by  the  literary  history  of  the  Religio  Medici.  Privately  circu- 
lated in  MS,  the  book  "  being  communicated  to  one  became  common  to 
many,  and  was  by  transcription  successively  corrupted,  until  it  arrived 

1  Their  frequently  quoted  verdict  against  the  presence  of  dogmatic  interpolations 
in  tlie  NT  text  is  flatly  and  with  some  justice  contradicted  by  Blass  (PG,  p.  89: 
"  We  clearly  see  that  there  have  been  very  ancient  readers  who  did  not  shrink  from 
wilful  alterations  of  the  sacred  text,  if  it  did  not  suit  their  dogmatic  convictions,  or 
if  it  might  give  support  to  opposite  tenets"). 


612  APPENDIX 

in  a  most  depraved  copy,"  as  its  author  complains,  at  tlie  press  in  1642. 
A  year  later.  Sir  Thomas  Browne  issued  his  authorised  edition  in  order 
to  supersede  this  previously-printed  form,  which,  with  its  alterations, 
omissions,  and  additions,  gave  but  the  broken  and  imperfect  shape  of  his 
original  writing.  The  source  of  corruption,  "iast  and  false,''  occasioned 
by  the  circulation  of  Elizabethan  sonnets  in  MSS  among  private  friends 
is  discussed  by  Sidney  Lee  in  his  Life  of  Shakxpere  (pp.  88,  89). 

For  exhaustive  discussions  of  Blass'  double-text  hypothesis,  reference 
may  be  made  esjjecially  to  Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  338-359,  also  to  Nestle, 
Einf.  (p23.  56  f.,  160,  186  f.,  and  passim),  where  it  is  favourably  received  all 
over ;  on  the  other  side,  to  Scluuiedel's  adverse  analysis  (EBi,  i.  pp.  50-56). 
It  is  a  fair  verdict,  that  while  in  some  places  (e.g.  l\-'-^)  J)  may  have 
preserved  the  original  reading,  ujion  the  whole  the  Western  text  must 
be  probably  viewed  as  a  correction  of  the  earlier  and  original  edition, 
and  not  vice  versa.  To  the  literature  cited  in  the  above  reviews,  add 
Harnack's  reprint  from  SBBA  {Das  Aposteldecret  (Ac  15-^)  u.  die  Blass' 
sche  Hypothese,  1899),  Bebb  (DB,  iii.  pp.  164,  165),  and  Knowling  (ExGT, 
ii.  pp.  41-46).  Bou.sset  {TR,  1898,  pp.  410-414)  regards  the  Western 
text  of  Acts  as  containing  an  edition  deliberately  drawn  up  by  another 
hand  at  some  early  date;  he  joins  Corssen  {GGA,  1896,  p.  425 f.)  and 
Weiss  in  urging  that  the  characteristic  features  of  the  B  text  are  upon 
the  whole  better  accounted  for,  when  they  are  taken  as  the  work  of  some 
editor  other  than  the  author  of  the  A  text  {ThLz,  1900,  633-638). 

In  many  cases  such  variations  simply  represent  matter  transferred 
from  the  margin  to  the  text,  unless  they  are  the  result  of  caprice  or 
carelessness  in  a  copyist.  But  a  stricter  purpose  is  to  be  traced  in 
passages  like  Ro  IP"*,  1  Jn  5''-^  (the  gloss  upon  the  three  witnesses), 
Jn  7"-8i\  Lk  22i»-  -^\  Mk  169-'0,  where  interpolation  has  been  active  at  a 
pretty  early  date.  Fortunately  external  evidence  is  occa.sionally  to  liand 
in  these  and  several  other  cases.  Of  all  the  NT  instances,  such  resemble 
most  clearly  the  latest  interpolations  which  modern  Homeric  criticism  has 
found  within  the  Iliad,  i.e.  passages  which  are  se])arate  and  episodical, 
composed  in  the  spirit  and  for  the  purpose  of  some  later  age,  and  inserted 
more  or  less  approjjriately  in  the  larger  and  older  work.  So  far  as  questions 
of  structure  are  concerned,  a  passage  like  Jn  7^^-8",  or  better  still 
2  Co  6^''-7\  belongs  to  its  context  as  the  account  of  Phoinix  does  to  the 
ninth  book  of  the  Iliad  (lines  432-619),  or  that  of  the  funeral  games  to 
the  twenty-third  (lines  257-end). 

The  result  of  a  general  survey  like  this  goes  to  prove  that  the  con- 
ception of  an  early  Christian  writing  as  a  necessarily  inviolate,  rigid,  and 
rounded  whole,  is  entirely  misleading.^  Real  care  needs  to  be  exercised  in 
drawing  conclusions  from  single  references  and  allusions  in  a  document, 
w^hen  the  date  has  to  be  determined.  It  is  plainly  a  matter  of  increased 
delicacy  and  exacter  scrutiny  to  fix  the  period  of  composition  for  the 
substantial  part  of  a  writing  which — as  in  the  case  of  Juvenal's  Satires — 
may  have  been  retouched  and  enlarged  by  the  author,  or— as  the  Christian 
allusions  and  interpolations  in  Enoch  prove — may  have  been  subjected  to 
revision  by  other  and  later  hands. 

The  bearing  of  the  interpolation-theories  upon  the  question  of  the 
dates  is  quite  obvious,  especially  in  regard  to  the  gospels.  Acts,  and  the 
Apocalypse.     A  good  example  is  afforded  by  Keim's  treatment  (i.  pp. 

1  This  is  a  coiiimon[ilace  of  literary  criticism ;  Imt  it  ha.s  over  and  again  a 
distinct  bearing  upon  the  attempt  to  date  a  given  writing  by  means  ot  its  internal 
evidence. 


APPENDIX  613 

79-89)  of  Matthew.  ^  This  gospel  he  reckons  the  earliest  of  the  synoijtics, 
written  even  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  in  all  probability  about 
66  A.D.  But  this  extremely  early  date  requires  some  sacrifices.  In  the 
extant  gospel,  Keim  admits,  there  lie  several  passages  which  point  un- 
equivocally to  a  later  period,  and  could  hardly  have  been  written  pre- 
vious to  70.  Such  passages  are — in  addition  to  slighter  accretions  (2^- 1^ 
415  215^  jDrophetic  comments,  and  illustrations  from  the  Hebrew  text) — the 
incident  of  the  ass  and  the  colt  (212"),  ^]^g  account  of  Judas  and  the  thirty 
pieces  of  silver  (26^^  27^-i*'),  the  narratives  of  the  virgin-birth,  etc.  (2), 
the  parables  of  the  wedding  feast  (22i-i*)  and  of  the  ten  virgins  {25^-''^^), 
the  incidents  of  the  watch  at  the  grave  (27"-''^),  of  Pilate's  wife  (27^"),  of 
the  resurrection  of  the  saints  (27^^-  ^^),  and  sayings  like  those  of  the 
Baptizer  (3''*- 1^),  and  of  Jesus  (S^^- 1^).  These  Keim  is  forced  to  cut  out  of 
the  original  gospel ;  they  must  be  "  slight  and  yet  essentially  consistent 
additions  made  to  the  gospel  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  a 
zealous  Jewish-Christian  contributor,  dating  from  about  the  time  of  Mark 
and  Luke,  in  the  sense  of  a  more  liberal  Christianity.''  On  the  other  hand, 
it  is  clear  that  when  Matthew's  gospel  is  relegated  to  a  date  later  than 
this  period  of  exaggerated  antiquity,  recourse  to  the  interpolation-theory 
is  unnecessary.  The  whole  writing  then  can  be  taken  as  a  practical 
unity.  Or,  to  turn  the  problem  round,  if  it  can  be  established  that  such 
jjassages  are  an  integral  part  of  the  gospel,  then  they  preclude  any  date 
for  the  whole  work  earlier  than  that  at  which  they  themselves  can  be 
reasonably  fixed. 

The  applicability  of  the  interpolation-hypothesis  to  Paul's  writings 
has  been  totally  denied  by  several  critics,  even  by  Eenan  {Saint  Paul, 
chap,  ix.)  ;  it  is  sparingly  adopted  by  the  more  sensible  among  those  who, 
like  Schmiedel  and  Lipsius,  admit  its  relevance  (cp.  Heinrici,  Die 
Forschungen  iiher  die  paid.  JSriefe,  1887,  p.  67  f.).  In  itself  the  method  is 
legitimate  enough.  The  trouble  is  that  it  has  been  frequently  discredited. 
As  the  evidence  is  almost  uniformly  internal,  a  passage  is  often  rejected 
or  retained  upon  absurdly  a  priori  notions  of  what  is  Pauline  or  un- Pauline, 
or  of  what  the  writer  should  and  would  have  said  at  such  a  point  in  the 
argument.  Two  considerations  also  have  to  be  borne  in  mind.  One  is 
the  subtlety  of  Paul's  mental  processes  ;  these  do  not  work  always  in  a 
very  obvious  fashion,  but  imply  fluctuations  of  his  temper,  his  habit  of 
going  off  on  a  word,  his  repetitions  and  allusions,  and  what  Irenaeus  once 
called  the  velocitas  sermonum  suorum.  Consequently,  when  the  question 
is  one  of  purely  internal  difficulties,  it  is  only  fair  to  remember  that  "  in 
a  writer  so  subtle  and  abrupt  as  St.  Paul,  obscurity  is  not  a  strong  ground 
of  objection"  (Jowett).  Otherwise  one  is  apt  to  do  injustice  to  the 
writer's  arguments  and  illustrations  by  too  hasty  recourse  to  a  method 
which  tends  to  become  easy  rather  than  accurate,  courageous  rather  than 
sympathetic.^     Besides,  there  is  the  mechanical  condition.^     Paul  mejely 

'  Cp.  too,  Mr.  Badhani's  very  similar  theory  developed  in  his  Formation  of  the 
Gospels,  and  St.  Mark's  Indebtedness  to  St.  Mattheiv.  A  siiuilar  instance  of  the 
bearing  of  the  iuterpolation-theorv  upon  a  book's  date  is  afforded  by  Dr.  Salmon's 
verdict  upon  Mk  16»--o  (cp.  p.  553).  Bartlet  also  (DB,  iii.  p.  304)  has  to  take 
Mt  226"-  "''•  as  post-70  additions,  to  secure  68-69  as  a  date  for  the  whole  work. 

-  E.g.,  occasionally  in  its  clever  application  to  the  pastoral  epistles  by  H.  Bois, 
JpTk  (1888),  pp.  145-160. 

2  For  the  conditions  of  ancient  authorship  and  literary  composition  _  in  their 
bearing  on  the  structure  of  a  writing,  cp.  Birt,  Das  antike  Biichwesen  in  seinem 
Verhaltniss  zur  Litteratur  (1882).  The  possibility  of  deviation  or  misapprehension 
through  the  employment  of  amanuenses  is  usually  admitted,  even  in  conservative 


614  APPENDIX 

wrote  the  postscripts  or  occasionally  the  benedictions  to  his  epistles, 
when  he  wrote  anything.  (The  note  to  Philemon  is  the  exception  which 
proves  the  rule.)  AVliat  appear  to  the  modern  eye,  then,  to  be  gaps, 
edges,  and  corners,  abrupt  transitions,  indistinct  arguments,  left  upon  the 
surface  of  the  writings,  may  quite  well  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
speaker  outran  the  amanuensis  {notarius,  aduarius)  to  whom  he  was 
dictating,  1  or  that  the  latter  now  and  then  missed,  or  perhaps  caught  up 
wrongly,  words  and  sentences  (Laurent,  pp.  3-38).  It  is  useful  to  think 
of  his  style  as  a  "  stenograjjhed  conversation."  But  that  is  a  feature 
which  explains  its  occasional  obscurity  -  as  well  as  its  vivacity.  Further, 
the  digressions  and  pauses  which  appear  disjointed  to  a  modern  reader, 
lose  something  of  their  strangeness  when  it  is  recollected  that  an  ancient 
writer,  even  when  he  wrote  himself  and  no  less  when  he  dictated,-  lacked 
many  of  those  aids  which  a  modern  author  possesses,  in  the  form  of  notes 
and  parentheses.  In  ancient  MSS  the  whole  is  fused  together.  There 
is  no  accessible  means  of  correcting  or  amplifying  what  is  once  written. 
Consequently,  the  argument  has  occasionally  an  appearance  of  being 
interrupted  by  pieces  of  foreign  matter  which  really  have  only  to  be 
interpreted  as  asides,  or  read  apart,  in  order  to  let  their  secondary 
connection  with  the  central  idea  become  visible.  There  is  shrewd  sense 
in  Coleridge's  remark  upon  the  obscurity  of  Romans  :  "  Some  of  the 
difficulty,"  he  urged,  "is  accidental,  arising  from  the  form  in  which 
the  epistle  appears.  If  we  could  now  arrange  this  work  in  tlie  way  in 
which  we  may  be  sure  St.  Paul  would  himself  do,  were  he  now  alive,  and 
preparing  it  for  the  press,  his  reasoning  would  stand  out  clearer.  His 
accumulated  parentheses  would  be  thrown  into  notes,  or  extruded  to  the 
margin."  The  spirit  of  this  paragraph  is  historically  true.  It  is  sounder 
to  criticise  the  Pauline  epistles  with  a  recollection  like  this  of  their 
natural  structure,^  than  with  a  detective's  suspicion  or  with  a  cleverness 
which  often  fails  to  understand  the  naivete  of  an  age  less  acute  and 
literary  than  itself.*  That  way  lie  subjectivity,  prejudice,  and  doctrinaire 
circles  (cp.  Romans,  ICC,  p.  Ixv).  It  is  increased  if  the  Pauline  letters  are  held  to 
have  been  originally  taken  down  in  shorthand,  like  the  speeches  in  the  Roman 
Senate  (Pint.  Cato  Mi.n.  23),  or  the  later  lectures  of  Origen  (Ens.  HE,  vi.  23.  2). 
The  Pitman  of  the  first  ccnturv  B.C.  scciiis  to  have  been  Tiro,  Ci<^cro's  fn-eilmau. 

1  Cp.  Norden,  />/-■  "/////.v  /\'inr<//,rns,i  (1898),  p.  954  f.  Prof.  IJnidrl  Harris  adds 
(Exp.^  viii.  pp.  402,  4(1.;) :  '•  When  I'aiil  replied  to  a  letter,  he  li.ld  tlic  Iclt.-r  that  he 
was  replying  to  in  his  haml  and  followed  closely  the  points  in  it  thai  ucei led  attention. 
.  .  .  He  is  not  respousilde  for  all  that  is  printed  under  his  name,  for  there  may  be  whole 
sentences  that  belong  to  the  earlier  and  antecedent  factors  of  the  correspondence, 
and  there  may  be  cases  where  the  language  is  not  his  own,  but  is  either  that  of  his 
secretary  or  that  which  is  common  to  all  secretaries." 

2  There  is  a  similar  element  of  obscurity  in  Arrian's  iicc-rpi^a.:  of  Epiktetus,  due  to 
the  constant  interchange  of  question  and  answer. 

3  The  Pauline  letters  are  not  entirely  unpremcditalcd  clTusiou.s,  at  least  not  the 
major  epistles.  A  study  of  their  .structure  proves  tlial  in  many  ])assages  the  ordinary 
methods  of  ancient  rhetoric  have  been  somewhat  clabdratcly  followed.  How  far  this 
practice  was  conscious  or  unconscious,  it  is  hard  to  say.  (See  J.  Weiss,  Beitriige  ziir 
paulinischen  lihetorik,  pp.  5,  6.)  Instances  of  words  or  sentences  which  are  con- 
jectured to  have  been  either  scholia  or  added  in  the  margin  after  the  whole  com- 
position had  l)ecn  written  out,  are  possibly  to  be  found  in  2  Co  G'-*-?!,  Philemon  i^"- 
(Zahn,  Kill/,  i.  p.  .•122',  1  Co  l''-^.  lyi  hi  ;t^«'«S  (Heinrici),  Ro  2i4-i5  (Wilke,  J)ie 
,1-titrd.  lUirtnril:,  pp.  2it;-228f.;  Laurent,  17-19  ;  Blass  ;  cp.  J.  Weiss,  .56),  Mark  T^-^ 
(Bla.ss,  I'(m,  pp.212,2l;i),  ito  16-i--.i»("Hoc  ad  marginem  adscripseratTertius,"Grotius), 
etc.  Fortunately,  as  Sender  once  put  it,  "Sanctis  doctrinis  ipsis  innititur  religio 
Christiana,  non  vero  hinc  decreto,  Pauli  epistolas  omnes  uuo  tenore  atque  online 
totas  ])erscriptas  in<le  ab  initio  fuisse." 

•*  The  rigorous  application  of  the  interiiolation-hypothesis  is  widely  discarded  at  the 


APPENDIX  615 

opinions.  At  the  same  time  it  is  seldom  safe  to  ignore  the  j^ossibility 
of  later  ''editorial  changes  or  marginal  glosses  even  in  so  compact  and 
straightforward  a  piece  of  writing  as  1  Corinthians,  where  (as  Heinrici 
admits)  one  may  still  detect  the  work  of  a  later  hand  in  the  occasional 
improvement  of  detailed  sentences  and  in  the  "attempts  made"  by 
subsequent  revisers  "  to  smooth  over  or  to  supplement  harsh  or  defective 
passages." 

(2)  To  the  amateur  nothing  appears  quite  so  absurd  and  unreal  as  the 
way  in  which  modern  critics  analyse  various  historical  writings  in  the 
OT  or  in  the  NT,  producing  in  each  case  several  documents  which  have 
been  partly  copied,  partly  edited,  with  parallel  or  slightly  discrepant 
accounts  of  the  same  affairs,  which  have  not  been  fused  together  into  a 
perfectly  smooth  literary  unity. ^  The  unreality,  however,  lies  not  so 
much  in  the  theories  as  in  the  difference  between  modern  and  Oriental 
conceptions  of  a  historian's  task.  The  latter  allowed  a  writer  not  merely 
to  epitomise  and  omit,  but  to  reproduce  his  sources  literatim  or  alter 
them  in  so  far  as  his  sjiecial  purpose  demanded,  instead  of  comi^letely  re- 
writing the  whole  in  the  style  of  a  modern  historian.  Thus  an  ancient 
history  like  1-2  Kings  or  Acts  preserves  extracts  from  documents  far  older 
than  itself.  Fragments  of  these  survive  in  its  pages,  slightly  edited  but 
generally  distinguishable  from  one  another  and  from  the  final  editorial 
matter.  "  To  reject  such  a  method  as  slavish,  and  its  results  as  a  mere 
patchwork  unworthy  of  a  good  historian,  is  simply  to  betray  ignorance 
of  the  literary  conditions  under  which  these  ancient  books  were  written. 
Compilation,' in  fact,  is  a  providential  habit.  In  some  cases  its  prevalence 
secured  the  life  of  several  early  documents  which  would  otherwise  have 
perished,  since  it  delivered  ancient  historians  from  the  need  of  producing 
free  compositions  in  which  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  later  ages 
to  distinguish  between  the  substratum  of  good  tradition  and  the  over- 
lying structures  of  the  editor.  The  Matthaean  logia  preserved  and 
reset  in  Matthew  and  Luke,  the  small  apocalypse  of  the  synoptists,  the 
sources  framed  in  Acts,  the  apocalyptic  fragments  transcribed  and  re- 
coloured  in  the  Apocalypse,  the  Pauline  notes  embedded  in  the  pastoral 
epistles,  are  all  NT  instances  of  our  debt  to  a  habit  of  compilation  whose 
very  roughness  (from  the  standpoint  of  modern  literature)  is  its  chief 
recommendation  to  historical  research. 

present  day  by  most  schools  of  criticism,  from  Weiss  and  Zahu  to  Hilgeufeld  and 
Lipsius.  Julicher  finishes  his  prolegomena  (Einl.  p.  18)  with  a  contemptuous  sentence 
upon  the  modern  school,  chiefly  Dutch,  represented  by  Straatman,  Rovers,  and  Baljou, 
who  find  Paul's  letters  strewn  with  interpolations  :  "  Hatten  Jene  Recht,  so  miisste  der 
liebe  Gott  im  1  iind  2  Jhdt.  90  bis  120  Hande  in  Bewegung  gesetzt  haben  zu  einer 
beispiellosen  Verkruppehmg  aller  NTlichen  Texte  mit  dem  Zweck,  dem  Scharfsinn 
der  Theologen  des  19  Jhdts..  der  sonst  keine  Aufgaben  mehr  kennt,  ein  Feld  zu 
glunzendster  Bethatigung  zu  schaffen." 

1  The  reliance  upon  sources  of  different  value  (earlier  histories,  state  papers, 
evidence  of  eye-witnesses),  and  the  obvious  combination  of  these,  can  be  easily  seen, 
e.ff.,  in  Josephus'  'Uviaix^  'A/>x«-io>.t>yii,  of  which  chaps,  xii.-xviii.  form  an  excellent 
instance  of  literary  method  in  the  first  Christian  century.  For  Eastern  historians 
cp.  Robertson  Smith  {OTJC,^  pp.  113f.,  129 f.,  328 f.)  and  Bennett  {BI,  pp.  17-19). 
The  extent  to  which  the  habit  is  employed  varies  with  the  writer,  e.g.  3  Esdras 
is  little  more  than  a  cento  of  older  passages,  chiefly  taken  from  2  Chron  and  Neh  ; 
while  Tacitus,  Strabo,  and  as  a  rule  Josephus,  use  their  sources  iu  quite  a  free  and 
masterly  fashion.  1  Mace  incorporates  various  letters,  which  in  some  cases  niay  be 
of  first-rate  authority  ;  but  2  Mace  is  a  clearer  instance  of  pure  compilation, 
consisting  in  its  present  form  of  two  letters,  followed  by  an  abridgment  of  the 
earlier  history  of  Jason.  The  book  of  Baruch,  again,  includes  three  or  four  pieces, 
of  which  one  (li^-.S^)  may  be  nearly  two  centuries  earlier  than  the  whole  volume. 


616  APPENDIX 

Along  the  lines  of  tliis  method  ^  the  author  of  Acts  would  proceed  to 
work,  upon  a  plan  not  essentially  different,  we  nia}^  presume,  from  that 
followed  by  Layamon.  He  would  work  up  his  sources  into  the  extant 
history  very  much  as  the  mediaeval  chronicler  is  reported  to  have 
compiled  his  "  Brut"  or  "  Chronicle  of  Britain  "  from  the  three  "  noble 
books  "  in  which  he  found  his  chief  materials,  namely  :  the  English  book 
of  Bede,  Albin,  and  the  fair  Austin's  Latin  treatise,  but  especially  Wace's 
Norman-French  version  of  Geoifrey's  history. 

Then  Layamon  before  him  laid  these  books, 

And  turned  their  leaves  and  lovingly  beheld  them  ; 

Tlieu  in  his  fingers  took  lie  up  the  quill, 

And  so  he  wrote  on  book-skin,  and  true  words 

He  set  together,  gathering  into  one 

Three  books. - 

At  the  same  time  this  illustration  must  be  admitted  to  be  deficient  in 
representing  the  persistent  and  free  process  of  editorial  treatment  in  the 
NT  histories.  These  books  are  not  mosaics  pieced  together  from  early 
sources.  The  interstices  are  filled  up  by  explanations,  alterations,  ex- 
pansions, and  corrections.  The  purpose  which  the  author  set  before 
himself  dominates  his  materials  throughout,  and  determines  where  they 
are  to  be  admitted,  re-arranged,  or  supplemented.  As  a  result,  the 
better  the  historian,  the  more  intricate  the  history — intricate,  that  is, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  modern  analyst,  whose  business  it  is  to 
recover,  if  possible,  the  more  primitive  traditions  which  have  been 
embellished  and  overlaid  by  subsequent  deposits. 

In  certain  forms  this  hypothesis  is  cognate  to  that  of  interpolation.  A 
writing  interpolated  on  a  large  scale  practically  comes  to  be  indistinguish- 
able from  a  composite  work,  especially  if  this  process  is  due  to  one 
hand.  When  an  author  had  the  opportunity  for  doing  so,  it  was  open  to 
him  either  to  revise  previous  work  of  his  own,  or  to  re-cast  the  work 

1  Hamack's  outline  of  a  single  Jewish  document  and  its  use  in  later  writings 
afifords  an  interesting  illustration  {Lie  Apostdlehre  u.  die  Judischen  beiden  Wege, 
1886,  pp.  31,  32)  :— 

Jewish  catechism  of  the  "  Two  Ways  " 


Barnabas  | 

Didachc  (1st  edition) 
I 


Latin  version  Apost.  Can.         Didache  (2ud  edition) 

I  I 

DidachO  Apost.  Constit. 

2  Abbey,  Reliff.  Thougld  i,i  <)/,/  E„;i.  Verse,  p.  30.  Tlie  use  of  documents  in 
the  synoptic  gospels  ha.s  also  l)i  i n  ]i:ii:illcled  from  chroniclers — "  consiiicuous  among 
mediaeval  writers  for  intelli^nirc  an. I  t-rustwortliiness" — like  Benedict  of  Peter- 
borough and  Roger  of  Hovendcu  (cp.  (J.  Plumnicr,  liqi."  x.  yy.  23-35).  Proof  is  led 
tliat  not  merely  are  later  usages  transferred  to  an  en  lui-  jHiiml  by  such  historians  in 
all  good  faith,  but  also  "even  in  documents  given  ti\tii;ill  y,  iliauges — unimportant, 
no  doubt,  but  still  changes— may  be  nuide  more  or  less  uiuHUisciously  by  a  perfectly 
honest  and  scrupulous  writer."  Tlie  monastic  chronicles  and  charters  furnisli 
similar  evidence,  but  the  extent  of  tlieir  periods  and  the  more  deliberate  motives 
at  work  in  the  process  of  their  accretion  bring  them  nearer  to  a  book  like 
Clironicles  than  to  any  of  the  NT  histories. 


APPENDIX  617 

of  others.  On  tliis  hypothesis,  a  book  may  be  found  to  contain  one  or 
more  pieces,  each  issuing  from  a  different  period,  so  that  what  is  to  all 
appearance  a  literary  unity,  really  consists  of  several  smaller  unities. 
Two  alternatives  are  possible.  Either,  as  in  the  case  of  John's 
apocalypse,  tlie  whole  was  substantially  re-cast  at  the  time  of  the  final 
editing,  or,  as  in  the  closing  chapter  of  Mark's  gospel  (?),  and  (as  Destinon 
and  Wellhausen  conjecture)  1  Mac  14-16,  and  Jn  21  (1),  one  part  was 
simply  added  to  another,  both  remaining  as  they  originally  stood.  In 
the  sphere  of  apocalyptic  literature  especially,  the  use  of  older  fragments 
was  the  more  natural  owing  to  the  traditional  character  of  the  writings. 
The  apocalyptic  writers  were  not  distinctively  creative.  They  inherited 
a  set  of  ideas,  forms  of  phrases,  terms  of  sj^eecli.  These  were  their 
stock-in-trade,  and  it  was  to  be  expected  that  such  writers  should 
frequently  adopt  and  adapt  earlier  pieces  which  had  come  down  to  them 
upon  the  stream  of  an  honoured  antiquity. 

A  particular  phase  of  compilation  is  to  be  seen  in  the  use  oi  florilcgia 
by  the  NT  writers  and  the  early  fathers  in  their  quotations  from  the 
OT.  Tlie  deliberate  and  composite  character  of  these  quotations  suggests 
that  they  are  secondary,  taken  not  from  the  originals  but  from  collections 
of  texts  upon  different  subjects  which  were  arranged  in  a  certain  order. 
Hence  it  has  been  conjectured  that  such  a  florilegium  of  Messianic 
passages — drawn  up  to  illustrate  topics  like  "  the  Fore-runner,"  "  the 
sufferings  of  Messiah,"  "the  call  of  the  Gentiles,"  etc. — was  employed  by 
Paul  and  the  other  authors  of  the  NT.  The  needs  of  controversy  would 
lead  to  the  production  of  such  an  anthology  ^  among  the  Jews,  who 
constantly  fell  back  upon  the  proof  from  scripture,  yet  could  not 
depend  uiDon  their  hearers  possessing  a  convenient  copy  to  which  appeal 
might  be  successfully  made.  "  The  hypothesis  is  hardly  to  be  rejected. 
The  Jewish  catechetical  and  missionary  instruction  in  the  Diaspora 
needed  such  collections,  and  their  existence  seems  to  be  jaroved  by  the 
Christian  apologies  and  the  Sibylline  books  "  (Harnack,  HD,  i.  p.  175). 
This  would  help  to  account  for  the  grouping  of  different  quotations  under 
an  inexact  title  (e.g.  Mk  P-  ^),  as  well  as  for  some  of  the  more  common 
divergences  from  the  LXX  text. 

Questions  of  structure,  however,  do  not  rank  so  prominently  in  the 
NT  as  in  the  OT  literature.^  The  three  certain  instances  are,  Luke, 
Acts,  and  the  Apocalypse.  The  third  gospel  is  far  from  being  a  mere 
compilation,  but  it  has  used   sources^  freely,    including   the   gospel   of 

1  Ou  the  contemporary  liabit  of  drawing  np  such  manuals,  and  the  proofs  for 
it  in  the  early  Christian  writers,  see  espefially  Hatcli  {Essays  in  Bibl.  Greek, 
p.  203f.).  So  Sanday  and  Headlam  (Romans,  ICC,  pp.  204,  282),  the  author  of 
The  Logia  of  Pa.pias  (1894),  pp.  v-vii,  and  VoUmer  {Die  alttestamentlicha  Citate 
bei  Pauhis,  1895).  The  last-named  argues  that  while  Paul  quoted  usually  from 
the  LXX,  some  hypothesis  like  tliis  is  needed  to  explain  deviations  such  as 
1  Co  2». 

It  has  been  similarly  suggested  that  a  number  of  the  Latin,  French,  and 
Provencal  books  quoted  by  Dante  were  known  to  him  merely  through  the  indirect 
form  of  collected  extracts. 

-  Ou  the  composite  nature  of  Semitic  literature,  cp.  Sayce,  Higher  Crit.  Monuvi. 
(1894),  chap.  ii. ;  for  apocalyptic  literature,  cp.  R.  H.  Charles'  editions  of  Enoch, 
the  Book  of  J  ubilees,  and  Baruch,  besides  the  respective  introductions  in  KA  P. 
Most  valuable  of  all,  perhaps,  is  Professor  Carpenter's  scholarly  discussion  in  The 
HexaUuch  (1900),  vol.  i.  chap,  i.,  where  both  evidence  and  analogies  for  the 
stratification  of  literature  are  given  with  much  clearness  and  precision. 

3  On  these  see  Resch,  TU,  x.  3.  pp.  333-347,  and  below,  pp.  652,  653. 
f   the    distinction  be    allowable,    in    the    process    of   evangelic   composition   the 


618  APPENDIX 

Mark  and  the  Logia.  Matthew's  gospel  is  also  to  be  grouped  with  Luke's 
as  a  similarly  composite  work,  but  it  is  in  the  latter  that  traces  of 
compilation  are  most  indubitable.  Acts,  again,  has  been  compiled,  in 
its  first  part,  from  earlier  sources  or  reminiscences  ;  in  the  second  part, 
fragments  of  a  journal  have  been  at  any  rate  incorporated.  The 
Apocalypse  contains  pieces  dating  from  the  seventh  decade,  if  not  from 
the  earlier  age  of  Caligula,  while  the  work  of  final  arrangement  is  to  be 
dated  in  the  tenth  decade  of  the  century.  A  similar  theory  of  compila- 
tion must  be  exploited  to  clear  up  the  epistles  to  Timotheus  and  Titus, 
although  in  this  case  account  has  to  be  taken  of  pseudepigraphy  as  well ; 
both  features,  and  especially  the  former,  were  perfectly  congenial  to  the 
climate  of  the  second  century.  As  it  has  been  remarked,  that  century 
was  a  book-making  age.  But  the  books  were  very  often  not  original.^ 
Instances  of  compilation  have  been  discovered  or  imagined  repeatedly 
within  and  without  the  NT  canon.  The  Didache  (as  Taylor  and  Harnack 
rightly  argue)  is  founded  on  some  earlier  manual,  probably  a  Jewish 
catechism  for  proselytes,  to  which  Barnabas  is  indebted  also.  The 
Apology  of  Aristides  leans  upon  an  earlier  "  preaching  of  Peter."  2  Peter 
incorporates  a  large  part  of  Judas'  epistle,  and  the  letters  to  Timotheus 
and  Titus  are  similarly  to  be  classed  as  an  amalgam  of  originally 
Pauline  notes  and  later  editorial  matter.  Evidently  the  process  of 
compilation  was  not  confined  to  apocalyptic  literature.  It  is  to  the  early 
half  of  the  second  century  that,  e.g.,  the  Mark -appendix  and  the  fragment 
(Jn  21)  are  to  be  referred,  probably  also  the  extant  form  of  the  canonical 
2  Corinthians  ;  while  the  literary  habit  (it  has  even  been  conjectured)  ^ 
extended  to  the  addresses  and  greetings  of  some  older  writings,  during 
the  course  of  the  century.  On  this  theory  the  Barnabas-epistle  and 
the  second  epistle  of  Clement  would  receive  their  titles,  the  words  eV 
'E(})eaco  would  be  inserted  in  "  Ephesians,"  the  title  added  to  the  hitherto 
anonymous  1  Peter,  and  the  epistle  "  to  the  Hebrews "  attributed  to 
Paul.  On  Harnack's  ^  hypothesis,  the  so-called  ej^istle  of  James  also 
consists  of  collected  homilies,  written  before  the  year  120  and  edited 
shortly  after  the  author's  death  by  another  author,  who  added  the  address. 
The  lack  of  continuous  argument  is  plain  in  this  writing.  But  when  its 
apparently  illogical  character  is  fairly  estimated,  it  is  not  psychologically 
incompatible  with  the  ordinary  view  of  the  epistle ;  nor  does  such  an 

artisans  were  the  unknown  labourers  who  compiled  and  wrote  the  sources,  while 
the  authors  of  our  extant  gospels  were  the  artists — artists  in  the  sense  that  they 
collected  and  selected  the  materials  needful  to  express  the  high  and  definite  con- 
ception of  Jesus  which  each  entertained.  These  raw  materials  of  the  gospels 
cannot  Ije  regained.  They  exist  in  more  or  less  manipulated  forms,  worked  up  into 
various  designs  and  moulds  according  to  the  particular  aim  or  j)ersonal  equation  of 
the  later  cniiiposcrs.  Ilnw  far  these  editors  adopted,  and  how  far  they  created,  is 
an  abstrii-^r  inolilim  n|' s\no])tic  embryology. 

1  T/i  '  (■■<'.,,  /  „„,/  n.r.hiiioii  of  Peter  (Robinson  and  James,  1892),  p.  31. 

2  By  lI.uiKuk  (7'r,  II.  ii.  pp.  106-109;  Vhron.  pp.  457-462;  etc.).  Bat  see 
Holtzmanu  (FM,  1897,  p.  236  f.).  The  "  Rest  of  the  Words  of  Baruch  "  may  be  a 
Jewish  writing  to  which  a  later  Christian  conclusion  has  been  added,  and  a 
similar  hypothesis  serves  to  explain  the  newly  discovered  "Greek  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch  "  (Texts  and  Studies,  1897,  v.  1). 

^  Op.  cit.,  pp.  486-490.  "Es  i.st  eine  formlose  und  bunte  Sammlung  von 
Didaskalieen,  Trostreden,  Prophetieeu,  Strafpredigteu  u.s.w.,  die  am  Seliluss  in 
f'iiiiL,'!-  praktische-kirchliche  (an  die  letzten  Bestimmungen  der  Didache  eriiiucrnde) 
iMiiialniungen  ausmiindet  .  .  .  Dabei  liisst  sich — und  das  ist  das  I'aiadoxcste  des 
I'aradoxen — doch  nicht  verkennen.  dass  eine  gewisse  Einheitliilikcif  sowohl  der 
sittlichen  Gesinnung  als  auch  der  Sprache  vorbrauchen  ist,  die  dem  Ganzcu  trotz 
der  Zusammenhangslosigkeit  eine  innere  Einheitlichkeit  verleiht. " 


APPENDIX  619 

elaborate  hypothesis  as  the  above  seem  to  be  necessary,  if  one  recollects 
the  nature  of  the  Jewish  Wisdom  literature  which  is  presupposed  in 
James's  writing.  Still,  so  far  as  the  literary  methods  of  the  age  are 
concerned,  the  hypothesis  is  both  possible  and  credible.  Literary 
manufacture,  especially  in  the  use  of  older  documents,  was  familiar  and 
common  within  Christian  circles  even  before  the  first  century  closed  ; 
much  more  so,  throughout  the  course  of  the  second. 

Generally,  then,  the  composite  nature  of  most  apocalypses  (e.r/. 
Test.  xii.  Patriarchs,  Ascensio  Isaiae,  Apoc.  Baruch)  is  a  clue 
indicating  that  compilation  is  a  legitimate  hypothesis  which  in  the 
contemporary  NT  literature  not  merely  claims  to  be  tested,  but  also 
verifies  itself  more  than  once  in  apocalyptic  {e.g.  the  apocalypse  of 
John,  2  Thess.  2,  the  "  small  apocalypse "  ^  of  the  synoptic  gospels), 
if  not  e])istolary  (2  Corinthians,  the  Timotheus  and  Titus  letters)  and 
historical  (the  Acts,  the  gospels,  passim)  composition.  Indeed,  "  of 
Oriental  and  semi-Oriental  books  we  may  say"  with  Professor  Rendel 
Harris,  "  what  one  would  say  of  Oriental  cities,  that  they  are  usually 
examples  of  rebuilding,  and  that  it  is  very  seldom  that  the  stones  are 
from  one  quarry  or  hewn  at  one  period.  The  same  instinct  which  takes 
the  pillars  of  one  temple  to  adorn  another,  and  makes  the  walls  of 
a  house  unprofitably  gay  with  votive  tablets  from  public  buildings  that 
have  fallen  into  ruin,  appears  in  literature  in  the  adaptation  of  works 
which  have  become  unpopular,  or  obsolescent,  to  the  needs  of  a  later  day 
than  that  of  their  first  authors,  and  to  political  and  religious  ends  which  are 
often  the  direct  o]iposite  of  what  was  intended  at  their  first  publication."  - 
In  regard  to  the  NT,  the  limitations  of  this  hypothesis  are  palpable  ;  but 
it  underlies  many  lines  of  criticism,  and  primarily  those  ujion  that  phase 
of  literature  which  was  least  of  all  "  eternal  in  the  heavens,"  and  apt  to 
lack  permanent  interest  unless  re-edited — the  apocalyptic. 

(3)  It  is  also  in  the  criticism  of  apocalyptic  literature  that  the 
question  of  pseudonymity  is  started. 

The  ajjocalypses  were  pseudepigrapha.  For  obvious  reasons  it  was  a 
recognised  literary  custom  to  issue  such  writings  under  the  name  of  an 
older  hero  or  proiDhet,  whose  name  should  lend  sanction  and  authority  to 
the  contents.  The  sentiments  appear  to  have  been  designed  with  some 
care  to  represent  those  of  the  assumed  spokesman  ;  but  it  is  not  at  all 
certain  whether  the  readers  were  always  or  ever  expected  to  accept  them 
as  really  authentic  expressions  of  the  men  whose  names  were  used.  Often 
this  was  simply  out  of  the  question.  At  any  rate  it  is  the  paradox  of 
apocalyptic  that  while  its  actual  interests  strained  out  into  the  future,  its 

1  The  incougruity  (to  a  modern  mind)  of  putting  a  prophecy  like  this  into  the 
lips  of  Jesus  was  evidently  not  felt  by  the  early  Christians,  and  did  not  contradict 
tlieir  canons  of  literary  composition.  Besides  the  later  example  from  Papias, 
analogous  sayings  existed  (1  Th  1.5)  already  in  the  evangelic  tradition  ;  the  so-called 
"apocalyptic  "  spirit  represented  that  with  which  Jesus  had  most  in  conmion  ;  and 
in  the  third  gospel  we  have  instances  of  a  similar  method  by  which  the  writer  made 
use  of  the  OT  and  the  Wisdom  literature. 

2  Hxp.  (April  1897),  p.  256.  On  this  feature  of  the  religious  spirit  cp.  Renan 
(Revue  des  deux  mondes,  1886,  p.  550).  A  clear  instance  of  second-century  piece- 
work is  afforded  by  the  so-called  Martyrdom  (Ascension)  of  Isaiah.  This  apocryphal 
production  consists  of  (a)  a  Jewish  composition  on  the  martyrdom  of  Isaiah  i2i-3i2 
5--1'*),  [b)  a  Christian  composition  giving  a  visionary  journey  of  the  prophet  through 
the  heavens  (6I-III  Ips-i"),  and  (c)  several  smaller  and  perhaps  later  insertions,  with 
an  early  account  of  the  Neronic  persecution  (3i3-5i).  The  section  (h)  belongs  to  the 
second  century,  and  was  joined  to  (a)  by  the  Christian  editor,  who  comi)iled  the 
whole  writing  at  a  later  date,  adding  prologue  and  epilogue. 


620  APPENDIX 

(supposed)  authors  stood  in  the  far  past.  Probably  it  was  owing  to  the 
blast  and  tumult  of  the  present  that  the  writers  preferred  to  secure  their 
own  safety  as  well  as  to  win  some  extraneous  authority  by  thus  fighting 
with  a  closed  vizor. 

It  is  an  open  question  whether  the  Apocalypse  of  John  in  the  NT  does 
not  come  under  this  category.  A  plausible  objection  to  its  pseudonymity 
is  sometimes  taken  from  the  fact  that  the  ordinary  apocalypses  (e.g.  those 
of  Enoch,  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  Baruch,  Ezra,i)  which  lie  parallel  to  it, 
are  written  under  names  separated  by  whole  centuries  from  the  author. 
But  the  conditions  of  the  case  differ.  The  author  of  a  Christian  apoca- 
lypse in  the  first  century  had  merely  a  handful  of  years  and  a  small 
company  of  men,  either  recently  dead  or  still  alive,  upon  which  to  draw. 
It  was  inevitable  that,  if  a  Christian  apocalypse  were  to  be  written 
pseudonymously,  it  should  be  sheltered  under  the  name  of  one  who  was 
almost  a  contemporary  ;  at  any  rate  this  fact  cannot  be  urged  decisively 
against  the  hypothesis  of  pseudonymity.  On  wider  grounds,  however, 
other  theories  of  the  authorship  are  more  popular  and  as  probable. 

More  vital  for  NT  criticism  is  the  extension  of  pseudonymity  to  other 
classes  of  literature. 

For  quite  two  centuries  the  practice  had  prevailed  in  classical  literature. 
The  names  and  characters  of  illustrious  men  were  freely  used  in  composi- 
tions of  a  later  age,  though  not  always  with  uniformly  high  motives. 
Obviously  a  copyist  could  thus  put  himself  in  the  way  of  winning  larger 
prices  for  his  MSS :  the  scholar,  again,  found  great  content  and  joy  in 
the  proof  thus  afforded  of  his  skill  in  imitation  :  as  Bentley  remarked, 
"  some  of  the  Greek  sophists  had  the  success  and  satisfaction  to  see  their 
essays  in  that  kind  pass  with  some  readers  for  the  genuine  works  of 
those  they  endeavoured  to  exjiress."  More  frequently,  however,  the  pure 
motive  of  admiration  and  naive  sympathy  prompted  the  disciples  to 
reproduce  in  their  own  language  a  master's  ideas  under  his  own  name. 
Conscious  that  they  owed  their  own  ideas  to  him,  they  very  naturally 
regarded  this  practice  as  an  extension  of  his  influence.  It  was  thought  to 
be  the  projoagation  of  his  views  and  spirit,  not  any  independent  venture 
of  their  own  ;  and,  so  far  from  losing  in  eflfectiveness,  this  class  of  writ- 
ings rather  acquired  additional  impressiveness  and  weight.^  As  Zeller 
also  observes,  it  was  a  point  of  unselfish  piety  among  the  Pythagoreans 
that  they  gave  up  all  claims  to  personal  glory  and  attributed'  their  writ- 
ings to  Pythagoras  himself. 

To  come  still  nearer.  In  the  previous  literature  of  Judaism  the  habit 
obtained.  From  Moses  to  Solomon  great  names  had  literature  grouped 
under  them  l)y  later  ages  :  a  glance  not  only  at  the  OT,  but  at  the  apoca- 
lyptic literature  of  100  B.C.  to  100  a.d.,  shows  the  vitality  of  this  practice  ; 

1  It  i.s  interesting  to  notice  that  the  Babylonian  captivity  supxjlied  two  outstand- 
ing jigures  (Baruch,  Ezra)  for  the  Jewish  ai)ocalvpses  of  70-100  a.d.  As  a  curious 
instance  of  the  connection  and  rivalry  between  (  'ini^tiaii  and  Jewish  tliought.  Prof. 
R.  H.  Charles  points  out  that  those  two  figuie,  ;uv  delilieratelv  ehosen  as  substitutes 
for  Knoch.  The  latter,  up  to  c.  40  A.D.,  liad  licen  tlie  favourite  hero  and  spokesman 
of  apocalyptie  visions,  next  to  Daniel ;  but  his  adoption  by  the  Christians  threw  him 
into  dislavdiir  willi  llio  Jewish  writers,  who  studiously  ignore  him  after  70  (50)  A.D. 
(Charles,  Aj.nr.  /!<,,:  ],p.  21,  101  ;  DJJ,  i.  p.  70S  ;  A'/ii,  i.  p.  218). 

-  Cicero  :  •'(Jeniis  .nileiii  hoe  senuonum,  posituin  in  hominuni  veterum  ouctoritate 
et  eoriini  illnstrinui,  plus  mscio  quo  facto  videtur  habere  gravitatis"  (/><•  Aviic.  i.  4). 
Cp.  Nicolai,  ^'/■^  .■/,/-,/,-•  /,//.  ii.  p.  ri02s(iq.  (1877) ;  and,  for  the  pscudonvnious  Alex- 
andrian literature,  8useniilil,  Ueschichtc  d.  aricch.  Lilt,  in  d.  AUxundrimrzcii  (1892), 
ii.  pp.  .'">71-601. 


APPENDIX  621 

and  that,  among  the  very  people  from  whom  Christianity  rose,  and  by 
whose  literary  principles  it  was  inevitable  that  early  Christian  literature 
should  be  affected.  Two  forms  were  common.  Either,  as  has  been  already 
noted,  names  of  Jewish  prophets  and  heroes  were  employed  ;  or,  when 
the  literature  was  designed  for  circulation  in  the  pagan  world,  works 
were  produced  "  under  the  name  of  some  heathen  authority,  whether  of  a 
mythological  authority,  as  the  sibyl,  or  of  persons  eminent  in  historj^,  as 
Hecataeus  and  Aristeas."  ^  Tlie  letters  of  Heracleitus  and  the  Solomonic 
correspondence  written  by  Eupolemus  indicate  that  the  category  came  to 
include,  during  subsequent  years,  epistolary  as  well  as  prophetic  composi- 
tions ;  a  familiar  instance  of  this  practice  occurs  in  the  so-called  "  epistle 
of  Jeremiah,"  preserved  at  the  close  of  the  book  of  Baruch. 

Further,  in  the  early  Christian  literature  outside  of  our  canonical  NT, 
pseudonymity  is  almost  a  matter  of  course  ;  the  Petrine  literature  and  the 
second  letter  of  Clement  are  themselves  sufficient  to  indicate  the  compati- 
bility of  pseudonymous  character  and  popular  appreciation.-  The  whole 
raison  d'etre  of  pseudepigrapha  lay  in  the  stress  put  upon  apostolic  authority, 
especially  during  the  early  part  of  the  second  century.  It  is  certain  that 
each  of  the  two  apostles  John  and  Paul  left  what  in  modern  language 
would  be  termed  a  "school"  or  "party,"  in  which  the  master's  ideas 
would  insensibly  be  conserved  and  reproduced.  Works  issuing  from 
such  circles  naturally  took  the  master's  name.  Probably  the  title  meant 
for  antiquity  not  so  much  the  actual  autliorship  as  the  tendency  and 
contents  of  the  writing.^  It  gave  briefly  and  clearly  the  standpoint  of 
the  book.  The  unknown  writers  were  conscious  of  religious  and  mental 
affinities  with  Paul,  or  John,  or  Peter,  as  the  case  might  be,  and  probably 
they  required  nothing  more  to  justify  their  use  of  such  names  ;  they 
meant  nothing  else  than  to  meet  fresh  difficulties  and  problems  by  a  re- 
statement of  older  ideas  which  they  believed  authoritative,  and  would  not 
willingly  see  forgotten.      The   very  fact*   that   Paul  and    Peter   were 

1  Schurer,  HJP,  ii.  iii.  p.  270  f.  ;  cp.  R.  Steck,  ZSchz  (1884),  pp.  31-52,  "Ueber  die 
Annabrne  sog.  unechter  Schriften  im  NT";  KueneB,  Religion  of  Israd  (Eng.  tr.), 
iii.  pp.  176-178  ;  Hausrath,  i.  pp.  113-120  ;  and  Overbeck-Zeller,  ii.  p.  262.  In  regard 
to  letters  the  rule  of  the  scribe  or  secretary  must  not  be  forgotten.  That  functionary 
plays  an  important  part  in  the  NT  epistles,  and  his  employment  helps  to  differ- 
entiate several  literary  phenomena  which  would  otherwise  fall  under  the  title  of 
"  pseudonymous."  See  Prof.  Rendel  Harris  in  Exj).^  viii.  pp.  401-410,  who  remarks, 
dpropos  of  Epaphroditus,  that  Paurs  method  of  dictating  to  a  scribe  is  precisely  the 
same  usage  as  that  which  still  prevails  in  Eastern  life,  "  where  the  great  man  (patri- 
arch, primate,  or  what  you  will)  calls  over  to  his  secretary  the  terms  of  his  proposed 
communication,  perhaps  revises  it  rapidly,  adds  a  few  words  of  his  own,  and  seals 
the  document  with  his  private  seal." 

2  Writings  like  the  Didache  and  the  epistle  of  Barnabas  show  how  readily  later 
generations  put  literature  under  the  shadow  of  earlier  and  greater  names.  A  rigidly 
conservative  protest  against  pseudonymous  hypotheses  upon  the  NT  is  given  by 
Wetzel  {Echtheit  u.  Glaubw.  J  oh.  pp.  19-36). 

3  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  191  f.  See  Schmiedel's  paragraphs  in  EWK,  sect.  ii.  2,  pp. 
309-337,  art.  "Kanon"  ;  also  the  note  above  on  2  Peter,  pp.  597-598. 

The  hypothesis  is  not  absolutely  required  for  1  John.  In  some  passages,  particu- 
larly II-*,  it  appears  as  if  the  writer  desired  to  represent  himself  as  oue  of  the  actual 
disciples  of  Jesus  ;  but  this  superficial  impression  is  corrected  when  the  language  is 
taken  along  with  expressions  such  as  Jn  li-*,  1  Jn  i'^*  3''',  which  prove  that  the  words 
simply  express  the  faith-mysticism  of  the  early  church  and  its  consciousness  of 
possessing  a  direct  experience  of  God  in  Christ.  Even  for  the  strange  metaphor 
(£ii»)Xai?-,5ir«v)  an  almost  contemporary  parallel  has  been  found  in  Tacitus,  Agricola, 
xlv.,  "Mox  nostrae  duxere  Helvidium  in  carcerem  mauus  " — of  the  Roman  senators. 

4  Baur,  Paul  (Eng.  tr.),  ii.  p.  110.;  cp.  Jiilicher,  Ei7il.  pp.  32-34  ;  Kautzsch,  KAP, 
i. ;  Einleit.  pp.xxii,  xxiii ;  and  Deissmann,  Bibel-Studien  (1895),  pp.  200-202,  225, 233  f. 


622  APPENDIX 

authorities  for  the  sub-apostolic  church  in  matters  of  faith  and  organisa- 
tion, seemed  a  valid  reason  why  they  should  be  in  a  sense  the  authors — 
we  should  say,  the  sponsors  or  jjatrons — of  whatever  literature  arose  within 
the  circle  of  such  institutions  and  ideas.  Pseudonymous  literature  is 
intelligible  only  against  this  background  of  the  naivete  and  practical 
interests  which  filled  the  second  century,  together  with  the  inheritance 
and  admiration  which  it  owed  to  its  great  predecessors. 

The  bearing  and  gravity  of  these  facts  must  be  weighed  in  regard  to 
the  NT  literature.  As  a  recognised  literary  form,  pseudonymity  was 
honestly  employed  in  classical  and  Jewish  literature  up  to  and  after  the 
period  of  the  NT  ;  and  so  soon  as  Christian  literature  starts  for  itself,  the 
same  feature  emerges.  It  is  imj^ossible  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  the 
method  is  applicable  to  a  part  of  the  NT  literature,  at  least  as  a  legiti- 
mate hypothesis  ^  to  be  discussed  without  prejudice.  If  it  solves  the  date 
and  function  of  any  writing,  it  is  its  own  justification.^ 

Pseudonymity,  it  should  be  recollected,  is  merely  a  further  stage  upon 
the  line  already  indicated  by  the  composition  of  speeches  like  those  in 
Acts,  or  even  in  the  fourth  gospel  (vide  Reuss,  pp.  354-374  :  a  fair  and 
frank  statement).  In  neither  case  can  there  be  any  question  of  ipsissima 
verba  absolutely.  Such  a  reproduction  is  not  to  be  dreamt  of.  The 
speaker's  words  and  ideas  come  to  us  through  the  personality  of  the 
author  or  reporter,  with  his  memory,  and  knowledge,  and  sympathy  ; 
although,  as  a  rule,  they  can  l)e  regarded  practically  as  expressions  of  the 
original  man  and  his  spirit,  particularly  when  the  reader  is  careful  to 
make  some  allowance  for  the  lack  of  a  rigid  distinction  in  the  Oriental 
mind  between  oratio  obliqua  and  oratio  recta.  Several  of  Paul's  speeches 
in  Acts  were  not  heard  by  the  author,  even  supposing  that  author  was 
Luke  ;  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that  the  speeches  were  noted 
down  by  an  auditor  or  by  a  companion  of  the  apostle.  Consequently, 
as  they  stand,  they  represent  more  or  less  free  comjiositions,  which  give 
at  best  a  summary  of  the  topics  treated,  and  some  indication  of  the 
speaker's  general  attitude  and  treatment.  Now  this  relation  of  the  his- 
torian to  the  speaker  only  diff'ers  in  degree,  not  in  kind,  from  that  which 
the  pseudonymous  theory  involves  between  the  actual  author  and  the 
man  whose  name  the  letters  bear.^  A  pseudonymous  epistle  like 
2  Timothy  is  a  form  of  indirect  speech.  It  is  a  method  of  historical  com- 
I^osition  and — wliat  is  more  to  the  point — the  vehicle  of  a  great  soul's 
postliumous  influence.     By  it,  to  resume  the  old  ])hrase,  Si'  avTrjs  Cnrodavwv 

1  E.g.  the  hypothesis  that  "James"  was  a  pseudonymous  book,  rose  at  an  early 
stage  ;  it  is  noticed  by  Jerome  [Be  Viris  Illustr.'^) :  quae  et  ipsa  ab  alio  quodam  sub 
nomine  ejus  edita  asseritur. 

2  See  two  cautious,  fair  articles  by  the  late  Dr.  Candlish  (Exp.*  viii.  pp.  91  f., 
262  f. ),  on  "  The  Moral  Character  of  Pseudonymous  Books."  The  real  difficulty  is  one 
less  of  facts  than  of  statement,  and  Dr.  Candlish's  arguments  are  a  good  example  at 
any  rate  of  the  way  in  which  at  the  present  time  it  seems  necessary  to  handle  this 
subject  in  many  quarters.  It  is  strange  to  notice  the  evident  distress  of  Dr.  Salmon 
at  "the  painful  alternative"  of  pseudonymity  which  the  criticism  of  2  Peter 
suggests  (7.V7',  p.  491)  to  his  mind.  Cp.  Dr.  Sanday's  general  admission  in  regard 
to  pseudonymous  literatuie  (Inspiration,  pp.  224,  225). 

=As  one  of  the  most  trusted  and  cautious  critics  has  declared :  "  It  is  now 
recognised  that  there  may  be  dramatic  representations  in  scripture  ;  that  speeches 
may  be  put  into  the  mouths  of  persons  which  never  were  artii;ill>'  simken,  and  that 
even  a  situation  may  be  idealised  or  created  so  as  to  inc^int  ilir  ((uulitions  of  a 
moral  jiroblem  more  vividly  to  the  mind"  (Dr.  A.  B.  Davi<lsoii,  /;,<;;.''  i.  ]i.  5).  Cp. 
also  Driver  on  the  s])eeches  in  ancient  and  OT  historians  [liitrod.  Lit.  OT,'-  pp.  xvii, 
82 f.  ;  JJeiUerouuini/,  I(J(.',  pp.  lvii-li.\,  Ix-lxii). 


APPENDIX  623 

(Ti  XaXet  Certainly  even  this  devout  phase  of  literary  personation 
raises  an  ethical  problem,  a  problem  which  is  not  rendered  any  more 
manageable  by  the  intrusion  of  modern  ideas  upon  literary  property  and 
authorsliip,  least  of  all  by  suggestions  of  fraud  and  forgery.  The  recon- 
ciliation of  pseudonymity  and  "inspiration,"  however,  is  a  difficulty  which 
must  be  left  to  the  disposal  of  dogmatic  theology,  with  the  proviso  that 
the  h3q)othesis  can  only  be  ruled  out  by  a  priori  notions  of  its  un- 
worthiness  and  inconsistency  as  a  method  of  revelation.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  upon  this  point  as  upon  many  others,  the  more  thoroughly  the 
NT  literature  is  studied  in  its  origin  and  contemporary  relations,  any 
theory  of  its  isolation  becomes  less  and  less  tenable.  The  NT  is  a  thing 
in  rerum  natura ;  its  literature  is  subject  to  the  conditions  of  its  age.  No 
amount  of  good  faith  or  pure  intention,  no  weight  or  preciousness  of  their 
messages,  could  have  insulated  the  NT  writers  from  the  influence  of 
methods  by  which  their  contemporaries  thought  and  spoke  and  wrote. 
In  this  particular  matter  of  pseudonymity,  they  did  not  shrink  from  sup- 
pressing their  personalities  in  order  to  win  greater  currency  and  scope  for 
ideas  and  counsels  which  in  all  honesty  they  believed  were  spiritual  pro- 
ducts of  the  men  whose  names  they  used.  The  practice  was  neither  more 
nor  less  than  an  innocent  method  ^  of  conveying  their  message.  "  Fraudu- 
lent dealing,  forgery  in  literature,  always  involves  the  conscious  and 
deliberate  use  of  methods  calculated  to  impose  on  others,  methods  other 
than  those  sanctioned  by  the  literary  conscience  of  the  time."  ^  Hence  the 
proper  route  to  approach  the  NT  j^seudepigrapha  starts  not  from  a  modern 
estimate  of  ^Jseudepigraphy,  but  from  such  a  volume  as  Deuteronomy, 
where  any  suggestion  of  "  forgery  "  would  be  irreverent  and  unhistorical. 
Similarly  with  the  writers  of  any  NT  books  in  that  class.  There  is  no 
reason  for  imagining  that  pseudonymity  ^  was  barred  out  from   their 

1  "St.  John  gives  our  Lord's  meaning  in  his  own  way.  At  that  time  the  third 
person  was  not  so  commonly  used  in  liistory  as  now.  .  .  .  Thucydides  uses  the 
dramatic  method,  yet  Spartan  and  Athenian  speali  in  Thucydidean  Greek.  And  so 
every  clause  of  our  Lord's  speeches  in  St.  John  may  be  in  St.  John's  Greek,  yet 
every  clause  may  contain  the  matter  which  our  Lord  spoke  in  Aramaic.  Again, 
St.  John  might  and  did  select  or  condense  (as  being  inspired  for  the  purpose)  the 
matter  of  our  Lord's  discourses,  as  that  with  Nicodemus,  and  thereby  the  wording 
might  be  St.  John's,  though  the  matter  might  still  be  our  Lord's"  (Newman,  quoted 
by  Plummer,  C<rT,  "  St.  John,"  p.  100).  But  of  course  the  matter  is  just  the  crux  of 
the  whole  question.  This  suggestion  offers  a  partial  aid,  but  merely  shows  the  first 
stages  of  what  becomes  in  the  end  full-blown  pseudonymity.  Besides,  the  inter- 
change of  singular  and  plural  in  passages  like  Jo  S^i-  i-  9^  denotes  the  consciousness 
of  the  early  church  that  she  could  speak  in  the  name  of  Jesus.  His  actual  words 
and  those  which  his  spirit  inspired  in  men  were  not  strictly  distinguished.  Over 
and  again,  his  utterances  and  the  reflections  of  the  fourth  evangelist  pass  into  one 
another,  till  the  line  of  demarcation  often  eludes  all  search. 

2  Gore,  preface  to  Lux  Mundi  (12th  ed.  1891),  pp.  xx-xxv.  The  italics  are  his 
own.  I  am  not  so  sure  of  the  criterion  which  he  suggests,  namely,  that  a  pseudo- 
nymous writing  is  a  forgery  if  the  author  could  not  have  afforded  to  disclose  the 
secret.  Would  this  be  true  of  Deuteronomy,  for  example  ?  Could  its  author  or 
promoter  really  have  afforded  to  let  Josiali  know  the  history  of  its  origin  ?  On  the 
contrary,  I  suspect  that  there,  as  in  the  case  of  the  NT  pseudepigrapha,  the  disclosure 
would  have  tempted  contemporaries  to  reject  such  a  volume — to  their  own  loss  as 
well  as  to  ours.  There  is  still  educative  value  in  Cheyne's  Jeremiah,  chap,  vii., 
"Fraud  or  needful  Illusion."  The  failure  to  discuss  the  meaning  and  function  of 
pseudonymity  in  the  NT  literature  is  the  one  flaw  in  Dr.  Chase's  excellent  article  on 
2  Peter  (DB,  iii.),  although  he  candidly  admits  the  existence  of  this  literary  fact. 

3  The  degrees  and  objects  varied,  naturally.  It  is,  for  example,  quite  legitimate  to 
argue  that  an  author  who  wrote  under  an  honoured  apostolic  name  would  feel  less 
inclinatiou  to  emphasise  his  nom-de-jplume  if  he  merely  wrote  for  hortatory  purposes 


624  APPENDIX 

habits  of  composition  any  more  than  solecisms  and  vulgar  idioms  from 
their  style,  or  textual  errors  from  their  ]\ISS.  It  is  with  the  literature 
of  revelation  as  occasionally  with  the  conduct  and  ideas  of  the  men  con- 
cerned in  its  history  ;  allowance  has  to  be  made  for  certain  practices 
inevitable  to  the  time  or  place,  which  a  modern  mind  is  less  able  to  regard 
with  approval  or  equanimity.  The  adjustment  of  these  with  theological 
ideas  and  prepossessions  is  another  question.  It  is  a  question,  too,  which 
does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  inquiry.  Criticism  has  a  simpler 
and  preliminary  task.  It  is  entrusted  with  the  business  of  discovering, 
sifting,  and  arranging  the  facts  ;  but  it  is  also  bound  to  insist  that  these 
facts  shall  be  neither  twisted  nor  ignored  in  the  supjiosed  interests  of 
ecclesiasticism  or  of  dogma,  any  more  than  in  those  of  fretful,  anti- 
traditional  prejudice. 

The  following  is  a  briefly  annotated  list  of  the  more  significant 
passages  in  the  NT  which  are  brought  up  for  discussion  by  these  hypo- 
theses. Each  involves,  more  or  less  immediately,  considerations  of  style 
and  structure,  but  the  decision  mainly  rests  upon  a  sense  of  the  total 
argument  in  the  context.  It  is  a  delicate  question  to  follow  the  move- 
ments of  a  writer's  mind  from  one  topic  to  another,  or  to  be  sure  that  any 
given  passage  is  a  foreign  interpolation,  and  not  an  episode  or  an 
outburst.  The  problem  becomes  trebly  difficult,  when,  as  is  often 
the  case,  external  evidence  fails.  Then  especially,  it  is  not  easy  to  get 
a  footing  upon  reliable  arguments.  In  the  case  of  a  letter,  above  all, 
the  psychological  method  must  be  fairly  tried  before  a  section  or  clause 
is  finally  abandoned.  The  connection  of  thought,  particularly  in  Paul, 
does  not  always  lie  upon  the  surface  ;  and  what  is  apparently  abrupt  may 
ultimately  resolve  itself  now  and  then  into  an  inner  continuity.  In 
employing  the  hypotheses  of  interpolation  and  compilation,  it  is  easy  to 
be  arbitrary.  Worship  of  the  status  quo,  it  is  true,  lias  always  plenty  of 
adherents,  and  the  literalist  is  to  be  treated  with  constant  suspicion  in 
NT  interjjretation  ;  but  at  the  same  time  these  hypotheses  of  interpolation 
and  compilation  are  often  handled  with  a  brilliance  that  is  really 
specious.  A  more  patient  and  self-denying  criticism,  which  is  content  to 
take  the  text  provisionally  as  it  stands,  may  succeed  in  penetrating  to 
what  is  an  actual  though  not  an  obvious  transition  of  argument  or 
emotion.  Indeed,  after  working  through  some  hyper-subtle  processes  of 
analysis  upon  the  NT  writings  (particularly  Acts  and  the  Apocalypse),  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  avoid  the  feeling  that  their  way  of  handling  the  facts 
is  dim  and  perilous  and  arid.  Ingenuity  of  this  mechanical  kind  does 
not  always  get  upon  the  track  of  simple  and  spontaneous  expression. 
Adroitness  is  useful  enough  in  its  own  place,  but  its  place  is  not  here ; 
or  at  least  its  place  is  very  small.  At  the  same  time,  as  the  tendency  in 
this  country  is  to  treat  analytic  criticism  far  too  cavalierly,  I  have  not 
consciously  omitted  to  notice  any  passage  which  is  discussed,  as  it  seems 
to  me,  with  any  case  or  reason  by  good  critics. ^     Minor  passages,  however, 

{e.g.  1  Peter),  than  if  he  had  a  polemical  aim  (Wrede,  in  his  critique  of  Harnack, 
/^XW,  1900,  pp.  75-85).  2  Peter  is  on  a  different  level  from,  say,  fEphesians]  or 
James,  should  either  or  both  of  these  be  ranked  in  the  same  literary  class  ;  while  the 
pseudonymity  of  tlie  pastorals  again  mnst  hr  diUcn-iitiatrd  fnnii  all  three. 

1  For  the  Pauline  letters  there  is  an  admiralily  lull  moudmaph  by  Clemen  {Die 
Einheitlirhkcit  ,l.'r  jumll nisrhpn  lirv-f,-  a),  </.t  //,/»(/  ,1,'r  hishcr  mit  Bezurj  avf  die 
au/yc.-illll.n  l,it.rpnl,ilin,is-  mnl  Cnm  iiihiH,,,, -li  iij,..ih.'sni  ./.7»-;i/'i!,  1894),  reviewed  by 
vonSo.lrii  (77-/,-.,  bs'.O,  111-.  I'JS^i;;:;)  and  .1.  Wriss  (.s'A',  is;ir,,  j.p.  25'2-29()),  unfavour- 
ably; also  by  Dods  (C'A',  ISltf;,  pp.  219  f.)  und  tichmiedel  {LL\  1895,  pp.  641-643). 
More  generally,   Rovers,   JJk  Ainucnduiuj  tier  coiijekturuLkritik  auf  den  Text  der 


APPENDIX  625 

like  the  omission  of  words  here  and  there  in  the  MSS,  have  been  passed 
over.i  In  the  discussion  of  interpolations  and  compilation  as  in  most 
departments  of  legitimate  science,  there  is  ample  room  for  the  frolic  of 
paradox  and  conjecture  ;  one  cannot  always  be  sure  whether  this  or  that 
theory  is  worth  any  serious  attention,  or  whether  it  should  be  allowed  to 
pass  quietly,  after  many  another,  into  "  the  sepulchre  of  all  the  Capulets." 
In  compiling  this  list,  I  have  thought  it  fairest  for  several  reasons  to  lean 
usually  to  the  former  judgment  of  charity. 

One  might  almost,  however,  transfer  Verbatim  to  this  province  of  NT 
criticism  the  well-known  sentences  of  Matthew  Arnold  upon  the  proper 
attitude  to  a  classic.  "  Truly  we  must  read  our  classic  with  open  eyes,  and 
not  with  eyes  blinded  with  superstition.  .  .  .  But  the  use  of  this  criticism 
is  not  in  itself,  it  is  entirely  in  its  enabling  us  to  have  a  clearer  sense  and 
a  deeper  enjoyment  of  what  is  truly  excellent.  To  trace  the  labour,  the 
attempts,  the  weaknesses,  the  failures  of  a  genuine  classic,  to  acquaint 
oneself  with  his  time  and  his  life  and  his  historical  relationships,  is  mere 
literary  dilettantism,  unless  it  has  that  clear  sense  and  deeper  enjoyment 
for  its  end  "  {The  Study  of  Poetnj).  These  words  point  to  two  essen- 
tials—thoroughness and  sympathy  ;  and  both  are  requisite  in  approach- 
ing a  NT  writing  also.  No  amount  of  work  on  the  details  and  outworks 
of  the  NT,  or  even  upon  the  secondary  and  temporary  elements  in  its 
substance,  will  lead  to  much  profit,  unless  it  is  recognised  that  these 
writers  had,  or  believed  they  had,  a  gospel.  You  cannot  get  the  proper 
focus  for  understanding  them  till  you  share  that  standpoint.  Otherwise 
the  movement  and  the  manner  of  the  books  are  misconceived.  Criticism  of 
language,  ideas,  and  style  cannot  be  too  heartily  prosecuted  ;  but  it  is 
at  best  subordinate,  and  one  of  the  most  refreshing  signs  in  modern 
research  is  to  find  this  frankly  recognised  by  writers  like  Wrede,  Kriiger, 
and  Gunkel,  whose  thoroughness  is  above  suspicion.  It  is  with  this  aim 
and  this  caveat  that  the  following  criticism  in  the  Appendix  proceeds, 

1  Th  2i*-i6._A  supposed  interpolation'(cp.  Schmiedel,  HC,  ad  loc.)1  The 
severe  unconciliatory  reference  to  the  Jews  is  considered  to  be  un-Pauline, 
considering  his  own  career  of  persecution  and  his  patriotism,  and  to  indicate 
a  situation  towards  the  end  of  the  seventhdecade  ( -  Mt  ^Z^-,  Lk  1  l^a-si  2123). 
But  historical  jDresuppositions  can  be  found  much  earlier  thaii  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  e.g.  the  famine  (Ac  11-*),  the  edict  of  Claudius  (Ac  18-),  a  riot 
under  Cumanus'  procuratorship,  or  generally  the  obduracy  of  the  Jews  (1  Th 
56-9^  where  upyi)  is  again  used),  and  their  interference  with  Paul  as  he  wrote, 
at  Corinth.  The  reference  to  Christ's  murder  corresponds  accurately  to  the 
tone  of  the  primitive  church  in  Ac  2-"  3^^  ^-  S^o  (1  Co  2''-^).  Nor,  in  view 
of  Ro  8'''°,  Ja  5'-,  is  it  necessary  to  take  the  aorist  (e^Oaa-ev)  historically 
{e<pdaKep  is  plainly  an  attempt  to  ease  the  difficulty  of  the  passage).     The 

neutestamentlichen  Schri/ten  [ZwTh,  1881,  p.  385  f.).     Cp.  Bruckner  {Chron.  pp. 
x-xii). 

1  I  have  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  notice  even  more  considerable  and  familiar 
interpolations  like  those  noticed,  for  example,  in  the  margin  of  the  R.V.,  which  are 
detected  as  intruders  by  the  mei-e  aid  of  textual  criticism.  This  class  includes 
passages  such  as  Ro  16-^,  Mk  7i«  9-''*-  46.  49b  1126  15-8^  jyjt  gisb  i^yni)  nQ2b.-i\  1721 
1811  (199"^)  (21«)  2314  (apud  27^9),  Lk  935"  112^  •*'=  11^  23i7  (233^")  (24i2)  (24^") 
(245it'-52a),  Ac  8-*7  153^  246=-Sa  28^9  [1  Jn  5«-  ",  the  three  witnesses].  For  other 
reasons  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  works  like  Lisco's  dissection  of  1  Co  i.--iv. 
[Pcmlus  AnUpaulinus,  1895  ;  cp.  Schmiedel,  ThLz,  1895,  pp.  207-210),  and  Becker's 
similar  treatment  of  the  fourth  gospel  [SK,  1889,  pp.  117-140) ;  these  are  like  Weisse's 
analytic  theories,  partly  too  subjective,  partly  too  minute  to  be  summarised  here. 
40 


626  APPENDIX 

occurrence  of  ^•'b  jn  the  Test.  xii.  Patriarch.  (Levi  6)  afTords  no  decisive 
ground  either  against  or  for  the  authenticity  of  the  passage  liere,  owing 
to  the  uncertain  date  of  the  pieces  which  compose  that  writing.  Still, 
the  contradiction  between  Ac  17^  ((rjXaxTavTes  8e  ol  'louSalot)  and  1  Th  2^* 
(o-i^jLK^uXerwv)  is  noticeable  :  it  is  soluble  only  on  the  supposition  that  the 
trial  referred  to  in  the  latter  passage  occurred  subsequently  (=  3^),  or 
that  (rvfj.4>vX.  includes  Jews  as  well  as  Gentiles.  I  suspect,  on  the  whole, 
that  ^'^b  is  an  interpolation  or  editorial  comment,  like  Ro  11^-  ^°,  written 
after  70  a.d.     (So  most  recently  Dr.  Drummond,  IH,  ii.  p.  5.) 

1  Th  5-''.— Quite  intelligible  as  it  stands,  but  suspected  by  Hitzig, 
Schmiedel,  and  J.  Weiss  (SK,  1892),  as  the  addition  of  a  reader  (in  the 
second  century  ?)  when  the  apostolic  letters  came  to  be  widely  cir- 
culated and  specially  authoritative. 

2  Th  2-ia. — For  reasons  similar  to  those  urged  on  1  Th  2'^^-'^*\  this  vivid 
and  surprising  piece  of  polemic  is  put  (previous  to  Apoc  13),  as  an  interpola- 
tion, into  66-70 A.D.  by  Schmidt,  Dererste  Thess.  nebsteinem  Excurs  ilbcr  den 
Zweiten  fileichnamigen  Brief.  (1885),  p.  lllf.  But  tliis  sketch  of  defection 
and  lawlessness  might  be  paralleled  by  the  facts  ^  underlying  1  Th  21*-^'' 
along  with  the  OT  postulates  of  antichrist  and  his  black,  pitiless  empire. 
Spitta  takes  the  passage  as  a  fragment  (c.  40  a.d.)  incorporated  by  Paul  or 
his  amanuensis,  Timotheus  {Urc.  i.  jx  135  f.).  In  Schmiedel's  view,  the 
whole  of  the  epistle  falls  in  the  period  between  Nero's  death  (June  9,  68) 
and  the  destruction  of  the  temple  in  Jerusalem  (August  70),  so  that  this 
passage  and  the  Apocalypse  (I3110  17811)  j-gfgj.  [^^  ^jjg  same  situation. 
Spitta  {loc.  cit.),  however,  is  at  once  more  moderate  and  less  convincing ; 
he  regards  2^12  as  an  apocalypse  of  Jewish  origin  in  the  time  of  Caligula 
(vvv,  ver.  6  =  Ac  18"),  which  Timotheus  has  recast  into  a  Christian  apoca- 
lypse, in  which  the  "  secret  of  iniquity  "  becomes  the  enmity  of  the  Jews 
(1  Th  2i-'i'^)  to  the  gospel.  There  is  a  contradiction  on  paper  between 
the  view  expressed  here  and  that  afterwards  elaborated  in  Ro  11,  but  in 
either  passage  or  in  both  we  have  probably  the  expression  of  a  mood.  It 
would  be  psychologically  false  to  deny  the  compatibility  of  both  positions 
at  different  periods  within  a  single  personality.  Yet' the  "tension"  of 
this  passage  in  2  Th  is  not  between  Paul  and  his  "Jewish  past"  (Weiss, 
NTTh,  i.  pp.  306-308),  but  between  Paul  and  his  Jewish  contemporaries. 
By  the  time  that  Ro  11  came  to  be  written,  he  was  more  dispassionate  and 
patriotic.     [Hausrath  takes  2^'^-  as  probably  a  genuine  fragment.] 

On  Bousset's  theory  (cp.  above,  p.  143),  the  eschatology  here  is  not 
genuinely  Christian,  but  due  to  a  Jewish  tradition  of  antichrist,  repre- 
sented later  in  4  Esdras,  which  was  in  existence  esoterically  prior  to  the 
conilict  with  Rome.     The  inference  is  that  while,  of  course,' Paul  followed 

1  No  particular  decade  during  the  first  century  is  needed  to  render  these  passages 
luminous.  At  any  time  the  ])osition  of  the  Jews  "in  the  Roman  Empire  would  have 
made  the  references  historically  intelligible  ;  indeed,  they  were  even  apt,  ever  since 
Tiberius  had  vented  his  auger  and  spite  upon  them  (Tacit.  Amuil.  ii.  42,  43,  71,  85  ; 
Joseph.  Antlq.  xyiu.  3,  4),  esi)ecially  in  19  a.d.  The  vulgar  anti-Semitism  of  Apion 
must  have  foun<l  in  many  Roman  quarters  a  welcome  and  an  echo  during  the  subsequent 
decades.  But  in  Palestine  the  state  of  matters  previous  to  50  a.d.  amply  bore  out 
the  allusion  of  the  apostle.  Caligula's  policy  had  set  the  Zealots— those  implacable 
Nihilists  of  Judaism— aflame,  and  the  days  of  peace  in  Judaea  were  numbered.  "  The 
last  decades,"  i.e.  i)receding  50  a.u.,  "  had  exhibited  the  nation  as  a  captive  who,  con- 
tinually visited  by  his  jailer,  rattles  at  his  fetters  with  the  strength  of  despair,  nntil 
he  wrenches  them  asunder"  (Graetz,  History  ofJei's  (Eng.  tr.),  ii.  p.  234  ;  cp.  also 
Mommsen,  aesrh.  Rom.  v.  ]>.  .''i27).  In  fact,  shice  Herod  Agri])pa's  death  (44  a.d.) 
the  flood-gates  of  dissension  aud  feud  in  Judaea  had  been  open. 


APPENDIX  627 

tlie  tradition  and  interpreted  the  restraining  power  as  Eome,  subsequent 
events  in  the  seventh  decade  completely  altered  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
attitude  to  the  Enij)ire.  Now  it  was  the  foe,  not  the  bulwark.  It  became 
antichrist  itself,  especially  in  the  weird  form  of  the  Neronic  saga.  The 
Apocalypse  of  John  represents  this  normal  position  ;  but  in  one  of  its 
sources,  as  in  2  Thess,  a  trace  of  the  older  view  has  been  presented.  If 
such  a  hypothesis  is  accepted,  it  obviously  removes  one  or  two  of  the 
historical  objections  to  the  authenticity  of  2  Thess,  which  have  hitherto 
proved  rather  serious. 

Galatians. — The  epistle  is  commonly  regarded,  except  by  the  extreme 
school,  as  a  thorough  unity  in  its  extant  form,  the  difficult  transitions 
and  abrupt  parentheses  being  explicable  upon  a  fair  view  of  the  author's 
agitation  and  vivid  energy  at  the  time  of  writing.  Clemen,  however 
(Einheitlichheit.,  pp.  112,  124,  125),  regards  as  interpolations  or  glosses 
2i«  QU  foj.  the  following  inconclusive  reasons  : — 

Gal  2^*  interrupts  the  direct  connection  of  vers.  17  and  19  in  the  apostle's 
argument  :  it  is  the  gloss  of  an  unskilled  copyist  (so  Weisse).  The  yap  is 
certainly  strange,  but  the  verse  is  perfectly  natural,  if  not  necessary.  It 
refutes  the  wrong  conclusion  by  rejecting  the  presuppositions  upon  which 
it  rests  (cp.  Sietfert  or  Lightfoot,  ad  loc,  but  especially  Gercke,  GGA, 
1894,  pp.  596-599). 

Gal  6^^ — eypa\lra,  Clemen  thinks,  cannot  refer  to  the  whole  ^  of  the 
letter,  for  in  that  case  it  would  have  stood  at  the  close.  Besides,  Paul  did 
not  write  his  own  letters.  Nor  can  the  phrase  refer  (as  the  epistolary 
aorist)  to  ver.  11  f.,  for  in  the  usage  of  the  NT  this  refers  to  the  preceding 
matter  (Philemon  ^^).  On  these  extremely  untenable  grounds  he  con- 
siders the  verse  a  gloss.  But  there  seems  no  sufficient  reason  for  abandon- 
ing the  ordinary  view  that  vers.  11-18  contain  an  emphatically  personal 
postscript  crowded  with  deliberate  touches  of  the  writer's  individuality, 
and  the  motive  for  adding  ver.  1 1  as  a  gloss  would  be  very  difficult  to 
conjecture  (cp.  Deissmann,  o^;.  cit.  pp.  262-264). 

1  Co  9-*-''. — Suspected  by  Schmiedel  (HC,  li.  i.  pp.  145,  146),  as  a 
misjjlaced  jiassage,  owing  to  its  loose  connection  with  the  preceding  and 
succeeding  paragraphs  ;  the  idea  of  the  passage  is  excellent  (=  Phil  3^-"^*), 
but  the  concejition  of  "herald"  and  "  runner"  (ver.  27)  are  contradictory. 
Ver.  26  depends  on  ver.  24  rather  than  on  25,  and  the  whole  conception  is 
confused.  This,  however,  is  to  press  the  details  a  little  too  hardly  :  the 
passage  might  stand  quite  well  as  it  is,  interpreted  freely  and  generously 
(vide  Heinrici  or  G.  G.  Findlay,  ad  loc,  and  Clemen,  op.  cit.  pp.  40-42), 
though  it  certainly  has  the  apjiearance  of  being  a  marginal  note. 

1  Co  14''3b-3«._Vers.  34,  35  are  inserted  in  some  MSS  (DEFG,  Am- 
brosiaster,  Sedulius)  after  ver.  40,  and  ver.  33^  upon  the  whole  goes  better 
with  the  following  than  with  the  preceding  words.  The  passage  is  there- 
fore taken  as  a  marginal  gloss  by  the  Dutch  school,  Hilgenfeld,  Holsten 
(Evglm.  Paid'us,  i.  p.  495  f.),  etc.  ;  even  Schmiedel  {HC,  adloc.)  regards  vers. 
33^-35  as  an  unauthentic  interjjolation  due  to  the  same  church  interests 
which  appear  in  1  Tim  2ii-i3  .  ^ud  Dr.  Drummond  brackets  vers.  34, 35  as  a 
prohilntion  borrowed  from  the  synagogue  {IH,  ii.  p.  118).  The  chief  reasons 
for  this  hypothesis  are  the  abruptness  witli  which  the  reference  to  women  is 

1  Like  Cramer,  Zahn  [Einl.  i.  pp.  120-122)  maintains  this  indefensible  position. 
It  is  justified  neither  by  grammar  nor  by  the  internal  probabilities  of  the  epistle. 
The  quotation  from  Ambrose  (ed.  Ben.  ii.  753,  to  the  Emperor  Gratian)  is  inter- 
esting but  not  apposite  :  "  Scripsisti  tua  totam  epistolam  vianu,  ut  ipsi  apices  fidem 
tuam  pietatevique  loquerentur." 


628  APPENDIX 

introduced  at  this  point,  and  the  alleged  inconsistency  between  Paul's 
attitude  here  and  that  in  11^^^.  The  latter  argument,  however,  is  not 
decisive.  Paul's  enforcement  of  silence  upon  women  in  the  churches  may 
be  due  either  to  a  change  of  view  or  to  a  slightly  different  standpoint 
(so  variously  Godet,  Weizsacker,  McGitfert,  and  G.  G.  Findlay).  Clemen 
(op.  cit.  jjp.  49-51)  rather  unnecessarily  takes  the  passage  as  a  mis- 
placed remark  of  the  apostle,  unintelligil)le  in  its  present  place  after  11-  '■, 
and  part  of  another  jjrevious  epistle  to  the  same  church  (Chron.  j^p.  220, 
221).  Otherwise  the  passage  is  to  be  viewed  as  a  remark  thrown  in  by 
Paul  in  more  or  less  connection  with  what  immediately  precedes, 
jDOssibly  written  on  the  margin  (Heinrici). 

1  Co  15^*'. — An  unauthentic  interpolation  (Straatman,Volter,  Schmiedel, 
Clemen,  and  Dr.  Drummond,  IH,  ii.  j).  129),  which  was  originally  inserted 
in  the  margin  as  a  dogmatic  anti-legal  gloss,  quite  in  the  Pauline  manner, 
upon  Kivrpov  and  Oiwaro^,  but  is  inappropriate  here.  Sin  and  law  have  no 
special  bearing  upon  the  mental  situation  of  the  Corinthians,  it  is  held  ; 
their  problem  at  the  moment  was  death  in  its  apparent  antagonism  to  the 
resurrection.  It  is  only  later,  in  2  Co  3",  that  this  function  of  the  law  is 
brought  forward,  to  be  further  developed  in  Romans  {e.g.  Z-^  4^*  7').  The 
ordinary  interpretation  of  the  passage  presents  to  most  no  serious  diffi- 
culties ("  sensu  evangelico  explicat  dictum  Oseae,"  Grotius),  though  J. 
Weiss  {IViSt,  170  n.  =  "  Beitrage  zur  paulinischen  Ehetorik,"  p.  8  n.)  deletes 
it  on  I'hetorical  grounds.     It  may  easily  be  a  marginal  gloss. 

Earlier  in  the  chapter,  Blass  (NT  Gramm.  §  78)  needlessly  suspects  the 
clause  e'lTTep  .  .  .  iyeipovrai  (ver.  15),  though  it  certainly  is  absent  from  some 
MSS  (DE,  etc.).  I  see  no  reason  for  supposing  also  that  16--  is  a  Jewish 
Christian  gloss  (Eovers,  Nieuw-Test.Letterkunde,  p.  37,Baljon  and  Holsten). 

2  Co  e''*-?^. — An  interpolated  fragment  from  some  lost  ejjistle.  So, 
after  Ewald  and  Hilgenfeld,  Kenan,  A.  H.  Franke  (SK,  1884,  pp.  544- 
653),  S.  Davidson  (i.  p.  63),  Sabatier  (p.  177),  Hausrath  (iv.  p.  55  f.), 
Pfleiderer  (Urc.  pp.  115,  116  n.),  Clemen  {Einheit.  pp.  58,  59),  McGiffert 
(AA,  p.  323),  and  others.^  Possibly  it  stood  originally  after  1  Co  10^-  or 
1  Co  6,  if  not  in  the  letter  of  similar  tone  and  purpose  -  referred  to  in 
1  Co  5''ii  (Hilgeufeld,  Einl.  287  n.  ;  Franke,  Sabatier,  and  Whitelaw, 
Class.  Rev.  1890,  pp.  12,  248,  317).  At  any  rate  this  interjected  piece  on 
sensuality  reads  awkwardly  in  its  present  situation  (Heinrici),  and  ajsart 
from  a  timid  desire  to  adhere  to  the  textual  statics  quo  there  is  no  reason 
for  disputing  so  obvious  an  instance  of  interpolation.  Certainly  no  MS 
evidence  exists  for  the  hypothesis,  and  more  or  less  plausible  objections 
can  be  stated  (e.cj.  by  Godet,  Denney,  Jiilicher,  and  Zahn  :  Einl.  i.  pp. 

1  A.  Robertson  (T)B,  i.  p.  496) :  "  On  the  whole,  if  we  may  assume  an  interjiolation 
at  all  without  textual  evidence,  this  is  perhaps  digims  rindice  nodus."  The 
"perhai)s  "  is  really  out  of  place  ;  it  is  inqiossilile  to  conceive  a  case  where  internal 
evidence  furnishes  so  conclusive  and  satisfying  a  proof.  To  make  evidence  from 
external  authority  a  siite  qu<%  ii<ni  in  the  discussion  of  NT  interpolations,  displays 
more  caution  than  aijpreciation  of  the  real  state  in  which  the  NT  text  has  lieen  ])re- 
served.  There  is  a  coiisidtrablc  gap  between  the  autographs  and  the  earliest  extant 
MSS,  during  which  tlie  state  of  the  text  can  only  be  seen  through  the  incomplete 
evidence  of  versions  and  quotations. 

-  lypa-la  i/fjuv  it  tv)  i^ia-ToXr,  /jir,  (ruva.vaiu.!ytuir8ai  ^ipvoif.      Tllis  is  by  far  the  mOst  likely 

explanation,  if  the  piece  is  Pauline.  It  is  very  artificial  to  suppose  that  Paul  added 
it  himself  when  he  read  over  his  eiiistle.  On  the  other  hand,  Paul's  epistles,  especially 
those  to  Corinth,  have  evidently  been  edited  in  a  much  freer  fashion  than  a  super- 
ficial glance  at  their  extant  appearance  would  suggest.  The  further  reconstruction 
of  this,  the  earliest  epistle  to  Corinth,  from  passages  like  1  Co  3"*-^  9'-10--;  2  Co  IP  '• 
1220  '.^  jjj  uot,  however,  convincing. 


APPENDIX  629 

248,  249).  But  all  explanations  of  tlie  connection  between  6^^  and  6^* 
are  forced.^  On  the  other  hand,  6^^  runs  well  into  7^,  and  the  passage 
between  must  represent  either  a  very  sharp  and  almost  unnatural  digres- 
sion, or  a  section  interpolated  from  some  other  epistle  (vide  Schmiedel's 
excursus,  ad  loc).  Heinrici  considers  the  passage  to  be  a  genuinely 
Pauline  fragment,  and  apart  from  the  strange  untechuical  use  of  a-ap^ 
and  TTvevfia,  the  style,  even  with  its  aV.  Xey.,  does  not  necessitate  the 
hypothesis  (Holsten)  of  a  non-Pauline  origin.  The  Dutch  school  (e.g. 
Rovers,  Nieuiv-Test.  Letterkunde,  pp.  37,  38),  however,  attribute  the  frag- 
ment to  a  Jewish-Christian  source,  owing  to  the  note  of  narrow  repulsion 
to  "  unclean  things "  (6^'),  while  Krenkel  finds  linguistic  j^arallels  in 
Clem.  Rom.  Dr.  Drummond,  who  rather  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  isolated 
character  of  the  section,  explains  the  reflections  in  it  by  suggesting  that 
extraneous  influences  were  at  work  upon  the  Corinthian  Christians  from 
current  jjagan  criticism  (IH,  ii.  pp.  159-162). 

2  Co  ll"2-12i. — Apart  from  the  question  of  the  historicity  of  the 
Damascus  paragraph  -  (cp.  Klopper,  pp.  490-495),  vers.  32,  33  have  been 
regarded  as  a  misplaced  and  rather  irrelevant  gloss  upon  the  aa-deveia 
mentioned  in  ver.  30  :  the  passage  connects  badly  with  the  context,  it 
is  argued,  and  interrupts  the  sequence  (so  Holsten  ;  Hilgenfeld,  ZioTh, 
1888,  p.  200  ;  Schmiedel,  ad  loc.  pp.  290-292  ;  and  otliers).^  Probably  this 
excision  demands  12^,  or  at  least  the  words  KovxaaBai  Set"  ov  avficpepov 
fiev,  as  an  interpolation,  in  order  to  make  a  good  connection  between  IP^ 
and  12-  or  12'c  (reading  eXeva.  yap). 

The  remedy  is  not  too  heroic.  But  the  whole  passage,  in  its  extant 
form,  may  be  held  to  admit  of  pretty  clear  explanation  :  the  difiiculties 
in  textual  criticism  and  exegesis  are  not  quite  insoluble  even  in  the 
present  sequence  of  verses  (cp.  especially  Dr.  Drummond,  IH,  ii.  p.  179, 
and  Heinrici's  notes),  although  it  is  true  that  if  vers.  32, 33  were  put  between 
30  and  31  the  jolting  transition  would  be  partially  eased.  As  it  is,  their 
comijarative  lack  of  relationship  with  the  context  quite  acquits  the 
interpolation  hypothesis  of  the  charge  of  wilful  violence.  Whether 
it  justifies  the  removal  of  the  verses  from  their  present  position  is 
another  question ;  and  certainly  the  passage  is  not  an  interpolation  based 
upon  the  anecdote  in  Ac  9^^'^^.  Evidently  this  initial  experience  of 
persecution  at  Damascus  made  a  deep  impression  upon  Paul ;  the  import- 
ance he  attached  to  it  may  indicate  its  right  to  stand  here  as  an  illustra- 

1  Weizsacker  detects  an  apologetic  aim  {A  A ,  i.  p.  36-3)  of  Paul  in  the  passage.  Who 
so  careful  of  his  reader's  moral  purity  as  he?  Who  so  antagonistic  to  heathenism  ? 
As  an  apostle  to  the  heathen  he  thus  shows  how  futile  are  the  Jewish  charges 
brought  against  him  of  laxity  in  moral  teaching.  But  this  seems  rather  too  subtle. 
Of  the  other  so-called  "psychological"  defences,  Godet's  [INT,  i.  pp.  321-323)  is 
quite  the  most  ingenious. 

-  Cp.  Overbeck-Zeller,  1.  p.  296  f.  ;  P.  Ewald,  RTK,  i.  pp.  795-797  ;  and  a  special 
study  from  a  different  standpoint  by  Wandel,  ZKWL,  1887,  p.  433  f.  The  most 
recent  light  on  the  subject  is  a  suggestion  of  Schiirer's  [SK,  1899,  I.),  based  upon 
details  gathered  from  the  inscriptions,  that  iBmkpx'^s  is  applied  here,  not,  as  has 
been  hitherto  thought  necessary  and  unexampled,  to  the  king's  administrator,  the 
governor  of  the  city  (tVa/j^us,  or  <rv«Ti,ycV),  but  to  the  sheikh  of  that  tribal  territory 
in  the  Nabataean  kingdom  which  included  Damascus.  In  that  case  the  term  would 
be  correctly  applied  to  Aretas  as  a  subordinate  and  lieutenant  of  the  king. 

3  The  passage,  along  with  the  corresponding  note  in  Ac  92-'-  ^5^  is  repeatedly  dis- 
cussed in  reference  to  the  chronology  of  Paul's  life  ;  but  the  obscurity  of  the  relations 
between  Aretas  and  the  Romans  at  that  period  renders  it  unwise  to  draw  any  rigid 
inferences  from  data  so  ambiguous.  Wendt  (-Meyer,  Acts,  p.  35)  regards  it  as  a 
marginal  addition  of  Paul,  which  properly  belonged  to  the  parenthesis  ver.  24  f. 
So  also  Rovers,  Nieuw-Test.  Letterkunde,  p.  38,  who  adds  12ii''- 1-. 


630  APPENDIX 

tion  of  liis  hardships,  although  it  does  not  prove  its  claim  to  be  an 
integral  part  of  the  original  argument.  It  looks  more  like  an  after- 
thought. 

The  details  of  several  analytic  hypotheses,  which  distinguish  between 
genuine  and  unauthentic  pieces  in  the  Eonian  ejiistle,  can  be  seen  in 
Holtzmann's  summary,  Einl.  pp.  242-246,  and  Mangold,  Der  Romerhrief 
u.  s.  (leschichtl.  Vorraussetz  .pp.  1-164.  Ro  IP-^". — Interpolated  in  the 
margin  by  some  reader  as  an  historical  reflection  after  the  downfall  of 
Jerusalem  (Lipsius,i  HC,  ii.  2.  p.  173,  as  previously  others,  including 
Holsten,  ZwTh,  1872,  p.  455).  On  this  view  the  quotation  (LXX.,  Ps  69 
(68)2^  '■)  is  to  be  taken  as  implying  exclusion  from  the  Messianic  kingdom 
■ — in  which  case  it  certainly  does  not  harmonise  with  the  succeeding 
passage.  Against  this  it  is  urged  that  ver.  11,  with  its  different  metaphor, 
would  not  come  well  immediately  after  ver.  8.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
ver.  9  is  as  violent  a  contradiction  to  ver.  8,  and  Mi  iravTos  is  not  in 
keeping  with  the  tone  of  vers.  11,  12. 

1519b.  20b.  23.  24.  (^o-T-f  y^ie  .  .  .  xpLcrTov,  cvx  oTTov  .  .  .  aXXci).— An  inter- 
polation, suspected  on  account  of  the  references  to  Paul's  preaching 
(a)  in  Jerusalem — this,  it  is  held,  is  a  conciliatory  concession  due  (as  in 
Ac  9-^  ^■)  to  the  later  spirit  of  the  church  and  unsupported  by  the  facts 
(Gal  118-24^  Qf  i^i^g  apostle's  life  :  (b)  in  Illyria — considered  equally  un- 
historical  :  (c)  in  its  general  scope  (which  is  exaggerated,  imrX-qpoiKivai 
TO  evayyfkLov)  and  in  its  special  connection  with  Kome,  which — it  is 
argiied — was  an  aXKorpiov  6(jxi\iov.  A  case  can  be  fairly  made  out,  e.g., 
by  E.  H.  Giftbrd  (Sjjeak.  Comvi.,  ad  loc.\  Sanday  and  Headlam  {ICG, 
ad  loc),  Clemen  (Einl.  pp.  91,  92),  Spitta  (Urc.  i.  p.  17 f.),  and  Denney 
(ExGT,  ii.  p]).  579,  580),  in  favour  of  the  authenticity  ;  but  the  excision  has 
found  some  support  (vide  especially  Lipsius,  oj).  cit.  pp.  195-197  ;  Holtz- 
mann,  Einl.  pp.  244,  245  ;  and  Baur,  Paul  (Eng.  tr.),  i.  pp.  371-379,  besides 
the  Dutch  critics  quoted  by  Clemen).  The  points  (a)  and  (b)  are  not  in 
themselves  decisive  against  the  Pauline  authorship.  Jerusalem  might 
be  referred  to  in  a  colloquial  and  geographical  sense,  although  11-^  ought 
not  to  be  seriously  adduced  as  a  parallel ;  Illyria  may  be  roughly  men- 
tioned as  a  limit  rather  than  as  a  mission-field.  But  (c)  is  more  crucial. 
The  expression  (ireTr\.  evayy.)  may  be  naturally  rhetorical  ;  it  is  not  safe 
to  draw  rigid  conclusions  from  words  thrown  out  freely  in  this  ejiistle. 
The  expression  about  "building  on  another  man's  foundation,"  however, 
is  not  to  be  explained  by  denying  that  Christianity  had  been  oflicially  or 
systematically  preached  at  Rome.  When  Paul  wrote,  it  was  to  a  large 
and  important  church.  A  foundation  had  been  laid  by  some  one  or  some 
persons.  Consequently,  it  is  not  so  easy  as  it  seems  to  reconcile  15-"^ 
with  passages  like  P-  ^^  12''  15i^. 

The  almost  cliaotic  state  of  the  text  and  the  divergent  characteristics 
of  clip]).  15,  16  (ili'cr  a  problem  which  is  commonly  approached  along  the 
hypothesis  (iC  coiiipilalion  and  interpolation.  For  discussions  see  the 
commentaries  (especially  ICC,  pp.  xxvi,  xxvii,  Ixxxv-xcviii,  for  the  con- 
servative position) :  and  compare  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  242-246;  Jiilicher, 
Einl.  pp.  72-74  ;  Zahn,  Einl.  i.  pp.  267-298  ;  Godet,  INT,  i.  pp.  395-407  ; 

1  He  also  is  inclined  to  follow  one  or  two  jirevious  critics  in  deleting  .5^  as  an  old 
gloss,  which  interrupts  the  connection.  Vers.  23,  24  (:diin^-  with  'JS.  J''  Cu.:'^  U  t/v 
israk/av)  are  rejected  in  ch.  1.')  by  Lipsius  as  interwoven  with  xns.  T.i'' L'O''.  'rii(S]i;iiiish 
journey  of  Paul  rests  uiion  evidence  drawn  from  llic  Murat.  •'aimii  (wliiili  is 
probahly  a  quotation  from  this  passage)  and  a  dubious  interpretation  of  Clem. 
liom   5,  where  to  Tipyi.a.  -r'r.e  Hjcnut  is  as  likely  to  mean  Home  as  anywhere  else. 


APPENDIX  631 

Grafe's  monograph,  Ueher  Veranlassung  u.  Zweck.  d.  R.  (1881)  ;  and  the 
papers  by  Lightfoot  and  Hort,  reprinted  in  the  former's  Biblical  Essays, 
pp.  287-374.  It  is  impossible  here  to  state  theories  such  as  that  of 
Vcilter  (Die  Komposition  d.  paulin.  Hauptbriefe,  i.  1890),  who  detects  a  l^rief 
original  epistle  (li"-  ^-  ^-  c-  «i7  5-6,  12-13,  IS^^s^  le^i-'S)  amid  a  mass  of 
interpolations  from  later  hands.  Upon  similar  lines,  but  less  extrava- 
gantly, Spitta  (Urc.  i.  pp.  16-30)  with  characteristic  ingenuity  detects  two 
letters  to  Eome  in  the  extant  epistle,  (a)  pe-  '^^  Ii3_ii3c  15833.  (j)  17-12 
121-15^  161-20-  21-24  (27)_  The  latter  was  written  after  Paul's  release  from 
his  Koman  captivity,  so  that  on  this  hypothesis  the  personal  references  ^ 
of  chap.  16  are  quite  intelligible  ;  the  former  is  to  be  dated  during  his 
third  missionary  tour.  Most  of  the  j^artition  theories,  however,  require  to 
be  supplemented  by  some  common  sense.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
precise  relation  subsisting  between  the  writer  and  his  readers,  or  the  aim 
which  he  had  in  view  in  penning  some  of  these  pages,  it  is  obvious  that 
when  a  public  man  like  Paul  wrote  to  a  Christian  community,  his 
deliverance  could  not  fail  to  be  somewhat  more  exhaustive  than  an 
ordinary  letter.  Possibly,  too,  in  this  case,  the  plan  of  the  epistle  grew 
on  him  as  he  wrote.  It  is  interesting,  e.g.,  to  compare  Burke's  method  in 
composing  his  Reflections  on  the  Revolution  in  France.  He  began  it  as  a 
private  letter  to  a  gentleman  in  Paris,  but  found  that  his  opinions  and 
ideas  grew  in  extent  as  he  went  on.  The  matter  so  gained  upon  him, 
that  its  importance  and  bulk  demanded  wider  consideration  than  could  be 
given  in  a  mere  letter.  Yet,  having  begun  with  the  epistolary  form,  he 
found  it  hard  to  change  the  form  of  semi-private  address,  and  this  duality 
was  not  without  its  effect  upon  the  arrangement  and  handling  of  the  various 
topics.  "  I  wish,"  he  says  at  one  point,  "  to  communicate  more  largely 
what  was  at  first  intended  only  for  your  private  satisfaction.  I  shall 
still  keep  your  affairs  in  my  eye,  and  continue  to  address  myself  to  you. 
Indulging  myself  in  the  freedom  of  epistolary  intercourse,  I  beg  leave  to 
throAv  out  my  thoughts,  and  express  my  feelings,  just  as  they  arise  in  my 
mind,  with  very  little  attention  to  formal  method."  I  suspect  that  some 
such  method  was  employed  in  the  composition  of  Romans.  But  in  any 
case  there  are  several  similar  circumstances  in  practical  life  which  may 
easily  have  affected  the  aim  and  product  of  the  apostle  as  he  wrote  there 
and  then  ;  these  do  not  occur  to  us,  so  long  as  we  apply  purely  literary 
canons  to  the  epistle,  or  take  it  as  a  mere  document  of  theology. 

lg25-27_ — jj^  its  present  setting  a  duplicate  benediction — or  finale — 
added  to  the  original  letter,  either  Pauline  (Renan,  Weiss,  Godet, 
Julicher,  Sanday)  or  else  an  unauthentic  addition  (Schiirer,  Hilgenfeld, 
Lipsius,  von  Soden  {HG,  iii.  2.  p.  203),  W.  Bruckner  {Chron.  pp.  184, 185), 

1  This  is  at  any  rate  better  than  Zahn's  view,  which  regards  the  original  place  of 
the  doxology  1625-^  as  having  been  at  the  close  of  chap.  14,  and  takes  chap.  16  as  an 
integral  portion  of  the  Roman  epistle.  The  Jewish-Christian  names  in  this  section 
are  introduced,  he  thinks  {Einl.  i.  pp.  274-276),  in  order  to  certify  to  the  Romans 
Paul's  aflFectiou  for  his  own  people,  despite  his  apostleship  to  the  Gentiles.  "Tlie 
Romans  are  to  know  that  Paul  is  anything  but  a  recreant  Jew  without  any  affection 
for  his  unhappy  nation."  As  if  he  had  not  amply  proved  that  already  (9i-5  IQi-i 
111-6  14)^  without  resorting  to  so  round-about  and  enigmatic  a  method  of  apologetic  ! 
Oltraniare's  defence  of  the  integrity  of  the  whole  epistle,  including  16-5-27^  jg  better, 
but  equally  unconvincing  (C'07nvi.  sur  l'epU7-e  avx  Romains,  I.  pp.  15-38) ;  a  verdict 
which  must  be  regretfully  applied  to  Denney's  section  in  ExGT,  ii.  pp.  580-582, 
although  afterwards  (p.  723)  he  admits  that  16'-20  may  have  originally  been  an 
independent  epistle,  and  that  !&-''■-''  "reminds  one  uncomfortably  of  the  pastoral 
epistles." 


632  APPENDIX 

Weizsiicker  (AA  i.  p.  382),  and  otliers).  In  the  latter  case,  the  peculiar- 
ities of  language  and  expression  (ejj.  the  description  of  God)  point  to  the 
author  of  "  Ephesians  "  (Holtzmann),  the  era  of  conflict  with  Gnosticism 
(Lucht),  or,  as  Volkniar,  Mangold  (-Bleek,  p.  547),  and  Pfleiderer  prefer, 
the  anti-Marcionite  epoch.  In  the  former  case  it  is  either  the  original 
conclusion  of  the  epistle,  or  else  incorporated  from  some  unknown 
source  : — at  any  rate  a  genuinely  Pauline  fragment  (cp.  Clemen,  pp. 
98,  99).  The  affinities  of  the  passage  with  Judas  24  f.  either  (i.)  jjrove 
the  dependence  of  the  latter  writing  on  Romans,  or  (ii.)  suggest  that  the 
passage  is  to  be  traced  to  the  period  and  possibly  the  author  of  that 
epistle,  or  (iii.)  indicate  that  both  doxologies  followed  a  traditional  form 
derived  from  Jewish  sources  (cp.  Mangold,  Der  liuiaerbricf,  pj).  44-81  ; 
Holtzmann,  Ephes.  Col.  Brief,  pp.  307-310). 

The  presence  of  16-^"-"  after  14-^  (in  one  or  two  MSS  and  versions, 
cp.  evidence  lucidly  put  by  Zahn,  p.  269  f.)  has  been  explained  in 
several  ways.  Renan^  {S.  Paul,  pp.  Ixiii-lxxv,  chap,  xvii),  c.r/.,  regards 
Romans  as  a  circular  letter  which  originally  existed  in  four  different 
forms,  one  of  which  (addressed  to  an  unknown  church)  contained  1-14^^ 
]^g25-27_  'pjje  other  editions  were  intended  by  the  apostle  for  Thessa- 
lonika  (1-14,  IG^'-^-i),  Ephesus  (1-14,  IGi-'O),  and  Rome  (1-11,  15).  So 
Sabatier  (p.  207)  and  Denney  (ExGT,  ii.  p.  578).  .  This  would  be 
corroborated  by  the  omission  (in  G ;  cp.  Zahn,  pp.  278,  279,  and  Nestle, 
Einf.  p.  245)  of  ev  'Pooimij  in  !'•  ^^,  unless  that  omission  is  due  to  transcrip- 
tional error,  or  to  deliberate  purpose  (upon  Marcion's  part  0,  or  to  the 
hand  of  the  later  church,  Avhich  not  unnaturally  wished  to  broaden 
out  the  epistle  for  a  wider  circle  of  Christendom.  Less  drastically, 
Lightfoot  advocates  a  double  recension  of  the  epistle,  the  original  draft 
having  been  addressed  actually  to  the  Roman  church  (i.e.  I-IG'-^),  while 
the  later  was,  like  Ejjhesians,  circular.  In  this  second  recension,  besides 
the  excision  of  eV  'Pco/jltj  (V-  ^^)  as  in  G,  vers.  15, 16  were  omitted  as  of  too 
local  an  interest  for  the  wider  audience,  and  a  doxology  (  =  16-''-^')  was 
added  to  the  close  (i.e.  at  14-^).  Subsequently  this  doxology  was  trans- 
ferred to  its  present  place  in  the  original  and  earlier  recension,  which  is 
represented  by  the  canonical  ejaistle.  The  textual  phenomena  are  still 
more  cautiously  handled  by  Hort  (cj).  Romans  and  Ephesians,  pp.  51-58  ; 
also  WH,  ii.  pp.  Ill  f.)  who  regards  the  doxology  as  an  integral  ]iart  of  the 
epistle.  Its  insertion  at  the  close  of  ver.  14  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  fur- 
nished an  appropriate  finale  to  the  epistle  when  chpp.  15,  16  were  passed 
over  as  less  suitable  for  public  reading-  in  the  church.  A  somewhat 
similar  theory  is  elaborated  by  Sanday  and  Head  lam  in  their  edition 
{IOC,  p.  xcii  If.)  ;  they  unconvincingly  exploit  the  influence  of  Marcion 
to  account  for  the  present  irregularities  of  the  text.  Partially  anticipating 
Spitta,  E.  H.  Giftord  (SjJeaker's  Comm.,  Introd.  "Romans," pp. 27-30),  again, 
regards  IG'^-''  as  jmrt  of  a  second  letter  addressed  by  Paul  to  the  capital 
after  his  release  from  the  first  imprisonment  at  Rome.  This  ingenious 
theory  certainly  meets  the  difficulty  which  rises  on  the  canonical  view,  that 
Paul  could  scarcely  have  so  many  personal  friends  in  a  church  to  which 
he  was  as  yet  unknown.  Cp.  on  the  whole  subject  of  the  conclusion  to 
Romans  the  papers  by  Riggenbach,  Neue  Jahrb.  f.  deutsche   Theolor/ie, 

1  "Les  6diteurs  ne  copii'Tent  qu'une  fois  les  parties  comnuuies  ;  cependant, 
conime  lis  se  seraient  fait  seriipule  de  rien  perdre  de  ce  qui  iHait  sorti  de  la  plume  de 
I'apotre,  ils  recuillirent  a  la  fin  de  la  copie  j^rinceps  les  parties  qui  variaient  dans  les 
differents  exemplaires,  ou  qui  se  trouvaieiit  en  plus  dans  I'uii  d'eux." 

2  Similarly  Godet,  op.  cit.  ]).  400 1. 


APPENDIX  633 

1892,  pp.  498-525,  cind — for  tlie  textual  criticism  of  the  doxology — ibid. 
pp.  526-605. 

The  hypothesis  which  seems  to  meet  most  fairly  the  textual  phenomena, 
the  inner  evidence,  and  the  general  prol)abilities  of  the  chapter,  is  to 
regard  vers.  1-20  as  containing  the  letter  to  Ephesus,  21-23  as  the  original 
conclusion  to  the  Roman  letter  or  as  a  paragraph  belonging  to  it,  and 
25-27  ("it  seems  artificial  rather  than  inspired"  Denney),  as  a  much 
later  doxology  added — after  the  Roman  epistle  and  the  Ephesian  note 
had  been  put  together — by  some  scribe  or  editor,  who  not  unnaturally 
considered  the  epistle  had  an  unfinished  look  when  it  ended  with  le-'^, 
and  that  it  ought  to  be  rounded  off  by  a  doxology  couched  in  the  Pauline 
phraseology.  As  Romans  often  closed  the  Pauline  letters  in  the  canon,  the 
doxology  may  have  been  put  as  a  finale  to  the  whole  collection  as 
well.  At  the  same  time,  no  satisfactory  theory  has  yet  been  offered  to 
account  for  the  disordered  text  and  internal  variations  of  Romans.  That 
adopted  in  the  present  edition  involves  what  may  be  called  the  reasonable 
minimum  of  conjecture  and  editorial  change.  But  it  is  possible  that  still 
more  radical  treatment  will  have  to  be  applied,  particularly  along  the 
lines  suggested  by  Renan,  before  a  coherent  set  of  results  can  l)e  attained. 
At  any  rate,  the  starting-point  of  all  sound  criticism  of  the  canonical 
"  Romans  "  is  that,  wholly  genuine  or  not,  it  lies  before  the  modern  reader 
in  a  ditt'erent  condition  from  that  in  which  it  left  the  apostle  at  Kenchreae. 

Col  li8-2o,_Following,  in  part,  criticisms  by  Weisse,  H.  J.  Holtz- 
mann,  and  von  Soden  (JpTh,  1885,  pp.  333  f.,  497  f.),  Clemen  (op.  cit. 
pp.  127-129)  unconvincingly  regards  this  passage  as  the  work  of  a  later 
redactor,  modelled  upon  the  preceding  argument  in  vers.  14-17.  The  close 
connection  between  Ephesians  and  Colossians  in  argument  and  structure 
has  also  led  to  conjectures,  at  one  point  after  another,  that  the  text  of  either 
has  been  conformed  to  the  other  (cp.  above,  p.  217) ;  and  it  is  not  without 
reason  that  at  one  or  two  other  passages  interpolation  has  been  suspected 
{e.g.  2i'*a-  i«-  23)_  -Qy^x,  the  extant  text,  especially  of  chap.  2,  is  not  in  a 
good  state,  and  corruption  from  this  source  may  exist  in  these  verses. 
"  This  epistle,  and  more  especially  its  second  chapter,  appears  to  have 
been  ill-preserved  in  ancient  times  "  ( WH,  ii.  p.  127).  In  2",  for  example, 
I  should  conjecture  that  the  words  o  rjv  vnevavTiov  T]fuv  are  simply  a 
gloss  upon  Ka6'  r^noiv.  They  read  like  the  marginal  explanation  of  a 
copyist,  which  lias  become  incorporated  in  the  original  text,  and  probably 
they  are  not  the  only  phrase  which  would  come  under  a  similar  estimate. 
Such  alterations  by  copyists  were  easily  introduced,  as  we  know  from  very 
early  times.  Unless  it  refers  to  pseudonymous  authorship  (in  which  case 
it  forms  a  parallel  to  2  Th  2-),  there  is  a  reference  to  this  habit  of  scribes 
as  far  back  as  the  difficult  passage  Jer  8**^  ny  rVZ^V  '^\>^h  HSn  }2N 
Dnab  "Ipt^  (etV  IJ-uTrjv  €yevj)6r]  axolvos  ylrevSrjS  ypaixfiareva-iv,  LXX).  On  the 
latter  phrase  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  has  kindly  furnished  me  with  the  follow- 
ing note  : — "  The  charge  is  made  against  those  who  boast  that  the  law  of 
Yahveh  is  with  them  ;  therefore  probably  against  the  custodians  of  the 
written  law,  i.e.  Deuteronomy.  The  charge  implies  that  they  have  written 
some  things  that  are  not  the  Torah  of  Yahveh,  but  lies.  These  things 
cannot  be  the  original  Deuteronomy  promulgated  by  Josiah,  for  Jeremiah 
quotes  from  this  as  the  word  of  God,  though  he  afterwards  supersedes  it 
by  the  new  covenant.  The  question  remains,  are  they  (1)  any  of  the  later 
additions  to  Deuteronomy  which  are  now  found  incorporated,  or  (2)  parts 
of  the  Levitical  legislation  concerning  ceremonies  and  rites  which  may 


634  APPENDIX 

already  have  been  in  existence,  and  whicli  Jeremiah  appears  to  condemn 
as  not  from  Yahveh  (7-^),  or  (3)  other  written  fragments  inculcating 
heathenish  practices  ?  I  do  not  think  one  can  possibly  decide  among 
these  alternatives.  All  that  the  passage  proves  is  that  after  the  publica- 
tion of  Deuteronomy  the  pens  of  scribes  were  busy  with  additions  which 
Jeremiah  condemned  as  not  from  Yahveh,  though  of  course  their  writers, 
as  the  keepers  of  Yahveh's  Torah,  must  have  given  them  forth  as  from 
him.  Wliether  any  of  these  pieces  have  found  their  way  into  our 
Deuteronomy  and  Leviticus,  is  an  interesting  question.  It  is  very 
probable,  from  Jer  7-^,  that  they  did."  This  throws  light  upon  the 
extent  of  a  scribe's  power,  the  sinister  as  well  as  the  unconscious  and 
simple  nature  of  his  possible  motives,  and  the  rapidity  with  which  such 
alterations  grew  up  in  the  original.  The  principle  applies  to  Col- 
Ephesians,  and  generally  to  the  whole  of  the  ]SIT  documents. 

Philem  ^-  •'. — Working  out  his  theory  of  Col-Ephesians,  Holtzmann 
finds  in  vers.  4-6  traces  of  the  post- Pauline  atmosphere  (  =  Eph  l^^-^'', 
Col  P-  •*■  '■>)  which  link  the  letter  to  these  epistles  (ZivTh,  1873,  pp.  428-441 ; 
Einl.  pp.  246,  247).  W.  Bruckner  (Chron.  p.  200  f.),  however,  accepts  the 
letter  as  genuinely  Pauline  ;  only,  vers.  5,  6  are  a  later  interpolation  due  to 
the  author  of  the  Ephesian  epistle  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  But  it  is 
hard  to  see  any  purpose  in  such  a  procedure.  These  passages,  along  with 
others  which  Hausratli  detected,  are  quite  intelligible  upon  the  hypothesis 
that  the  note  is  Pauline  and  a  unity,  especially  when  Colossians  and 
Philippians  (P"^)  are  held  to  be  genuine.  Deissmann,  upon  literary 
grounds  especially  {Bibel-Studien,  1895,  pp.  236,  237),  pronounces  the 
theories  of  its  unauthenticity  insipid  and  unnatural  :  he  very  properly 
comj)ares  the  note  to  the  letters  of  Epicurus  and  Moltke,  as  a  bit  of  charm- 
ing naivete  and  humanity.  Its  authenticity  in  fact  is  no  longer  to  be 
seriously  questioned.  On  these  two  verses  in  particular  and  their  exegetical 
difficulties,  cp.  especially  the  treatment  in  Haupt's  edition  (-Meyer). 

Philipp  3'-^"'- — "  Das"  auf rauschen  aller  Wasser  der  Kritik  an  dieser 
Stelle  liisst  vermuthen,  dass  hier  eine  Klippe  verborgen  ist"  (Holtzmann). 
Arguing  from  the  apparent  hiatus  and  sharp  change  of  tone,  Hausratli 
(iv.  p.  162)  and  a  few  others  (cp.  Pfleiderer,  Urc.  p.  149)  have  found  a 
ditt'erent  epistle  in  chaps.  3,  4,  which  may  have  been  written  previously  to 
that  preserved  in  chaps.  1,  2,  and  addressed  to  a  narrower  circle,  or  composed 
at  some  later  period.  But  the  transition  of  thought  admits  of  explanation 
from  the  simpler  level  of  exegesis.  Polykarp  has  indeed  a  vague  refer- 
ence to  Paul's  "letters"  addressed  to  Philippi  (Polyk.  ad  Phil.  iii.  os  koX 
aTTOiv  vfuv  eypaxf/ev  eVtrrroAas),  but  the  plural  (which  is  elsewhere  used  of  a 
single  letter)  may  well  l)e  rhetorical,  and  in  any  case  the  allusion  is  too 
indistinct  to  be  decisive  for  the  present  question. i  A  letter  or  letters  of 
Paul  to  Philippi  may  very  conceivably  have  been  lost,  but  it  does  not  follow 
that  in  chap.  3'-end  of  our  extant  epistle,  such  a  letter,  otherwise  un- 
known, has  been  incorporated.  Clemen  takes  2''-*-''  3^-4^  4^-  ^  as  frag- 
ments of  an  earlier  letter  to  Philijipi,  written  about  the  same  time  as 
Galatians  (54-58  a.d.)  [Einheit.  pp.  140,  141  ;  Chron.  pp.  37f.,  197,  280], 
probably   during   Paul's  imprisonment  in   Palestine.     The   rest   of   our 

1  Z;ilin  (followod  by  Hauiit)  suggests  that  Polykarp's  "letters"  refer  to  a 
collection  wliiih  iiiclin'lcd  tliose  addressed  to  tlie  iieiglibouriiig  churcli  of  Thessa- 
lonika  ;  MeCillrit  iinliiics  to  believe  in  a  previous  letter  addressed  by  Paiil  to 
Pliilippi  and  rcLiicd  |.,  in  31,  while  Hofniann  and  Zahn  had  already  conjectured 
that  the  canonical  cjjistle  is  a  reply  to  one  from  that  church  to  the  apostle,  alluded 

to  in  P  (tyij  fj.iv  lixv-piirTui). 


APPENDIX 


635 


"  Philippians,"  liis  "  second  letter  to  Pliilipiji,"  is  dated  64  (63)  from 
Eome,  upon  his  scheme  {i.e.  V-2^^-  ^s-so  31  44.7.  10-23).  Briickner  {Chron. 
pp.  218-222)  also  analyses  the  letter,  thus  :— 

V. — (Tvv  eTTicTKOTroLs  <at  SiuKopois  :  interpolation  of  later  age  (  =  pastoral 
epistles),  in  the  interests  of  the  church  (so  Volter). 

V^. — Superfluous,  contradictory  to  3^  1-^  :  to  be  omitted  as  an  inter- 
polation due  to  the  irenical  consciousness  of  the  later  church  in  Hadrian's 
reign  or  later.  The  tovto  (vers.  19)  refers  back  to  ver.  14  ;  after  the 
parenthetical  limitation  (vers.  15-17),  Paul  overlooks  this  obstacle  and 
resumes  the  weightier  consideration  of  vers.  12-14. 

2*^-  '■. — €v  fxopfpfj.  .  .  .  as  avdpwTvos :  an  interpolation  interrupting  the 
course  of  thought  between  vers.  2-5  and  8-11,  inserted  by  later  dogmatic 
prepossessions  and  incompatible  with  the  Pauline  Christology  (Briickner 
of  course  rejects  Col-Ephes),  which  knows  neither  this  pre-existent  divinity 
nor  semi-doketism  in  the  humanity  of  Christ. 

3-". — .  .  .  aa>rr]p  as  applied  to  Christ,^ 

-.^1      «•     -1  «"«Pi«i7'^ly  ""-P^"li^f  •  Later  unauthentic  interpohilions. 

3-^ — Similar  to  2'^'^  and  opposed  to  ^ 

1  Co  IS"-  28.  J 

By  such  sacrifices  Bruckner  considers  he  can  save  the  epistle  as 
genuinely  Pauline  ;  but  it  is  to  be  feared  that  there  will  always  be  some 
critics  who  reckon  this  a  very  dubious  salvation. 

219-2-i.— Following  Volter!^  Clemen  regards  this  as  a  misplaced  insertion ; 
since  ver.  19  does  not  satisfactorily  connect  with  ver.  18,  ver.  21  is  incredible 
in  view  of  1^*  and  421,  and  the  sending  of  Epaphroditus  (ver.  25)  is  the 
occasion  of  ioy  (vers.  18  and  28)  {Einheitlichkeit,  pp.  138,  139).  Still  more 
rigorously,  Volter  (T/ieoZ.  Tijdschnft,  1892,  pp.  10-44, 117-146),laying  stress, 
like  Bruckner,  on  the  "  ecclesiastical "  propensities  of  the  letter,  analyses  it 
into  two  different  epistles,  one  genuine  and  the  other  spurious,  which 
have  been  combined  at  a  later  period  by  a  redactor : — 


Genuine. 

i. 

ii. 
iii. 
iv. 

Spurious. 

(Written  under  Hadrian,  or 

possibly  Trajan.) 

1-2   (exc.    iiria-K.    Kal  5ta/c. ),   3-7, 

12-14,  18^-26. 
17-20,  22-30. 

10-20,  21  (23  ?). 

8-11,  27-30. 

1-16. 
lb-21. 
1-9  (22). 

To  the  redactor  are  assigned  the  interpolations  1^  li-'i«"'  2^1  3'^. 

On  the  whole  subject  of  the  partition-theories,  as  applied  to  Plii]ii)pians, 
all  that  needs  to  be  said  is  stated  by  Zahn  {Einl.  i.  pp.  377-378,  397-398), 
and  Haupt  (-Mever,  pp.  97 f).  Harnack,  however,  has  quite  recently 
attempted  to  prove  from  Polyk.  ad  Fhil.  11  (Latin  text),  that  a  collection  of 
Pauline  epistles  was  known  to  the  writer,  that  he  had  a  correct  understand- 
ing of  the  Thessalonian  church  and  its  epistles,  and  that  the  latter  in  his 
judgment  referred  to  Philippi  (TU,  1900,  neue  Folge,  v.  3,  pp.  86-93). 

Mark  1.— The  abrupt  opening  of  the  gospel  has^  often  suggested  a 
primitive  corruption  or  disturbance  of  the  text  (Weiflenbach,  J])Th,  1882, 


636  APPENDIX 

pp.  (J68-680),  though  MSS  evidence  is  awanting.  Weiffenbach  was 
content  with  deleting  1-^  {l8ov  eyw  .  .  .  aov)  as  an  ancient  gloss  and  inter- 
polation, thereby  "  opening  a  beautiful  and  gtand  portal "  to  the  gospel. 
Eeuss,  however,  went  further,  and  conjectured  that  vers.  1-20  (1-15  ?)  were 
a  subsequent  addition,  compiled  from  or  parallel  to  Mt  and  Lk,  prefixed 
to  the  original  gospel  which  opened  with  Jesus  in  Kapharnahum.  Along 
with  16''  -"  this  prelude  was  added  to  round  off  the  narrative  (§§  189,  240). 
Dr.  Paul  Ewald,  while  refusing  to  go  so  far,  has  recently  suspected  at 
least  vers.  1-3  as  a  later  addition  (Das  Hauptprohlem  iter  Evangelienfrage 
und  der  Weg  zu  seiner  Losung,  1890,  pp.  178-180),  since  the  quotation,  if  that 
in  15-*^  be  put  aside  as  non-authentic,  would  be  the  solitary  reference  to 
OT  prophecy  made  by  the  author.  "Wir  haben  denn  eine  Schrift, 
welche  nach  Anfang  und  Ende  durchaus  zusammenstimmend  dem  Bilde 
entspricht,  welches  wir  uns,  wie  sich  zeigen  wird,  von  jenen  Aufzeichungen 
des  Hermeneuten  Petri  machen  diirfen."  Holtzmann,  too,  ingeniously  con- 
jectures that  in  the  original  Mark  only  the  Isaiah  quotation  existed,  the 
Malachi  passage  being  an  insertion  from  Mt  1 1  ^o,  Lk  7-^.  The  correct  solu- 
tion is  probablv  given  by  Professor  Nestle,  who  {Exp^  x.  pp.  458-460  ; 
Einf.  pp.  130,  131,  219  ;  Phil.  Sacra,  pp.  45,  46)  regards  evayyiXtov  'I.  X., 
afterwards  expanded  into  apx"?  '''^^  evayyeXiov  'irjaov  Xpiarov,  as  the  original 
title  of  the  gospel — a  heading  which  was  subsequently  taken  as  the  opening 
of  the  text.  Similarly  Bruce  (ExGT,  ad  he),  Swete  {ad  loc.),  and  Zahn 
(Einl.  ii.  p.  220 f.).  In  early  Christian  literature  (cp.  Harnack,  Geschichte 
der  altchristlichen  Litt.  his  Eusehius,  i.  pp.  988-1020),  lipxr]  never  occurs  thus 
as  the  opening  of  a  book,  while  Kadas  ^  (1  Ti  P)  is  used  in  such  a  position 
four  times,  Kadairep  four  times,  cos  twenty-eight  times.  This  natural  ex- 
planation of  ver.  1  as  the  superscription  might  cover  Mtl^  also. 

The  other  explanations  of  vers.  1-3  are  best  given  by  Schanz  {Com- 
mentar  iiher  das  Evgim.  d.  heiligen  Marcus,  1881,  pp.  59-62). 

7-'*-8-". — Su.S2:)ected  also  by  Paul  Ewald  {op.  cit.  pp.  181-189)  j^artly  on 
the  grounds  of  style  and  language,  whicli  he  finds  inconsistent  with  the 
rest  of  the  gosi:)el,  jjartly  as  the  episode  seems  to  be  interpolated  for  the 
first  time  at  a  later  stage  of  the  evangelic  tradition.  By  omitting  1  '-^ 
724_32G  ig9-2o  from  the  extant  ]\Iark,  he  reaches  what  apjjears  to  him  to 
represent  the  Ur-Marcus.  As  the  first  of  these  passages  is  crucial,  it  may 
be  added  that  the  main  alternatives  in  regard  to  Mk  1^  are  (ft)  the  canonical, 
and  {h)  the  textual  hypotheses.  When  the  former  is  adopted,  the  book 
opens  with  ver.  2  ;  the  preceding  words  were  added  when  it  occupied  the 
first  place  among  the  canonical  gospels,  thus  forming  an  introductory 
title  to  all  four.  In  process  of  time  this  general  heading  naturally 
became  absorbed  in  the  text  of  the  gospel  which  stood  closest  to  it.  The 
improbabilities  of  this  theory  suggest,  (6)  that  the  words  in  question  form 
the  author's  own  title  to  his  book.  It  is  clumsy  and  contrary  to  Mark's 
direct  style  to  take  them  with  ver.  4,  and  to  regard  the  intervening 
quotation  as  a  parenthesis.  They  probably  form  a  heading  and  description 
not  for  the  opening  (l^^  or  l'-'^),  but  for  the  whole  book.  It  is  intended 
to  portray  the  start  and  origin  (cp.  Ac  1',  Heb  2'',  Jn  15-')  of  the  gospel  of 
Jesus  in  his  lifetime,  and  particularly — in  accordance  (Ac  10^" ')  with 
early  tradition — from  the  mission  of  the  Baptizer  ("The  Christian  church 
sprang  from  a  movement  which  was  not  begun  by  Christ.  "When  he 
appeared  upon  the  scene,  the  first  wave  of  this  movement  had  already 
passed  over  the  surface  of  the  Jewish  nation,"  Ecce  Homo,  chap.  i.).  Such, 
on  this  hypothesis,  is  the  programme  of  Mark.  The  unique  quotation 
1  Yet  in  Mk-Mt  it  consistently  refers  to  a  preceding  sentence. 


APPENDIX  637 

from  the  OT  is  only  another  proof  of  the  exactness  with  which  the  author 
strove  to  reproduce  the  primitive  tradition  of  Jesus  upon  this  point. 
Soltau,  however  (Eiiie  Liicke  d.  Sijnopt.  Forschiauj,  pp.  1-7),  has  recently 
adhered  to  those  who  delete  1-^,  adding  also  11^5.  i;g  (from  Mt  G^*- ^^). 
Mk  P"^^  is  unfortunately  amissing  in  Syr-Sin. 

Mark  9^^-'"  c*^'. — Perhaps  one  of  the  few  interpolations  inserted  (from 
Lk  9*3-  ^^  ?)  by  another  hand  :  note  especially  the  interruption  of  the 
argument  between  vers.  37  and  41,  and  the  reference  to  the  Name  {!). 
For  this  and  other  instances  vide  Pfleiderer,  Urc.  pp.  391,  392,  416,  and 
Carpenter,  First  Three  Gos'pels,  p.  280  n.  Keim,  however,  attributes  the 
paragraph  to  the  writer  of  the  gospel  (iv.  334),  who  has  misplaced  it,  and 
this  "  episodical "  view  is  quite  sufficient  for  the  data ;  similarly  Schanz 
(pp.  304,  305)  and  Weiss  (-Meyer,  pp.  162-164).  In  common  with 
many  who  reject  the  Ur-Marcus  hypothesis  (recently  defended  by 
Eeville,  i.  pp.  472-477),  Sir  John  Hawkins  (Horae  Syno2}ticae,  p.  122) 
takes  the  extant  gospel  as  practically  representing  the  Petrine  source 
used  afterwards  by  Matthew  and  Luke.  He  finds,  nevertheless,  the  hand  of 
a  later  editor  or  scribe  or  owner  of  a  gospel,  in  passages  like  1^  ("Iria-oi 
Xpiaroii),  9**^  (oVt  x-  eVre)  ["  a  marginal  gloss,"  Sclimiedel,  EB,  i.  p.  752],  8'''^ 
and  10-^-  ^^  (mention  of  gospel  and  of  persecutions),  6''^'^  and  14*  (the 
numerals,  200  and  300),  5^3  (the  2000)  and  145«-^''  (the  disagreement  of 
the  false  witnesses).  The  list  might  be  extended,  however.  For  Zahn's 
admission,  see  above,  pp.  28-29.  He  remarks,  d  inofos  of  on  Xpia-rov  eare 
(9*^),  "it  is  not  the  words  of  Jesus  but  of  his  church  (Ro  8^,  1  Co  3-^, 
2  Co  10')  that  we  hear."  Which  is  undeniable,  and  points  either  to  the 
insertion  of  these  words  in  a  genuine  logion,  or  more  probably  to  the 
apostolic  origin  of  the  whole  passage  in  its  present  form.  Blair  {Apostolic 
Gosfel,  p.  81  f.)  traces  a  series  of  such  secondary  features  and  references 
throughout  Mark  with  considerable  skill. 

Mark  13. — An  analysis  of  the  eschatological  section  in  the  synoptists 

(Mk  13  =  Mt  24  =  Lk  21)  yields  the  interesting  result,^  that  along  with 

the    sa3-ings    of    Jesus    the    evangelists    have    incorj^orated    a    "  small 

apocalypse,"   which   lay   before   them   already   in    written   form.     This 

apocalypse,  printed  al)ove  in  darker  type,  consists  of  matter  set  in  the 

usual  triple  division  common  to  apocalyptic  literature  (e.r/.  Apoc  9'-  IP"*). 

apX'/ wSiVo))'— Mk  13^- «       =       Mt  246-8  =      Lk  21»-ii. 

e\iy\ns  —  „     13i''-20     =         „    2415-22         ^        ^^    {^V-^'^^). 

napovaca       —  „     132-'-2^     =  „    2429-31  =         ^^     2125-27(28). 

The  intervening  passages  (e.g.  Mk  133"i3-  21-23')  a^g  Christian  2  exhorta- 
tions conceived  in  a  different  spirit  of  comfort,  and  interpolated  between 
the  apocalyptic  phases  to  emphasise  the  Christian  atmosphere,  while  the 
saying  Mk  13''''-  3i  =  Mt  243*-  35  =  Lk  2132.  33  ^^^r^y  f^^^[iQ  ^yell  be  a  genuine 
logion    of    Jesus.     Although     details     of     reconstruction     differ,3     the 

1  "Es  gibt  weuig  Hypothesen,  die  sich  iu  deu  Gruudziigeu  ihres  Bestaudes  so 
unausweichbar  erwiesen  und  so  einleuchteude  Begrlinduug  erfahreu  haben,  wie 
diese"  (Holtzmaun).  The  distiuctiou  between  genuine  and  later  sayings  cannot  be 
carried  out  as  precisely,  however,  throughout  the  rest  of  the  discourse.  The  general 
hypothesis  that  outside  passages  have  passed  into  the  evangelic  tradition  is  an 
inference  from  the  literary  situation  of  the  evangelists,  and  rests  on  evidence  both 
within  (e.g.  Lk  ll^a-si)  and  without  the  NT. 

-  The  feud  between  kinsfolk  is  a  standard  trait  of  apocalyptic  (4  Esdras  5^,  6-^ 
etc.)  ;  so  is  the  interuational  quarrel  of  Mk  13^  (4  Esdras  5^,  Apoc  Bar  493'-  etc). 

a  Weudt,  e.g.  (LJ,  i.  p.  10  f.  ;  Teaching  of  Jesus  (Eng.  tr.),  ii.  p.  366  n.),  finds  the 
oracle  in  the  words  preserved  by  Mk  137-9a.  14-20.24-27. 30\^  which  represent  a  Jewish- 
Christian  apocalypse,  absorbed  for  the  most  part  in  external  and  political  circumstances. 


638  APPENDIX 

apocalypse  as  a  whole  detaches  readily  from  the  context,  and  forms  by 
itself  an  intelligible  unity,  even  although  it  has  been  overlaid  with  fresh 
colours  1  by  the  various  evangelists  or  by  their  predecessors.  It  forms  a 
fly-leaf  of  prophecy,  a  palimpsest  which  lies  beside  the  surrounding 
contents  of  the  gospels  with  a  distinctly  alien  appearance.  A  fragment 
from  it  is  also  used  elsewhere  in  Lk  17^^ 

Like  most  apocalyptic  sketches,  it  goes  back  for  its  scenery  and 
imagery  to  Daniel,  from  which  it  derives  the  ideas  common  to  itself  and 
the  Jewish  pseudepigrapha.  Coincidences  are  to  be  noted  between  it 
and  the  Johaunine  apocalypse,  but  these  are  little  more  than  the  stereo- 
typed conceptions  of  the  general  apocalyptic  literature. 

Wars,2  earthquakes,  and 

famine  .         .        .         .  Mt  246-S  =  Apoc  6-1-8- 12-14  cp.  Bar.  708,  4  Esd  62-1  93  1331  etc. 

preaching  to  nations       .  „  24"  =  146  (fulfilled,  Coll5-6. 23). 

endurance^  toend  .  „  2413=228  cp.  4  Esd  97- 8,  625 

unparalleled  affliction     .  ,,  2421  =  16I8  cp.  Dan  121 

physical  disturbances     .  „  2429  =  612-14  312  912      cp.  Ass.  Mos.  104  f. 
mourning-    over   Son    of 

man's  appearance        .  „  2430  =  17  cp.  Zech  121",  Barn  79 

commission  to  angels  of 

winds    .        .        .        .  ,,  2431  =  71  cp.  Dan  72,  Enoch  (passim). 

passing    of    earth     and 

heaven,  etc.  .        .  „  2435  =  61-t  171"  211        cp.  4  Esd  731,  Enoch  9115 

standing  before  God        .  Lk  213B  =  Qi"! 

(The  parallels  are  quoted  from  Matthew,  as  that  gospel  preserves  the 
apocalypse  in  a  more  primitive  form— cp.  firjSe  <ra(^(idTco,  eudecos — than 
even  Mark,  a  proof  that  the  original  text  was  accessible  to  the  author  of 
Matthew.*     Such  parallels  might  be  multiplied,  as  Baldensperger  shows, 

The  rest  of  tlie  chapter  contains  genuinely  Christian  elements,  which  the  redactor  has 
blended  witli  the  other  piece.  For  auotlier  ingenious  reconstruction  by  J.  Weiss, 
cp.  SK,  1892,  p.  259  f.  He  distinguishes  a  Jewish  apocalypse  in  Mk  1.3'4.  17-20. 
22.25b.27^  and  refuses  to  admit  that  even  the  rest  of  the  chapter  is  in  its  present  form  a 
unity.  Vers.  9''-13  and  28-31  originally  occupied  other  settings.  Kabisch  simply 
finds  an  interpolation  in  Mt  24is-3i ;  Reville  (ii.  p.  310  f.),  in  Mt  24ii-i2. 28-28.37-51 
251-*^  disinters  fragments  of  the  Logia. 

1  In  Luke  21"  fx,ccpTipiov  may  have  its  darker  and  later  sense  of  martyrdom  (Clem. 
Rom.  5),  as  J.  Weiss  suggests,  although  the  customary  interpretation,  "an  oppor- 
tunity for  bearing  witness,"  serves  well  enough.  In  vers.  12-15  Paul  and  Stephen 
are  certainly  in  the  author's  mind  as  he  writes. 

2  These  formed  part  of  the  apocalyptic  stock-in-trade,  and  are  probably  due  to 
little  else  than  the  fashion  of  the  literary  tradition.  But,  as  it  happens,  contem- 
porary phenomena  of  nature  can  be  found  to  match  most  of  the  descriptions  ;  cp. 
particularly  Kenan's  vivid  picture,  L'antechrist,  chap.  xiv. 

3  Remarkable  enough  to  deserve  printing  in  full,  as  an  instance  of  the  general 
similarities : 

Mt,  0  u!Ti>!^i!v«(  iii  TiXo;  ourei  iruBY,irirai=Esd.  9''- «,  et  erit  omnis  qui  .salvus  factus  fuerit  et 
qui  poterit  etfugere  per  opera  sua  vel  per 
fidem,  in  qua  credidit,  is  relinquetur  de 
praedictis  periculis  et  videbit  salutare  meum. 

4  As  is  well  known,  Papias  attributed  an  apocalyptic  passage  to  Jesus  (Iren.  adv. 
Ilaer.  v.  33.  2)  which  originally  belonged  to  one  of  the  pre-70  a.d.  sources  of  the 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  (chap.  27-30).  The  same  tendency  betrays  itself  in  the 
attribution  to  Jesus  of  pa'isages  taken  from  or  founded  on  the  Wisdom  literature 
(Mt  1128-30^  n^  ii49)_  On  the  exposure  of  the  early  church  to  such  thcologoumena, 
cp.  Harnack,  HI),  i.  pp.  100-105.  It  may  be  (as  Driver,  after  Sanday,  conjectures :  I)B, 
i.  PI).  12,  13)  that  the  language  of  the  original  synoptic  apocalypse  was  more  general, 
and  that,  "  during  the  years  of  agitation  and  tension  which  preceded  the  final  struggle 
of  A.D.  70,  it  was  modified  so  as  to  give  more  definite  expression  to  such  appre- 
hensions." All  literature  of  that  class  was  liable  to  such  revision  and  adaptation. 
But  there  is  really  no  evidence  in  this  case  to  justify  the  supposition.  Apo-alyptic 
interpretation  was  never  greatly  concerned  to  be  literal. 


APPENDIX  639 

almost  indefinitely-  from  the  current  literature  of  the  time).  How  con- 
genial such  utterances  were  to  the  feverish  age,  60-70,  in  Jerusalem  and 
Palestine,  may  be  illustrated  from  Josephus'  story  of  the  wild  peasant 
who  roamed  through  the  capital  in  the  year  62,  howling  in  a  wail  of 
doom,  "  Woe,  woe  to  Jerusalem ! "  His  name  is  given  as  Jesus  ben 
Ananias. 

The  date  and  the  character  of  the  synoptic  apocalypse  are  allied 
questions.  If  its  origin  be  in  Caligula's  age,  a  product — like  some  part 
of  the  Johannine  apocalypse — of  the  stress  and  horror  stirred  up  then  by 
his  desecrating  insults  to  ■  Judaism,^  it  is  of  Jewish  origin  (Iselin, 
ZSchz,  1886,  p.  134  f.).  Against  this,  however,  must  Ije  set  the  general  result 
of  recent  criticism  u^jon  the  larger  apocalypse,  which  does  not  seriously 
favour  the  Christian  exploitation  of  Jewish  pieces.  It  is  much  more  prob- 
able that  the  small  apocalypse  is  a  Jewish-Christian  production,  composed 
amid  the  restlessness  and  fevered  anticipations  of  the  seventh  decade  -  by 
some  Palestinian  author,  as  the  horrors  and  fears  of  the  Eoman  cam- 
paign began  to  throw  their  shadows  over  the  country  and  the  church. 
Hausrath,  like  Colani,  Pfleiderer,  and  Keim,  dates  it  (iv.  p.  247)  from  or 
just  before  the  years  68-70  a.d.,  as  it  seems  to  have  a  certain  retrospect  of 
suffering  and  warfare  already  behind  it,  \vhile  Eenan  seems  to  put  its 
comjoosition  after  the  siege  altogether  (?).  Wendt  more  probably  locates  it 
somewhere  between  60  and  70  ;  in  the  earlier  part  of  that  seventh  decade  it 
is  most  reasonable  (with  Weizsacker)  to  look  for  its  period,  before  the  crisis 
had  become  definite.  Spitta,  however,  holds  to  the  period  c.  40  a.d.  (Offen- 
haruiui  Johan.  pp.  493-497),  interj^reting  the  apocalypse  as  an  outcome 
of  Caligula's  freak,  while  J.  Weiss  {SK,  1892,  pp.  246-270)  chooses  wadely 
between  40  and  69.  But  really  almost  any  of  these  periods  would  suit  the 
conditions  and  nature  of  the  synoptic  apocalypse.  It  represents  the 
growth  of  semi-literal  imagery  round  the  nucleus  of  language  that  was 
used  by  Jesus  in  a  free  and  ideal  sense,  a  growth  fostered  by  the  Messianic 
hopes  of  the  period,  and  by  the  undoul)ted  connection  of  Jesus  with  these 
hopes  in  the  primitive  evangelic  tradition. 

Generally,  the  theory  of  this  "small  apocalypse"  was  started  by 
Colani  (Jesus- Christ  et  les  Croyances  Messianiques  de  son  Temps,-  1864, 
p.  201  f.),  and  WeifFenbach  {Der  IViederhunftsgedanke  Jesu,  1873,  pj).  69  f., 
135  f.),  adopted  by  writers  like  Baldensperger  and  Schwartzkopff,  from 
the  side  of  research  into  Christ's  consciousness,  and  reinforced  by  others 
from  the  side  of  literarv  and  historical  criticism,  e.g.  by  Vischer  (tU,  ii.  3, 
p. 9  n.),  Pfleiderer  {Jahrb.  d.  Theol.  1868,  pp.  134-149 ;  Urc.  p.  402  f.),  Simons, 
Mangold  (-Bleek),  Weizsacker  (A A,  ii.  p.  22  f.  (c.  64-66  a.d.)),  Kenan 
(L^ antichrist,  chpp.  iii.  xii.;  Les  Evangiles,  pp.  123-125),  Carpenter  {First 
Three  Gosjpels,  pp.  247-250),  and  Cone  (Gospel  Criticism,  p.  276  f.).  Keim  has 
a  full  exposition  (v.  p.  235  f.)  ;  cp.  also  Holtzmann  (Einl.  pp.  363,  373, 
374  ;  HC,  i.  p.  259  f.  ;  NTTh,  i.  pp.  327,  328),  Wernle  (Syn.  Frage,  pp. 
212-214),  O.  Holtzmann  (Das  Ende  des  jiidischen  Staatswesens,  p.  669), 
Cheyne  (EBi,  i.  pp.  21-23),  Charles  (Crit.  Hist.  Eschatology,  p.  324  f.,  dating 

1  In  this  event,  and  if  the  ^iiXwy/t/.a.  rrs  ipnixuo-iccs  be  identified  with  the  "man  of 
sin  "  (2  Th  2112),  it  follows  that  the  author  of  the  third  gospel  has  altered  the  original 
purport  of  the  saying.  In  his  hands  it  is  shaped  into  a  picture  of  the  Roman  siege 
of  68-70  A.D. ;  indeed  his  whole  treatment  of  it  reflects  the  wider  experiences  and 
retrospect  of  Christians  in  the  outside  Empire. 

2  It  was  a  time,  says  Tacitus  {Hist.  i.  2),  "  Opimum  casibus,  atrox  proeliis,  discors 
seditionibus,  ipsa  etiam  pace  saevum.  Quattuor  principes  ferro  interempti.  Trina 
bella  civilia,  plura  externa  ac  plerumque  permixta."  Josephus  {Ant.  xx.  8.  5)  bears 
a  similar  testimony  to  the  demoralised  and  excited  condition  of  Palestine. 


640  APPENDIX 

it  67-68),  and  apparently  W.  A.  Brown  {DB,  iii.  pp.  676,  777),  with  Dr. 
G.  L.  Gary  {IH,  i.  pp.  274-292). 

There  are  adverse  discussions  in  Godet's  Luke  {ad  loc),  and  Briggs's 
Messiah  of  Gospels  (1894),  chap.  iv.  ;  also  in  Haujjt's  Die  Kschatologischen 
Aussagen  Jesu  in  den  Syn.  Evglien  (1895),  pp.  21-45,  which  is  the  fairest 
conservative  statement  of  the  case.^  Like  Weiss  and  Beyschlag,  Dr. 
Sanday  still  hesitates  {DB,  ii.  pp.  635,  636),  and  even  to  Prof.  Bruce  the 
critical  analysis  was  "ingenious  but  not  convincing"  (ExGT,  i.  p.  290; 
cp.  Tlie  Kingdom  of  God,  chap.  xii.).  Stevens  (NTTh,  pp.  152-156),  wliile 
admitting  that  Matthew's  version  "involves  Jesus  in  a  tissue  of  con- 
tradictions," chooses  also  to  refer  the  incongruities  of  the  discourse  to 
"  suVjjective  combinations  and  misapprehensions  on  the  part  of  the  early 
disciples." 

The  well-known  references  in  Papias  and  Irenaeus,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  freedom  with  which  Luke  has  handled  the  primitive  evangelic 
tradition,  show  how  easily  edifying  material  could  Ije  attributed  to  Jesus, 
particularly  as  the  early  Christians  breathed  apocalyptic  hopes  and  fears 
at  the  age  when  the  sources  of  the  gosjiels  were  composed,  and  even  later 
(vide  Kabisch,  Eschatologie  des  I'anlus,  1893,  pp.  1-12).  It  has  often  been 
conjectured  tliat  this  apocalypse  is  actually  the  oracle  which,  according  to 
Eusebius  (HE,  III.  5.  2,  3,  kuto.  nva  ^p-qfr^iov  toIs  avToBi  doKifxois  Si' 
d7roKoXi;\//-ea)S'  7rp6  tov  TToXe/Mov  eK^odevTa  ktX),  was  the  means  of  prompting 
the  Christians  to  migrate  from  Jerusalem  to  the  refuge  of  Pella  in 
Peraea.  At  any  rate,  this  fly-leaf  of  prophecy  was  intended,  like  other 
apocalyi^ses  (Apoc  13'^  17'')  to  be  read  (6  dvayivma-Kav  j'oaVco  =  Barn.  2^  ^-  4**, 
(TwUvai  ovv  6cf)f[XeT€,  4  Esdras  6'")^  and  solemnly  pondered  in  view  of  the 
crisis.  Its  incorj^oration  with  the  eschatological  utterances  of  Jesus  is  due 
(a)  to  the  probable  existence  of  genuine  eschatological  sayings  in  the 
evangelic  tradition,  which  received  fresh  accent  and  emijhasis  Avhen  the 
crisis  of  65-70  arrived  ;  and  (b)  to  the  vivid  zest  for  apocalyptic  ideas 
which  gained  more  and  more  foothold  in  the  Palestinian  circles  of  early 
Christianity,  especially  during  these  years  of  crisis.  It  is  quite  a  pre- 
critical  idea  to  confuse  this  jjosition  with  the  dogmatic  assumption 
(omne  vaticinium  ex  eventu)  that  Jesus  could  not  have  foreseen  the  course 
of  events  beyond  his  own  lifetime.  The  point  is,  that  whatever  he  could 
have  uttered,  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  unreasonable  to  attribute  to  him 
this  programme  of  events  and  ideas,  many  of  which  were  not  even  upon 
the  horizon  in  the  third  decade  of  the  first  century  (notice  even  Paul's 
references,  some  nineteen  or  twenty  years  later,  1  Th  A}^-^^).  Unless 
historical  criticism  is  to  be  deliberately  abandoned,  the  only  method  of 
reaching  back  to  the  genuine  eschatological  logia  of  Jesus  is  to  strip  away 

1  Though  even  Haupt  is  forced  to  admit  (p.  45)  the  possibility  that  alien  words 
may  have  been  attributed  to  Jesus  in  good  faith,  but  erroneously;  also,  that  later 
ideas  of  time  and  events  have  been  worked  into  his  words.  Cp.  Holtzniann,  GGA 
(189.5),  p.  3'29  f.  "So  much  of  the  Jerusalem  discourse  as  is  true  apocalypse  re- 
presents the  belief  of  the  early  church  ;  so  much  of  it  as  is  simple  prophecy  of 
sutt'ering  ending  in  victory  speaks  to  us  from  the  heart  of  Jesus  himself"  (Gary).  But 
it  is  doubtful  whether  these  two  elements  can  still  be  disentangled  with  much 
certainty.  [N.  Schmidt  {Jovrn.  Bibl.  Lit.  1900,  p.  22)  dates  the  apocalypse  too  late.] 
-  Cheyne  aptly  compares  Dante,  Inf.  98'''3. 

"0  you  that  have  a  sane  intelligence, 

Look  ye  unto  the  doctrine  which  herein 

Conceals  itself  'neath  the  strange  verses'  veil"  (W.  M.  Rossetti). 
There  is  no  need  to  attribute  the  words  in  Matthew  to  Jesus,  in  Mark  to  the  evangelist 
{IH,  i.  p.  276). 


APPENDIX  641 

the  self-evident  accretions  of  tlie  apostolic  age.  Otherwise,  the  alternative 
would  be  to  treat  the  whole  evangelic  eschatology  as  a  series  of  free  com- 
positions, in  which  the  original  thoughts  of  Jesus  lie  hopelessly  buried. 
As  they  stand,  the  synoptic  apocalypses  cannot  be  brought  within  the 
limits  of  a  single  personality  or  situation  without  self-contradiction. 


THE  LOGIA 

For  obvious  reasons  it  has  not  been  possible  to  mark  in  the  printed  text  of 
Matthew  or  Luke,  the  strata  belonging  to  the  incorporated  Logia-docu- 
ment.  This  source,  however,  can  be  detected  with  approximate  certainty. ^ 
It  probably  consisted  of  "  Logia,"  i.e.  sententious  words  of  Jesus  regarded 
as  utterances  of  the  divine  Mind,  preserved  in  prose  (as  opposed  to 
Xpr]<Tnoi,  the  poetical  form),  and  carrying  with  them  a  certain  flavour  of 
authority.  Designed  for  instruction  ancl  edification,  these  traditional 
sayings  of  Jesus  (Xdyot  rod  Kvplov  'Irjaov,  Clem  Rom  13^  46")  naturally 
covered  only  a  small  portion  of  his  life  ;  even  with  the  attached  fragments 
of  introductory  narrative,  they  aftbrded  little  more  than  a  bare  sketch  of 
the  more  salient  points  and  phases  in  his  career.  Probably  they 
emanated  from  the  Palestinian,  or  even  the  Jerusalemite,  circle  of  the 
early  Christians.  They  represented  the  earliest  attempt  to  crystallise  in 
written  form  the  apostolic  tradition  of  Jesus  as  the  teacher.  Their 
contents  may  be  most  adequately  defined  as  a  practical  maniial  of 
evangelic  principles  (which  in  the  nature  of  the  case  assumed  a  biographic 
form),  reflecting  the  current  tradition  of  Jesus  and  his  personality,  but 
ultimately  drawn  up  by  a  man  who  had  somewhat  definite  views  of  his 
own,  or  rather  who  belonged  upon  the  whole  to  the  more  liberal  party  of 
Jewish  Christianity.  "  While  the  author  was  a  man  of  conservative  views, 
he  was  without  controversial  temper  or  interest  "  (McGiffert).  Probably 
he  sympathised  with  that  large  central  body  in  the  early  church,  which 
stood  aloof  from  theological  extremes.  His  personality  is  therefore  less 
marked  than  his  position.  Indeed,  so  far  as  it  is  proper  to  speak  at  all  of 
any  one  author  or  final  editor  in  connection  with  these  Logia,  he  was  the 
representative  of  that  average,  characteristic  piety  which  silently  main- 
tained itself  amid  the  various  parties  of  primitive  Christianity,  just  as  it 
afterwards  formed  their  rallying-point.  Behind  the  author  of  the  Logia 
stood  the  generation  whose  faith  he  voiced.    In  this  document,  and  in  the 

[Continued  on  page  643. 

1  This  is  admitted  by  many  who  refuse  to  go  further  in  the  critical  analysis  of 
Matthew.  The  hypothesis  that  this  gospel  represents  a  compilation  of  various 
documents  has  been  for  some  time  quite  a  derelict ;  but  it  has  recently  been  refitted 
with  considerable  skill  by  Soltau  [Eine  L'Acke  d.  Synojot.  Forschung,  1899  ;  ZNW, 
1900,  pp.  219-248,  '•  zur  Entstehung  des  I  Evglms."),  who  finds  that  our  canonical 
Matthew  is  a  second  edition,  containing  additions  from  the  hand  of  its  final  editor 
(1-2,  314- 15  4i-'-i6  817  1217-21  1314. 15  1330  2633-  56  27^- 1« ;  also  212-5  2615"  2731",  as 
due  to  the  prophetic  tendency  of  the  writer ;  also,  additions  to  the  story  of  the 
passion,  276—28-",  with  27^^-  s-i-  25.  52.  53  2734.  43.  57^  and  the  three  Petrine  legends  ; 
besides  S'S-  is  19i"-i2).  These  are  coloured  by  a  uniform  tinge.  They  reflect  an 
author  of  catholic  sympathies  and  dogmatic  prepossessions  in  favour  of  the  OT, 
anxious  to  discover  a  modus  vivendi  between  Christianity  and  the  Empire.  The 
original  Matthew,  undogmatic  and  anti-Jewish,  already  lay  before  him,  with  its  com- 
bination of  the  Marcan  tales  and  the  Logia.  Its  author,  however,  was  not  a  Jewish- 
Christian,  nor  a  Paulinist,  but  a  sharp  opponent  of  Judaism  who  endeavoured  to 
mediate  between  Jewish-Christianity  and  Paulinism.  The  author  of  the  third  gospel, 
Soltau  conjectures,  knew  only  the  Proto- Matthew,  not  the  final  edition. 

41 


642 


APPENDIX 


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APPENDIX 


643 


Wendt's  Reconstruction. 

ROBnRICH'.S 

Reconstruction. 

Alt  3712  . 

Lk  37-9. 16. 17 

Mt  31-12(14. 15?)     = 

Lk  31-20 

„  5-7  (pt.)    . 

620-49  1617.18 

„  41-11     .          .    = 

„  41-13 

„  8513  .         .         .   = 

„  72-10 

„  5-7      .         .   = 

„  620-49 

„   112-lS  2128-32       .    = 

„   718-35  1616 
736-50 
81-3  957-62 

„   85-13      . 

,,  71-10 

„  819-22 

„  818-22    .          .    = 

„   957-60 

„   937.38           . 

„   101-16.  40-42  I 

„   101-16 

„  932-34.37.38  .    = 

,,   1114.15  109-16 

„   1120-24          J 

„   1125-30  1316-17     .    = 

„   1017-21 

1025-37.  38-42 

„  105-15  26-33    .    = 

„   122-9 

„  67-15  77-11   . 

„   111-13 

,,  932-34  1222-45  104    = 

1114-32  645 

„   622  f.  231-36 

„   1133-54 

„   1024-33  1032               = 

121-12  640 

„   619-34            .          .    = 

„   1213-34 

„  2443-51  251-12 

„   1235-46  1325 

„   1034-39  513  .          .    = 

„   1249-53  1425-35  1733 

„   1034-36.37.38      = 

(      1949-53 

„  162f-525f.  . 

„   131-9  1254-59 

\]\  1426.27 

1310-17 

„   1039-41  . 

„   1733  1016 

133133  713f.  22f.) 

„  giif- 221-1-1   r  = 

„  1318-30  141.5-24 

111-6.7-15        .    = 

„   718-23.24-28 

„  2337-39          .           .    = 

„  1210  f-        .        .   = 

„  1331-35 
„  141-6 

„   1116-30  .          .    = 

f„   731-35 
)„   1013-15.21.22 

147-11. 12-14  153.  8-32 

j^  1222-23.27.28.30  = 

,,   1119.23 

„  251-1-30  624.        .   ^ 

„  161-13  1911-27  1247.  48 

„  1233-45  . 

(„   643-45 

1614-31  189-14 

■(„   1124.29-32 

„   186-35 

„  1720  .         .         .    = 

„  171-4  15" 

„   175-6 

1316.17.24-30.33) 

=    „   1023.24  1320 

177-10.11-19.20.21 

„    161-4.17-20 

„  1254  176 

,,   2426-28.37-41         .    = 

„   1722-35.37181-81911-27  2134-36 

,,    1724-27         . 

416-30  539  191-10 

187.10.11.13-35  = 

„  171151-7(174) 

„  2115  f. 

„   1937-44 

„  201-16 

„  2144  .          .          .    = 

„  2018 

2114-16 

221-1-17.  26-32.  35-38 

'„   2128-32 

"  514b  76       ■ 

221-14    .         .    = 

„  (1416  f.) 

„  927-30 

195-7  1.324-30.  47-50 

"   1344-46.52 

„   1617.18 

„   1724-27 

1819.20  1910-12 

„   201-16 

,,  231-12 

2531-46 

,  231-12 
2313-39 

„   2045 

,,  2426-28.37-41) 

(  1723.  24.  37.  26 

27.35 

2443-51           ;  - 

"     "(1239.40.42-46 

„  251-13 

„  2514-30 

„   (1912-27) 

„   2531-40 

gospels,  as  in  the  Homeric  ej^cs  or  the  Scots  ballads,  we  hear  the  collective 
genius  of  an  age  ;  it  is  not  an  individual  utterance  so  much  as  that  of  the 
nation,  or  of  the  Community. 

In  the  accompanj-ing  five  specimens  of  critical  reconstruction,  the 
occasional  Marcan  or  Johannine  parallels  have  been  excluded,  for  the  sake 
of  clearness.  In  spite  of  the  divergences,  it  will  be  noted  that  the  various 
attempts  coincide  in  attributing  to  the  source  and  its  editors  a  large 
number  of  common  sections  throughout  Matthew  and  Luke ;  the  apparent 
intricacy  of  the  problem  will  be  surprising  only  to  those  who  forget  the 
more  complex  process  by  which  early  documents,  like  those  of  the 
Hexateuch,  could  be  edited  and  arranged  by  various  redactors. 


644  APPENDIX 

Holtzmann's  discussion  of  the  contents  of  this  second  source  is  given 
in  his  Synopt.  Evglien.  (1863),  pp.  126-157  ;  cp.  also  Bruce,  Miraculotis 
Element  in  Gospels,^  pp.  103-108.  For  Wendt,  cj:).  his  Lehre  Jesu,  passim ; 
for  Roehrich,  his  La  composition  des  Evang.  p.  94  f.  265  f.  Weiss  (INT,  ii. 
§  45)  prefers  to  call  the  document  an  original  apostolic  source  ( =  the  Hebrew 
Matthew)  accessible  in  a  Greek  translation  to  all  three  evangelists,  con- 
taining not  a  collection  of  sayings  or  sj^eeches,  but  discourses  grouped 
round  certain  leading  events  in  the  life  of  Jesus,  which  were  not 
chronologically  arranged,  but  simply  marked  by  the  formula  preserved  in 
Mt  7-^  11'  13^^  19^  26^  Resell  (most  recently  in  his  Die  LogiaJesu,  nach 
dem  griechischen  u.  hebraischen  Text  iviederhergestellt,  1898)  makes  the  Logia 
cover  the  sufferings,  death,  and  ascension  of  Jesus  as  well,  concluding 
with  a  list  of  the  aj^ostles  (Ac  1) :  but  he  has  found  little  or  no  support. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  on  Reville's  analysis  the  eschatological  discourse  in 
Mt  (p.  638)  is  composed  of  the  apocalypse  taken  from  the  Proto-Mark,  with 
the  following  fragments  of  the  Logia  intercalated,  24"- 1^-  26-28.  37-51  25. 
The  Logia,  he  thinks,  were  as  a  whole  considerably  more  sober  in  their 
employment  of  prediction  than  the  other  synoptic  sources  ;  Mt  23'^'*-  ^^•^''-  ^^ 
is  a  q\iotation  from  some  iinknown  apocalyptic  source. 

If  these  Logia  be  referred  to  the  traditional  writing  of  Matthew, 
their  date '  is  in  the  seventh  decade  of  the  first  century.  This  is  cor- 
roborated, and  for  most  critics  independently  suggested,  by  the  internal 
evidence  ;  there  are  no  indications  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  writer  has  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  hope  of  the  second 
advent  wane.  His  motive  for  writing  was  in  part  the  desire  to  rekindle 
this  hope,  and  that  implies  the  deatli  of  a  considerable  number  of  eye- 
witnesses. The  general  standpoint  is  that  of  the  Palestinian  circles  in 
early  Christianity.  "  Wenn  wir  in  der  Grundschrift  sehen,  dass  die 
abschliessende  Begriindung  der  neuen  Gemeinde  mit  der  Einweihung  in 
den  Tod  Jesu  unci  der  Umbildung  der  messianischen  Hoffnungen  durch 
denselben  eins  ist,  so  lernen  wir  aus  den  Zukunfts-  und  weiterhin  den 
Gemeindereden  der  Redesammlung,  wie  das  Mittelglied  dieser  grossen 
Umwiilzung  eben  die  Lehren  sind,  auf  Grund  welcher  die  Zuriick- 
bliebenen  sich  ganz  im  Dienste  des  zu  seiner  Erhohimg  hingegangenen, 
als  Verwalter  seiner  Sache,  und  Erben  seiner  Zukunft  wussten,  und  wie 
sie  von  diesem  Standpunkte  aus  allmahlich  aus  seine  Weissagungen  die 
Geschichte  der  "Welt  als  die  Geschichte  seine  Reiches  erkennen  konnten  " 
(Weizsacker).  The  characteristics  of  the  source,  however,  are  not  quite 
homogeneous,  and  have  been  variously  interpreted  as  Jewish  Christian  or 
neutral.  There  is  also  uncertainty  as  to  its  original  scojae — whether  it 
embraced  the  latter  part  of  Christ's  life  or  not — and  upon  the  possibility 
that  it  was  edited  in  more  than  one  translation  before  it  reached  the 

1  Wilkinson  dates  it  (in  Hebrew)  c.  40  A.D.  and  (in  Greek  translations)  some 
twenty-tive  years  later,  finding  traces  of  it  in  tlie  Ebiouite  gospel  and  the  gosi^el 
according  to  the  Hebrews  ;  but  this  is  certainly  too  early.  The  author  or  authors 
cannot  any  longer  be  ascertained.     See  above,  pp.  265-266. 

It  is  usually  held  that  Matthew  had  access  to  no  sources  beyond  the  Logia  and 
Mark,  or  at  least  that  such  can  no  longer  be  traced.  A  possible  exception,  however, 
is  the  genealogy  (Mt  l^"),  whiih  may  have  been  adapted  by  the  writer  for  his  own 
didactic  ends.  Such  registers  were  carefully  kept  in  many  families,  owing  to  the 
importance  of  a  pedigree  for  official  purposes — if  we  may  trust  contemporary  Jewish 
evidence  (Schiirer,  HJP,  II.  i.  pji.  210,  212). 

Several  passages,  e.g.  11"^,  23^,  21'-'',  are  repeatedly  but  inadequately  taken  as 
glosses  ;  it  is  at  any  rate  needless  to  mark  them  in  the  text,  as  they  formed  part  of  the 
original  book,  though  not  of  its  earliest  component  source. 


APPENDIX  645 

synoptic  authors.  The  popuLxrity  of  the  book  would  naturally  lead  to 
its  reproduction  in  many  versions,  just  as  its  incorporation  in  the  larger 
gospels  would  account  for  its  own  disappearance.  They  increased,  but  it 
decreased.  Its  function  was  discharged  when  its  contents  were  absorljed 
in  writings  of  wider  scope  and  depth  ;  and  there  would  be  no  further 
interest  in  preserving  it,  side  by  side  with  these  more  comprehensive 
volumes.  The  rise  of  the  synoptic  gospels  shows  that,  as  time  went  on, 
the  simple  and  impressive  stories  of  Jesus,  which  formed  the  earliest 
deposit  of  the  Christian  tradition,  failed  to  satisfy  the  wider  needs  of 
Christendom,  and  that  the  class  of  writings  to  which  the  Logia  as  well  as 
the  Ur-Marcus  belonged,  had  come  into  existence  when  the  requirements 
of  faith  were  less  exigent.  Like  most  popular  growths,  their  exact  origin 
eludes  the  research  of  later  ages. 

Who  ever  saw  the  earliest  rose  first  open  her  sweet  breast? 

Even  their  shape  would  have  remained  for  ever  indistinct,  had  it  not 
been  that  the  artless,  unpremeditated  nature  of  such  counsels  and 
reminiscences  led  to  their  partial  preservation  in  those  ampler  and  more 
delil^erate  compositions  which  bloomed  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  first 
century — that  flowering-time  of  early  Christian  literature. 


Mt  51^- 19. — Widelv  taken  as  a  Jewish-Christian  interpolation,  e.g. 
by  Baur,  Hilgenfeld,  Strauss,  Kostlin,  Holtzmann  {HC,  ad  he. ;  NT1\ 
i.'  pp.  152-154),  Dr.  Cone  (Gosjjel  and  its  Interpret,  p.  89),  Soltau, 
Pfleiderer  (Urc.  p.  492 f.),  Reville  (11.  p.  37),  and  Jacoby  {NT  Etliik). 
The  apparent  contradiction  between  the  legalistic  standpoint  here  and  a 
passage  like  22-'*'  would  not  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  rejecting  the  verses, 
for  this  duality  is  a  feature  of  Matthew's  representation  of  Jesus  ;  nor  is 
the  particularism  quite  isolated  (cp.  lO'-  ^3  232-  s).  But  ver.  20  follows 
ver.  17  very  naturally  (cp.  Klopper,  ZioTh,  1896,  p.  1  f.),  when  the 
fulfilment  is  taken  to  mean  the  real  completion  of  the  Law  by  the 
Christian  hiKaioa-vvri,  in  contrast  to  the  imperfect  method  of  the  current 
religionists.  In  that  case  the  saying  (17  +  20)  forms  the  basis  of  the 
subsequent  antithesis  between  the  higher  method  of  Jesus,  which  is  the 
true  and  ideal  fulfilment  of  the  Law,  and  the  inadequate  traditional 
fulfilment.  Consequently,  to  re-affirm  in  rigid  Jewish  fashion  (Bar. 
41  ;  cp.  Edersheim's  Jesus  the  Messiah,  i.  pp.  536-539)  the  literal  signi- 
ficance and  perpetuity  of  the  Law  is  out  of  place,  whether  authentic  or 
not  (cp.  Wernle,  pp.  113,  183  ;  Dr.  G.  L.  Cary,  IH,  i.  pp.  103,  104). 

The  whole  question  is  bound  up  with  the  difficult  ^  problem  of 
Christ's  actual  relation  to  the  Jewish  Law  (literature  in  Weiss-Meyer, 
apud  Mt  51 '"■-"),  and  the  interpretation  of  that  attitude  by  the  apostolic 
age  with  its  own  strong  and  varied  currents.  I  see  no  reason  for  suspect- 
ing (with  Holtzmann)  more  than  vers.  18,  19  as  an  interpolation,  or  for 
taking  the  whole  section  as  a  Jewish-Christian  programme  against  Gal 
2i''-2i,  2  Co  5^'' ;  nor  is  it  likely  that  Jesus  merely  quoted  the  words  of 
vers.  18,  19  as  Pharisaic  tenets"  (as  Weizsacker  suggests,  A  A,  i.  p.  36f.). 
When  they  are  held,  as  is  quite  legitimate,  to  be  an  accurate  reflection  of 
Christ's  conservative  recognition  tliat  the  written  Law  was  absolutely  and 

'  518-19  in  not  so  clearly  apostolic  as  I618  ISi^f-  28I6-20.  To  the  man  who  cannot 
hear  in  these  latter  passages  the  voice  of  primitive  apostolic  Christianity,  the 
historical  criticism  of  the  gospels  will  remain  for  the  most  part  a  sealed  book. 


646  APPENDIX 

eternally  valid  (Keim,  iii.  pp.  322-324)  for  himself  and  his  disciples,  the 
best  expositions  are  to  be  found  in  Wendt  (L/.,  Eng.  tr.  ii.,  pp.  7-22), 
Bruce  {Kingdom  of  God,  pp.  63-68),  and  Denney  {BB,  iii.  pp.  73,  74).  The 
saying  (cp.  Lk  16^^)  seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  Lo^ia,  but  in  its 
present  form  represents  a  Jewish-Christian  current  of  tradition  in  the 
early  church.  Jesus  is  correctly  represented  as  repudiating  iconoclasm. 
But  would  he  have  extended  the  aegis  of  his  authority  to  the  ceremonial 
details  of  the  law  without  qualification  ? 

Mt  16^*^,  Ka\  eVi  ravTj]  rfj  Trerpa  olKo8ofxi](7a)  /xou  r^v  eKKXrjtrlav. — 
(Unfortunately  ]\It  16^^-17^^  is  lost  in  Syr-Sin).  An  addition  to  the 
original  gospel,  composed  in  the  second  century  as  a  result  of  and  a 
support  to  the  Petrine  Catholicism  of  the  Roman  cliurch  :  so  Harnack  (TV, 
I.  3,  p.  149 f.),  Wendt  {LJ,  i.  pp.  180,  181),  and  Resch  (TU,x.  2,  pp.  187- 
198, 441  ;  Logia  Jesu,  p.  55).  The  silence  of  the  early  church  literature  at 
points  where  it  would  most  naturally  have  quoted  such  a  passage  (and 
where  even  ver.  19  is  quoted)  ^  is  striking  :  ^  not  even  in  the  Jewish- 
Christian  Clementines,  devotecl  to  the  glorification  of  Peter,  nor  in  Justin 
or  Clem.  Alex.,  can  any  definite  trace  of  the  saying  be  found.  It  occurs 
first  in  Tertullian  and  Origen.  Even  in  the  Petrine  Mark  it  is  omitted. 
Hence  the  conjecture  that  it  is  the  addition  of  a  Western  redactor  in  the 
second  century.     The  chief  reconstructions  are  : 

Wendt  :   MoKoptoy   ei    ^Lfitov    jBapiava-    av   el    JJerpos,    kuI    nvXai    a8ov    ov 

KaTL<T)(y(JOV(Tiv    (TOV. 

Resell  :  '^laKapios  ei,  'S.ipav  jiapioivu,  on  (Tcip^  koI  a'ipa  ovk  aTreKaKvyjrev  (rot, 
dXX'  6  Trarrjp  pov  6  iv  tols  ovpavois-  Kayo)  Xeyo)  aoi,  on  vrvXai 
adou  ov  KaTLaxyo-ovaiv  trov. 

Weiss  rejects  ver.  19  also,  but  this  is  unnecessary.  Like  28^"-'',  this  passage, 
however,  is  quite  credible  in  the  period  75-90.^  Blair  {Aiwstolic  Gospel, 
pp.  325-331)  regards  the  original  saying  (less  the  reference  to  Peter  and 
the  allusion  to  the  church)  as  addressed  to  the  tM'elve,  and  based  on  Lk 
10^1  ;  and  Wernle  {op.  cit.  pp.  135, 136, 192)  suggests  that  the  canonical  text 
blends  two  different  conceptions  of  the  "  Rock  "-name  :  the  one  personal, 
referring  to  the  experience  of  the  second  Coming  (parallels  in  TU,  xiii. 
p.  26),  tiie  other  ecclesiastical,  denoting  the  primacy  of  Peter.  The  origin 
of  the  passage,  he  conjectures,  may  have  been  the  strife  between  the 
original  apostles  and  Paul  ;  the  whole  section  17-19  is  an  addition — 
whether  of  the  evangelist  or  of  his  predecessors  or  followers — not  the 
oldest  text.  So  Dr.  G.  L.  Cary,  IH,  i.  pp.  214-218.  Whatever  view  be 
adopted,  it  is  no  argument  to  defend  the  passage  by  insisting  on  its 
highly  poetic  or  dramatic  character.  Why  should  we  assume  that  the 
writers  of  the  gospels  were  dull,  prosaic  beings  1     No  one  denies  that  the 

1  Tatiaii,  e.g.,  appears  to  have  merely  read  y.ot.)  trriv  fj-xxxpict  iTlifAm-  xa.\  rrliXa.i  iJou  oi 
KO-TiiFx^irouc'iv  (TV  <t\j  a  nlrpoi  (but  cp.  Zalui,  G'K,  ii.  p.  .^46). 

-  Cp.  Carpenter,  First  Three  Gospels,  pp.  275-277),  Soltau,  Drummond's  Hibbert 
Lectures,  Via,  Veritas,  Vila  (Lect.  i.  p.  15  f.),  and  J.  Reville,  Les  origines  de 
V ilpiscopal,  I.  p.  31  f.  In  any  case  the  passage  is  Christian,  even  if  it  is  not 
Christ's.  The  question  at  issue  really  is,  whether  Jesus  contemplated  a  permanent 
society  of  his  followers  ;  and  if  so,  whether  such  an  expression  of  it  is  historically 
probable  within  his  lifetime  (Reville,  ii.  pp.  220,  4851'.,  499). 

3  To  defend  the  passage  (vers.  16-20)  as  an  integral  part  of  a  Christian  liook 
written  in  the  seventh  decade  (Keim,  iv.  pp.  266,  267  ;  Stevens,  NTTh,  p.  136  f.  ;  and 
Zahn,  Eiril.  ii.  p.  294,  etc.)  is  a  highly  improbable  solution.  The  alternatives  are  (a) 
either  a  late  interpolation  in  an  early  gospel,  or  (6)  an  integral  part  of  a  gospel  which 
is  a  product  of  the  advanced  Christian  consciousness.     I  prefer  the  latter. 


APPENDIX  647 

passage  is  worthy  of  Jesus.  Had  it  been  unworthy,  we  may  be  sure  it 
would  not  have  been  inserted.  In  fact,  the  ordinary  defence  of  the 
passage  as  a  noble  idealistic  conception,  worthy  of  its  occasion  and  author, 
is  quite  irrelevant.  To  say,  for  example,  that  "  no  ordinary  man  who 
saw  the  form  in  which  the  church  actually  became  historical,  could  have 
sjioken  of  it  in  this  lofty  strain"  (Denney,  Studies  in  Theology,  p.  178)  is 
hardly  accurate,  even  if  an  agreement  could  be  arrived  at  upon  the 
definition  of  "ordinary."  Surely,  e.g.,  Paul  had  an  experience  of  the 
local  churches  that  would  have  sickened  most  men,  and  turned  their 
idealism  into  a  dull,  sober  estimate.  But  did  that  prevent  him  from 
cherishing  and  expressing  in  a  grand  style  such  conceptions  of  the  church 
as  those  given  in  1  Go  12,  Col  V^^-,  etc.  ?  See  also  Ephesians  throughout, 
1  Pet  21-^0,  and  the  magnificent  rhapsody  in  Heb  12-2f-  (after  the  ex- 
periences of  10-^^-  12^*-  !),  besides  the  dream  of  a  later  writer  (Apoc  21, 
22),  who  had  passed  through  a  disenchanting  experience  (Apoc  2,  3)  of  the 
actual  churches  in  Asia  Minor.  The  whole  problem,  indeed,  is  often  mis- 
stated. It  is  not  a  question  of  whether  Jesus  gathered  a  circle  of  intimate 
companions,  whom  he  trained  to  propagate  his  ideas,  or  of  how  far 
he  anticipated  a  future  career  for  them  which  would  involve  his  memory 
and  spirit  as  their  religious  authority.  The  question  is  whether,  with 
his  belief  in  his  own  speedy  return  and  the  evident  limits  by  which  his 
outlook  was  beset,  Jesus  could  have  laid  down  the  details  of  an  ecclesiast- 
ical structure  (Mt  16^^  18^^  *•)  which  presupposed  a  settled  and  expand- 
ing future  ;  in  a  word,  whether  Jesus  the  religious  idealist,  the  prophet, 
the  martyr,  was  also  the  religious  organiser. 

28»- 10. — The  disruption  of  the  narrative  (vers.  7,  8, 11)  by  this  passage, 
together  with  its  similarity  to  Jn  20^*"^^,  has  suggested  the  idea  that  it 
represents  an  editorial  addition  (date,  100-150  A.D.),  inserted  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  the  Jerusalem -appearances  of  Jesus  after  the 
resurrection,  and  thereby  producing  something  like  uniformity  between 
the  synoptic  stories  and  that  of  the  fourth  gospel.  Kohrbach  (Der 
Schhiss  des  Markus-evangeliums,  1894)  also  attributes  to  the  same  editorial 
process  of  supervision,  under  the  charge  of  the  Asiatic  presbyters,  the 
displacement  of  Mark's  original  close  by  the  extant  appendix  (16^^-*^), 
which  was  taken  from  Aristion  and  corresponds  to  the  gospel  of  Peter, 
besides  the  insertion,  in  the  third  gospel,  of  24^-.  The  passage  in  Matthew 
(289- 10)^  even  if  it  is  not  "  meaningless  and  undignified  "  (Keim),  certainly 
adds  nothing  to  what  has  already  been  said  by  the  angels  (Wernle,  of.  cit. 
pp.  176,  177).  The  writer  also  is  apparently  acquainted  merely  with  the 
incomplete  Mark  (1-16^).  For  this  and  other  less  probable  interpolations 
in  Matthew's  narrative,  cp.  Keim  (vi.  pp.  308,  309)  and  Soltau  (as  above, 
p.  641).  Otherwise,  the  verses  must  be  simply  taken  (Weiss)  as  a  character- 
istic addition  made  by  the  evangelist  himself  to  the  apostolic  source  upon 
which  he  worked.     Mt  28®"<^°^  is  unfortunately  amissing  in  Syr-Sin. 

28iG-2o_ — ^  later  appendix  :  so,  besides  Strauss,  Hilgenfeld,  and 
Havet  (iv.  p.  280),  Keim,  who  regards  it  as  a  wandering  passage,  contain- 
ing a  baptismal  formula,  which  originated  in  the  first  half  of  the  second 
century  (vi.  pp.  368-373,  v.  pp.  338, 339),  but  recapitulating  some  genuine 
commands  of  Jesus.  Resch  {Login,  p.  217)  reconstructs  it  thus  :  nop.  oSv  fi. 
TV.  T.  €.  Kui  ^anriaare  avTovs  f'ls  fiov  tov  davarov  eV  ovofiaros  tov  deov 
irarphs  Ka\  fxaprvpia  wvevparos  7rapaKXi]rov  ktX.  Similarly  Schwalb,  Unsere 
vier  Evgln,  1885,  pp.  201,  202.  Besides  the  conception  of  Jesus  as  the  source 
of  authoritative  rules  and  regulations  for  the  church,  and  the  idea  of 
Christ's  spiritual  presence  (ver.  20  =  18-"),  which  can  hardly  be  primitive. 


648  APPENDIX 

there  are  three  notes  of  a  late  period  in  this  passage,  (a)  The  universal 
mission  (vers.  19,  20)  ^  can  hardly  have  been  known  to  the  first  disciples, 
or  else  they  lived  for  years  in  flagrant  disobedience  to  their  Master's 
solemn  command,  and  only  reluctantly  recognised  its  fulfilment  in  the 
Pauline  gospel.  For  such  an  injunction  as  this  could  not  be  fulfilled  by 
any  merely  passive  acknowledgment  of  its  claims  as  met  in  another 
man's  person.  It  demanded  active  personal  propaganda  on  the  part  of 
the  disciples,  and  this  is  precisely  what  was  not  forthcoming,  to  judge 
from  our  records  of  the  apostolic  age.  (b)  The  incipient  Trinitarianism 
marks  a  stage  of  apostolic  reflection  which  is  in  advance  even  of  that 
indicated-  in  Paul  (2  Co  13^'^).  It  is  not  possible  to  hold  that  the 
formula  "sums  up  simply  in  a  single  phrase  the  theology  of  Jesus" 
(Bruce,  Afologetics,  p.  464,  and  more  cautiously  Stevens,  NTTh,  pp.  146- 
149),  for  although  Jesus  spoke  of  God  as  Father,  and  like  every  Jew  had 
an  idea  of  the  Spirit,  it  is  the  objective  collocation^  of  these  with 
himself  that  marks  off  this  passage  as  unique.  Besides,  the  references  to 
the  Spirit  in  the  synoptists  require  very  careful  sifting  before  they  can  l)c 
used  as  evidence  for  Christ's  own  conception,  (c)  The  use  of  the  baptismal 
formula  *  belongs  to  an  age  subsequent  to  that  of  the  apostles,  who  em- 
ployed the  simple  phrase  of  baptism  into  the  name  of  Jesus  (ds  xpiCTroi/, 
cttI  Tco  ovofiaTL  'I.  X.).  Had  this  phrase  been  in  existence  and  use,  it  is 
increclil:ile  that  some  trace  of  it  should  not  have  survived  ;  whereas  the 
earliest  reference  to  it,  outside  this  passage,  is  in  Clem.  Eom.  and  the 
Didache  (Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  i.  61). 

The  earliest  background  for  such  a  passage,  whose  original  form  may 
have  resembled  Jn  20  '■^--  ^^  (M.  Arnold,  Lit.  Dogma,  pp.  152, 153),  is  to  be 
found  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  first  century  ;  and  when  the  gospel  as  a 
whole  is  placed  c.  80  A.u.,  it  is  not  incredible  that  the  woids  should  form 
an  integral  part  of  it.  In  this  event  they  form  a  secondary  tradition, 
due  not  to  Jesus  but  to  the  later  spirit  of  the  church,^  which,  on  the  basis 

1  The  presence,  side  by  side,  of  universal  and  particularistic  sayings  {e.g.  10'- 23 
with  this  passage),  forms,  however,  only  one  of  several  contradictions  in  Matthew, 
The  author  seems,  as  Holsten  remarks,  to  have  liad  two  souls  within  his  breast. 
The  true  praetorian  guard  of  the  universal  principle  in  Christianity  was  not  drawn 
from  the  first  companions  of  Jesus. 

2  In  view  of  1  Co  12,  2  Co  Si'^-is.  this  amplified  expression  requires  nothing  to 
account  for  it,  outside  the  ordinary  usage  of  the  terms.  Certainly  the  passage  in 
Mt.,  though  late,  need  not  therefore  be  untrustworthy.  "One  tradition  may  be 
later  than  another  and  more  limited  in  circulation,  and  yet  not  be  any  less 
authentic"  (Sanday,  DB,  ii.  pp.  213,  214).  But  it  is  begging  the  whole  question  to 
proceed  and  argue  that  the  triple  baptismal  formula  was  imposed  on  Paul  and 
the  early  church,  and  that  therefore  it  must  rest  on  some  authority. 

3  This  forbids  us  to  treat  the  Spirit  here  as  the  specific  gift  of  the  Messianic  salva- 
tion.     Its  usage  and  its  context  jioint  nniuistal<ably  to  the  later  Christnloi,'ical  spnse. 

■»  Resch  [TCr,  x.  2,  pp.  381-428,  M7  f.),  like  ILulirich  (pp.  317-:!l'.t),  "^tiH  •"^srrls 
the  genuineness  of  the  logion  on  ha].ili.sm  {n'dr  Krj,.  Ti.  vi.  pp.  lilTi-.M'S),  Imt  on 
inadequate  grounds.  Cp.  also  Zaliii  { Einl.  ii.  i).  30'.»),  and  on  tlie  historical  cuuncction 
of  Jesus  and  the  rite  ot  liaptisni,  Kcim  (nj).  cit.)  and  Bruce  {Kinf/dum  of  God,  p. 
2.57  f.).  On  tlie  other  side,  ■IVi.lniiaun  {ZThK,  1896,  p.  3.")7f.),  Weizsiicker  (AA, 
ii.  pp.  252-254),  but  especially  lioltzmann  [A'TTh,  i.  p.  378 f.). 

»  This  legitimate  and  faithful  development  is  recognised  on  all  hands.  Cp. 
besides  Weizsacker  and  Wendt  (/,./,  i.  pp.  212,  213),  Harnack  {IID,  i.  79  n.),  W. 
Briickner  {I'M  1899,  pii.  107-110),  Weiss  {NTTh,  i.  p.  139  n.,  and  in  Meyer.s  „,i 
lor..),  Professor  Bruce  {.\/>o/nf/rt,;-s,  p]).  463-465,  and  J<:x(,'T,  i.  pp.  338-340),  Wernle 
{nj).  cit.  pp.  192.  195),  McCilVert  (^1^1,  p.  61  n.),  and  even  Canon  Robinson  (AVi/, 
i.  p.  474).  Dalman  {Die  Worle  Jes%t,  i.  pp.  136,  158  f.,  235)  promises  a  discussion  in 
a  future  volume. 


APPENDIX  649 

of  Dan  7^'*  ^-j  idealised  and  expanded  liis  earlier  teaching  under  tlie  growing 
stress  of  reverence  for  liis  authority  (Beyschlag,  NTTh,  i.  pp.  178, 318),  and 
out  of  a  consciousness  of  what  his  jierson  and  purjDose  meant  to  themselves 
and  to  the  world.  "  In  maintaining  that  these  commissions  "  [Mt  281'^-'', 
Lk  24*''*'*,  Jn  20-1-^,  Mk  IGi'^-i'^]  "are  genuine"  [i.e.  ijosissima  verba  of 
Jesus],  "  theologians  simply  waste  their  words  and  provoke  unqualified 
scepticism"  (Blair,  Apostolic  Gospel,  pp.  390-393).  The  least  obnoxious 
device  of  the  harmonists  ^  is  to  regard  the  references  in  Acts  and  Paul 
(baptism  into  the  single  name  or  person  of  Jesus)  as  abridged  statements 
of  the  fact  that  the  baptism  was  Christian,  not  as  expressions  of  the 
baptismal  formula,  which  was  really  that  enjoined  by  Christ.  A  passage 
like  Ac  IB'''  certainly  implies  a  connection  of  the  Spirit  with  baptism, 
but  the  connection  is  plainly  (ver.  6)  on  a  line  with  the  other  references 
in  Acts  to  the  ecstatic  connection  of  the  two.  It  must  not  be  viewed  (as 
e.g.  by  Denney,  DB,  i.  p.  577)  as  a  witness  to  the  custom  of  Mt  28^9. 

It  is  very  tempting  to  regard,  not  merely  IS*',  but  the  whole  com- 
mission, vers.  18-20,  or  even  16-20,  as  a  later  addition  (so  Wendt,  Lehre 
Jesu,  i.  p.  156,  on  18^''-"),  composed  out  of  the  developing  "Catholicism" 
and  christology  of  the  church,  and  inserted  as  a  conclusion  to  the  gospel. 
The  main  drawl)acks  are  the  aljsence  of  a  textual  basis  and  the  abrupt  state 
of  what  would  be  the  original  Matthew.  Could  that  writing  have  deliber- 
ately ended  with  ol  8e  idicrraaav,  or  /xe'^pt  rrjs  arj^tpov  ?  Mark  16*  is  but 
an  imperfect  parallel,  and  it  would  be  rather  difficult  to  conjecture  how 
so  elaborate  and  considerable  a  history  was  left  unfinished.  Still  in  some 
aspects  the  ending  fx.  r.  a.  is  rather  effective  ;  it  would  be  quite  possible 
as  the  close  of  the  narrative,  were  it  not  for  the  obvious  artistic  motive  of 
the  author  in  opening  (chap.  5)  and  closing  his  narrative  of  Jesus'  work 
with  a  mountain  scene. 

\N.B. — The  general  background  for  later  interpolations  in  the  synojDtic 
gospels  is  hinted  at  in  the  well-known  passage  where  Eusebius  {HE,  iii. 
37.  2)  speaks  of  the  work  done  by  Christian  evangelists  during  Trajan's 
reign,  in  circulating  the  scripture  of  the  divine  gospels  {ttjv  rmv  Belav 
evayyfXiwv  TrapaStSdrat  ypa(f)t]v)  among  those  wlio  were  still  ignorant  of 
the  Christian  faith.  Both  Holtzmann  (HC\  i.  p.  23)  and  Reville 
(i.  p.  327)  infer  that  Eusebius  has  confused  the  circulation  of  the  gospels 
with  their  composition,  and  that  this  period  really  saw  the  final  editing 
rather  than  the  propagation  of  the  gospels  ;  these  writings  being  based 
on  documents  like  the  Ur-Marcus  and  the  Matthaean  Logia,  which  had 
been  in  circulation  for  decades.  But  the  passage  may  also  be  a  reflection 
of  that  editorial  activity  (in  Asia  Minor)  during  the  early  years  of  the 
second  century,  by  which,  as  many  scholars  imagine,  our  canonical 
gospels  were  harmonised  and  shaped  into  something  like  a  uniform 
collection.  It  is  highly  important  to  remember  that  our  gospels  were  thus 
arranged  in  a  preliminary  canon  at  this  time,  for  the  step  may  have 
easily  set  in  motion  harmonising  influences  which  would  aftect  the  text 

1  lu  regard  to  (a),  the  desperate  plight  to  which  literalists  are  reduced  in  refusing 
to  see  the  apostolic  origin  of  Mt  28'-^-^^,  is  plain,  when  a  scholar  of  Dr.  Hort's 
candour  (-Ecclesia,  pp.  85-90)  solves  the  problem  of  the  twelve  and  the  Gentiles  thus. 
It  is  inconceivable,  he  admits,  that  previously  to  Paul  they  preached  beyond  the 
limits  of  Palestine.  Up  to  the  time  of  Ac  15  they  did  not  believe  themselves  clearly 
commissioned  to  go  in  person  to  the  nations  ;  when  the  Pauline  mission  occurred, 
they  patronised  it,  and  by  this  recognition  believed  themselves  to  be  discharging 
their  task!  As  if  Mt  28'«-20  -was  not  an  explicit  "divine  monition"!  And  as  if 
approving  more  or  less  cordially  of  another  person's  work  absolved  one  from  the 
duty  of  personal  obedience  to  the  same  command  (-ropiuBivTis) ! 


650  APPENDIX 

of  the  different  books.  Add  to  tins  their  use  in  the  worship  of  the 
churches — a  fact  which  helps  to  explain  their  structure,  just  as  one  some- 
times unravels  the  composition  of  the  Scots  ballads  by  recollecting  that 
they  were  originally  made  to  be  chanted  to  some  homely  lilt  among  the 
peasantry.  These  and  other  contributory  causes  were  at  work  upon  the 
text,  and  must  ha-\'e  produced  their  effects  prior  to  the  earliest  MS. 
Indeed,  the  hrst  quarter  of  the  second  century  saw  the  rise  of  such 
processes  upon  a  not  inconsiderable  scale.  The  problem  somewhat 
resembles  that  set  by  the  Psalter,  in  whose  extant  arrangement  editorial 
labour  and  liturgical  aims  are  traceable,  not  only  in  the  general  scheme 
of  the  collection,  but  in  the  structure  of  many  individual  psalms.] 

Heb  3,  4. — It  has  been  conjectured  by  Clemen  that  this  repre- 
sents an  original  Christian  homily  inserted  by  the  author  at  some 
later  time  in  his  epistle  {Exp.^  iii.  p.  392  f.).  He  argues  that  31"  and 
41-*-"'  are  alien  to  their  present  context,  that  they  unite  neither  with 
the  preceding  nor  Avith  the  subsequent  passages,  and  that  the  writing 
37_4i3  implies  conditions  different  from  those  whicli  obtain  throughout 
the  rest  of  the  epistle.  Chapters  3,  4  are  consequently  to  be  taken  as 
episodical.  But  the  arguments  in  support  of  this  position  depend  on 
special  interpretations  of  certain  phrases,  and  are  in  no  sense  decisive. 
The  contrast  of  Christ  with  Moses  certainly  seems  superfluous  to  a 
modern  mind,  and  even  comes  as  an  anti-climax  after  the  contrast  with 
the  angels  ;  but  Hebrews  was  not  written  for  a  modern  mind.  In  fact, 
the  data  ingeniously  collected  by  Clemen  are  only  conclusive  if  we  adopt 
a  23riori  ideas  of  the  author's  purpose  and  literary  methods  ;  they  fail 
to  prove  the  case  for  an  interpolation  here.  The  passage  in  question  fits 
in  to  the  context  with  sufficient  relevance,  and  it  cannot  be  said  that  the 
ordinary  exegetical  methods  for  explaining  the  connection  do  real 
violence  to  the  text.  At  the  same  time  it  is  quite  credible  that  this 
section,  like  other  parts  (11,  13)  of  the  book,  originally  filled  the  role  of 
a  Christian  homily.  The  composite  nature  of  Hebrews  was  felt  as  far 
back  as  the  sixteenth  century  ;  to  Luther  it  seemed  "  put  together  out 
of  many  pieces."  Yet  the  apparently  disjointed  episodes  {2^*  3'-4^^ 
51^-6^"  etc.)  can  for  the  most  part  be  explained  in  their  present  context 
as  digressions.  Whatever  their  career  and  function  may  have  originally 
been,  the  different  parts  of  this  epistle  have  been  skilfully  disposed  by 
an  author  of  much  literary  tact,  whose  work  contains  (von  Soden)  moral 
homilies,  but  is  very  far  from  being  a  mere  collection  of  such  pieces. 

1318-24  (22i'5^  _'j\^n  addition  intended  to  give  an  epistolary  cha- 
racter ^  to  the  ])ook,  or  to  secure  belief  in  its  Pauline  authorship  :  so 
Overbeck,  Zur  Gesch.  Kanon.%  pp.  12-17;  Weizsiicker,  AA,  ii.  p.  158; 
Harnack,  TU,  11.  2.  pp.  106,  107,  HD,  ii.  p.  47  n.  ;  Lipsius,  GGA  (1881), 
p.  359  f.  ;  and  Briickner,  Chron.  pp.  36  f.,  248  n.  1.  This  might  involve 
also  either  the  accidental  loss  of  an  opening  paragrajih  (cp.  Deissmann, 
Bibel-Studien,  pp.  242,  243)  containing  the  real  author's  name,  or  its 
deliberate  excision  about  160-175  a.d.  in  order  to  further  the  epistle's 
reception  into  the  canon.  The  former  hyi)othesis  has  a  parallel  in 
3  Mace,  of  which  the  opening  leaf  has  evidently  been  lost.  But  the 
whole  theory  is  dubious.  It  lacks  confirmation,  either  in  the  textual  or 
in  the  canonical  history  of  the  writing,  and   there   is  every  reason  to 

1  Reuss  (pp.  241,  242)  takes  the  whole  chapter  as  a  sort  of  after-thought,  an 
addition  made  by  tlie  author  in  order  to  apply  his  treatise  to  a  particular  circle  of 
Christians.  The  directions  and  motives  of  this  chapter  are  consequently  difTert-nt 
from  those  which  prompted  the  composition  of  the  previous  twelve. 


APPENDIX  651 

supjiose  that,  had  a  later  writer  introduced  interpolations  with  the  object 
of  Paulinisiug,  he  would  have  made  his  meaning  much  more  clear 
and  explicit.  The  meagre  reference  to  Timothy  would  hardly  have 
been  adequate  to  bring  the  epistle  under  Paul's  aegis.  So,  besides 
Clemen  and  Holtzmann,  von  Soden  {.TpTh,  1884,  pp.  435-439),  and 
Zahn  (G/v,  i.  p.  300  f.  ;  Einl.  ii.  pp.  121,  122).  The  passage,  in  fact,  is  as 
integral  and  natural  a  part  of  the  writing  as  any  postscript  could  be. 
Even  the  loss  of  a  preface  is  rather  an  unnecessary  supposition.  The 
abrupt  and  stately  opening  of  Hebrews  is  like  that  of  1  John.  In  the 
case  of  both,  the  original  readers  had  a  knowledge  of  the  author  from 
other  sources,  which  has  quite  faded  from  reliable  tradition  ;  it  was  the 
less  likely  to  be  preserved,  as  both  writings  were  never  meant  or  allowed 
to  be  merely  local. 

There  seems  as  little  reason  for  doubting  (with  G.  A.  Simcox, 
Exf.  Ti.  X.  pp.  430-432)  the  homogeneity  of  chap.  13  as  a  letter  of  com- 
mendation or  a  series  of  excerpts  from  such  letters.  The  double 
reference  to  r^yovyievoi  (7,  17)  is  quite  credible,  if  during  the  past  history 
of  the  churcli  some  of  its  leaders  had  died.  Memory  of  the  dead  and 
obedience  to  their  living  successors  are  not  incompatible,  nor  do  the  two 
counsels  require  to  be  bridged  by  the  notice  that  successors  had  been 
appointed.     That  might  well  be  taken  for  granted. 

[N.B. — In  Luke  (and  even  in  Matthew),  Acts,  and  the  Apocalypse,  it 
has  been  found  impracticable  to  notice  all  passages  where  an  earlier 
source  and  a  later  redactor  can  be  suspected  together.  These  passages 
fall  to  be  discussed  in  a  commentary,  and  should  be  noticed  in  any  first- 
rate  edition.  As  far  as  possible,  only  such  passages  are  noted  in  these 
books  as  are  held  to  be  interpolations  by  an  editor  or  scribe,  subsequent 
to  the  composition  of  the  book  as  a  whole.  But  it  is  hard  to  carry  out 
this  princijDle  consistently.] 

Lk  iS'i-ss. — Like  I''''-  '■''■"^-  ^'',  etc.,  an  interpolation  by  a  redactor,  accord- 
ing to  Hillmann  {JpTli  (1891),  pp.  192-261,  "Die  kindheitsgeschichte 
Jesu  nach  Lucas ").  He  traces  this  redactor  at  work  especially  in  the 
"  supernatural "  passages  of  Luke  1-2  ;  cp.  Holtzmann  {HC,  i.  pp.  26-54  ; 
NTTh,  i.  pp.  412,  413)  and  the  critique  by  Resch  {TU,  x.  5,  p.  73  f.). 
Wernle  objects  with  reason  {of.  cit.  pp.  102-106)  to  the  un-Lucan  hypo- 
thesis of  bold  interpolations  in  an  earlier  source,  as  it  conflicts  with 
the  general  method  and  characteristics  of  the  historian.  He  agrees  with 
J.  Weiss,  however,  that  the  tradition  and  source  used  by  the  author  came 
from  Palestinian  Jewish  Christianity.^  J.  Weiss  (-Meyer,  ad  loc),  for  his 
part,  is  more  reticent  than  Hillmann  in  pronouncing  on  definite  inter- 
polations ;  he  correctly  refers  Lk  l^^-s^  to  the  death  of  Herod  Agrippa  (Ac 
12)— if  Jewish-Christian — and  dates  the  whole  source  previous  to  70  a.d. 
from  its  allusions  to  the  Temple  cultus  (1^  2-.  sr.  49)^  the  Messiahship 
(p2-  f'8)^  etc.  Professor  Bruce  (ExGT,  i.  p.  460)  assumes  the  use  (with  & 
few  editorial  touches)  of  an  Aramaic  Jewish-Christian  source,  which  is 
allowed  to  speak  for  itself ;  and  this  may  be  said  to  represent  the  general 
standpoint  of  many  investigators.  The  problem  of  Luke  1,  2  can  be,  in 
fact,  approached  along  three  avenues,  (a)  The  use  of  a  Jewish-Christian 
source,  revised  and  incorporated  by  the  author  of  the  gospel,  (b)  The 
translation  of  a  Hebrew  (Aramaic  ?)  source  by  a  later  author,  who  may 

1  On  the  "Messianic  Psalms  of  the  NT"  (Lk  1-2),  see  Warfield,  Exp.3  ii.  pp. 
309  f.,  321  f.;  also  Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  p.  404  f.  ;  and  Gore,  Dissertations,  p.  17  f. 
N.  Schmidt  {EBi,  i.  p.  936)  conjectures  even  that  an  Apoc.  of  Zechariah  has  been 
used  in  Lk  l'^,  which  was  cin-rent  among  the  disciples  of  the  Baptizer. 


652  APPENDIX 

have  deepened  the  Christian  element  in  his  version,  (c)  The  free  com- 
position of  the  section  by  an  author  who  skilfully  suited  his  style  so  as  to 
be  in  keeping  with  this  archaic  and  biblical  subject.  The  fir.st  and  most 
likely  of  these  methods  is  referred  to  above.  The  last-named  has  been 
advocated  by  Zeller  (Overbeck-Zeller,  ii.  p.  295  f.),  Abbott,^  and  most 
recently  Dalman  {Die  JVorte  Jesu,  1899,  pp.  31,  32),  while  (6)  is  the 
well-known  theory  of  Resell  and— in  a  modified  form— of  Blasa  {Evglm 
sec.  Lucam  xxiii.  ;  PG,  p.  195).  Vogel  (Zur  Gharakteristik  des  Lukas, 
1897,  p.  32  f.),  however,  regards  the  source  as  now  indistinguishable  from 
the  whole  work. 

The  attempts  to  find  a  source  for  the  birth-story  in  Mary  (Gore, 
Dissertations,  p.  18  f.,-  etc.),  or  to  trace  feminine  characteristics  in  the 
record,  belong  to  homiletics  rather  than  to  historical  research.  Luke's 
object  in  presenting  these  narratives  is  probably  due  (Zeller,  ii.  pp.  233- 
238)  to  the  fact  that  he  wished  to  assign  a  place  in  Christianity  to 
the  traditional  Jewish-Christian  views  of  Jesus,  especially  as  these 
existed  in  sources  which  had  come  to  his  hand.  These  tales  form  a 
circumstantial  historical  setting  for  the  idea,  which  even  Paul  frankly 
recognised,  that  Jesus  had  been  "born  under  the  law"  (Gal  4^)  as  "a 
minister  of  the  circumcision"  (Ro  15^).  The  songs,  which  are  not 
distinctively  Christian,  probably  were  in  existence  among  the  Palestinian 
communities,  and  are  preserved  here  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  verses 
that  occasionally  recur  in  1  Mace.  On  their  resemblance  to  the  Pss.  of 
Solomon,  cp.  Ryle  and  James's  edition  of  the  latter,  p.  xci  f.  ;  Chase 
(Gavib.  Texts  and  Studies,  i.  3,  pp.  147-151)  acutely  traces  both  liack  to  the 
Greek-Jewish  prayers  of  the  Hellenistic  synagogues.  It  can  hardly  he 
said  that  the  songs  of  Mary  and  Zachariah  are  entirely  apj^ropriate  to 
the  situations  in  which  the  author  has  introduced  them  ;  but  they  are 
at  least  as  apt  as  those  put  into  the  mouth  of  Hannah  (1  Sam  2i'"), 
Job  (Job  28),  or  Jonah  (Jon  2--^^').  Cp.  Harnack's  essay  on  "Das 
Magnificat  der  Elisabet  (Lk  l^e-ss^^  nebst  einigen  Bemerkungen  zu 
Lk  1-2"  (reprinted  from  SBBA,  1900). 

The  sources  of  the  third  gospel  may  be  summarised  as  follows  : — 

{a)  The  gospel  of  ]\Iark.  (Blass  argues  that  while  Mk  was  variously 
translated,  by  Luke  among  others,  the  extant  Greek  text  of  Mk 
is  not  Luke's  version,  which  is  preserved  in  D  and  some  old  Latin 
MSS  ;  Textkritische  Bemerkungen  zu  Markns,  1899). 

(6)  The  Logia,  in  a  Greek  recension,  possibly  different  from  that  used 
by  the  author  of  Matthew. 

1  He  compares  tlie  dilTerence  between  Sliakspere'.s  ordinary  style  in  his  English 
plays  and  the  massive  dignity  of  his  writing  in  Julms  Caesar. 

'  The  most  candid  defence  of  the  traditional  position.  It  is  even  admitted  that 
to  accept  the  narrative  as  substantially  historical  Is  not  incompatible  with  the 
supposition  that  the  angelic  appearances  and  communications  reported  in  chaps.  1-2 
are  "imaginative,  outward  representations  of  what  were  in  fact  real,  but  merely 
inward  communications  of  the  'divine  word'  to  human  souls"  (pp.  21,  22).  It  is 
rather  a  drop  from  this  momentary  faithfulness  to  historical  criticism,  when  the 
writer  goes  on  to  seriously  ex-jdain  that  Matthew  1-2  is  based  upon  a  sort  of  moral 
certificate  left  by  Joseph,  in  order  to  vindicate  Mary's  character!  Resch  (Das 
Kiiullieits-Evlgin..  1897)  similarly  l)uilds  uijon  family  ])aj)ers,  from  which  excerpts 
were  made  by  the  evangelists.  On  the  function  of  the  historical  conscience  in 
dealing  with  these  narratives,  cp.  Gardner,  Ivxplnr.  Kvangdica,  pp.  234-254, 
Reville,  i.  pp.  374-384,  and  also  Mr.  Jas.  Thomas'  Our  Records  of  tlie  Nativiti/  and 
Modern  Historical  Research  (1900),  where  some  of  the  discrepancies  and  nn- 
historical  elements  in  Mt  1-2,  Lk  1-3,  are  discussed  with  unprejudiced  ability. 


APPENDIX  653 

(c)  Jewish    Christian    narratives     originating     in     the    Palestinian 

communities,  including — 

the  birth  narratives/  chaps.  1-2.  (On  the  family  registers 
preserved  for  religious  reasons,  cp.  Schiirer,  HJP,  ii.  i.  210- 
212,  iii.  14,  with  McGiffert's  note  in  his  translation  of 
Eusebius,  apud  HE,  i.  7  ;  also  Eeville,  i.  pp.  301-408). 

(d)  A  collection  of  parables  (i.e.  those  peculiar  to  Luke). 

(e)  A  special  source  (Aramaic  original  ?)  excerpted  in  9^^-18'*. 
(/)  Certain  Aramaic  sources  (?) 

(g)  Matthew's  gospel  (?) 
These,  with  the  matter  contributed  by  (Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  397-424)  oral 
tradition  or  the  writer's  originality,  constitute  the  materials  of  the  gospel  as 
it  lies  before  us.  But  their  precise  form  and  original  colouring  cannot 
always  be  recognised,  since  the  author  of  the  gospel  has  treated  his 
sources  quite  freely,  without  any  attempt  at  slavish  reproduction  (K. 
Stockmeyer,  ZSchz  (1884),  pp.  117-149,  on  the  varied  sources  of  the  Lucan 
gospel). 

22i9b.2o^  ^^  {j^^p  ,  .  ,  .  eKxvvvofievov. — Most  complete  textual  and 
critical  discussion  in  Resch,  TU,  x.  3,  pp.  624-656.  The  textual  prob- 
lem resolves  itself  into  a  question  of  the  relative  originality  of  the 
primitive  abbreviated  Western  text  (D)  or  the  fuller  text  represented 
in  most  MSS.  The  former  is  decisively  and,  upon  the  whole,  rightly 
upheld  by  IVH  (ii.  pp.  63,  64,  "no  moral  doubt  that  the  words  in 
question  were  absent  from  the  original  text  of  Luke  "),  although  textual 
evidence  to  the  contrary  is  very  formidable.  The  scale  is  turned  l)y  con- 
siderations of  internal  probability,  however,  which  seem  to  weigh  rather 
in  favour  of  the  omission.  At  least  the  difficulties  upon  that  theory 
are  not  greater  than  those  offered  by  the  ordinary  text.  To  contract 
an  existing  text  was  not  so  obvious  a  practice  as  that  of  expanding  one 
which  appeared,  in  comparison  with  other  narratives,  to  be  disordered  and 
incomplete.  (It  is  noticeable  that  Luke's  order  of  the  temptations  (4*"^-) 
also  varies  from  that  of  Matthew.)  The  question  is,  whether  is  it  more 
likely  that  an  early  account  of  the  supper  (transposing  as  in  Did  11,  the 
order  of  the  bread  and  the  cup)  was  expanded  and  altered  (by  the 
addition  of  vers.  19''-20)-  in  order  to  bring  it  into  line  with  the  Pauline 
tradition  (1  Co  II-'**),  or  that  an  originally  ampler  statement  was 
contracted,  owing  to  the  difficulty  felt  in  a  double  mention  of  the 
cup  which  contradicted  NT  tradition  and  liturgical  practice  alike  ?  It 
is  a  nice  point  of  criticism,  and  opinion  is  divided.  Dr.  P.  Gardner 
(Origin  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  1894),  who  attributes  the  supper  to  Paul's 
initiative,  moulded  by  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  follows  JVH ; 
similarly  Brandt,  Schiirer,  Grafe,  Wendt  (LJ,  i.  p.  172 f.),  Haupt  (Uehcr 
d.  urspriingliche  Form  u.  Bedeutung  d.  Ahendmahlsworte,  p.  5  f.),  J.  Weiss 

1  The  pedigree-source  used  by  Luke  is  on  tlie  wliole  more  trustworthy,  though 
less  original,  than  that  of  Matthew ;  but  both  are  discrepant,  mnemonically 
arranged,  compiled  with  considerable  freedom,  and  due  to  the  characteristic  feeling 
of  the  Palestinian  Jewish  Christians  that  the  Davidic  descent  of  Jesus  was  essential 
to  his  legitimacy  as  Messiah — a  notion,  of  course,  foreign  to  the  primitive  tradition. 

2  This  derivation  would  be  all  the  more  natural,  since  Luke's  gospel  was  in  some 
circles  taken  as  the  gospel  of  Paul.  Blass  (SK,  1896,  p.  733  f.  ;  PG,  pp.  179-182)  goes 
even  further,  and  omits  ver.  IQ''  as  well.  Vers.  19''-20  were  added  from  Paul  by  a  scribe 
to  give  apparent  completeness  to  Luke's  record,  while  (as  he  conjectures)  ver.  19'' was 
put  in  from  Mark  by  a  still  later  hand.  This  removes  the  institution  of  the  supper 
altogether,  but  it  rests  upon  the  very  dubious  hypothesis  that  Luke  deliberately 
omitted  the  incident  because  it  was  already  familiar  to  his  readers. 


654  APPENDIX 

(-Meyer,8  ad  loc),  Sanday  (DB,  ii.  p.  836),  Bartlet  (AA,  pp.  324,  325), 
Plummer  {DB,  iii.  p.  146),  and  Zahn  (Einl.  ii.  p.  357  f.,  reading— after 
b,  e,— 16,  19%  17,  18,  21) ;  cp.  Nestle,  Einf.  p.  229.  In  any  case,  as 
Sanday  points  out,  "both  these  types  of  texts  existed  early  in  the 
second  century."  Upon  the  other  hand,  the  passage  is  retained  by  the 
majority  of  editors,  followed  by  Schmiedel  (HC,  ii.  pp.  163-164),  Jiilicher 
(ThA,  p.  235 f.),  Spitta  {Urc.  i.  p.  295 f.),  and  many  others  ;  see  particu- 
larly Holtzmann  (HC,  i.  pp.  279,  280)  and  Bruce  (ExGT,  i.  ad  loc). 
The  latter  discusses  the  point  (JFith  Open  Face,  p.  271)  without  finding 
any  evidence  for  a  certain  conclusion.^ 

22*3. 44_ — YoT  the  textual  evidence,  cp.  JVH (ii.  pp  .64-67),  who  -  bracket 
the  passage  as  an  early  addition,  made  by  a  scrilje  of  the  second  century, 
from  some  traditional  source  (vide  Kesch,  TU,  x.  3,  pp.  690,  691).  Dogmatic 
reasons  would  exj^lain  alike  the  omission,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  the 
insertion  of  the  passage.  Keim,  e.g.,  retains  the  verses  (vi.  17  n.)  as  the 
result  of  Luke's  dependence  upon  a  "  confused  Ebionitic  source  "  which 
led  him  to  exaggerate  and  intensify  the  human  conflict  of  Jesus ;  but 
they  are  struck  out  for  very  similar  reasons  by  other  scholars  (cp.  Car- 
penter, First  Three  Gospels,  pp.  71,  352).  Prof.  Bruce,  again,  omits  them  as 
"  out  of  harmony  with  the  subdued  nature  of  Luke's  narrative  in  general " 
(ExGT,  i.  pp.  629,  630) ;  and  they  are  deleted  by  J.  Weiss  as  a  product 
of  the  same  legendary  nature  as  Jn  5*.  The  passage  may  have  come  from 
some  line  of  oral  or  written  tradition,  or  may  be  simply  the  invention  of 
a  later  editor.  It  is  at  any  rate  non-Lucan.  Dr.  G.  L.  Gary  (IH,  i.  p.  301) 
hesitates  to  pronounce  ver.  44  unauthentic,  though  he  accepts  ver.  43 
as  apparently  a  legendary  accretion.  But  authenticity  or  non-authenticity 
is  not  the  point,  and  the  MS  evidence  for  both  verses  is  uniform. 

23^*%  6  Se  'iTjaovs  .  .  ttoioiktiv. — Like  vers.  43,  44,  probably  a  non- 
Lucan  fragment  of  genuine  ^  tradition  which  vindicates  itself  upon  in- 
ternal evidence,  as  does  the  fragment  Jn  7^^-8'i,  although  for  textual 
reasons  (cp.  JVH,  ii.  pp.  67,  68  ;  Resch,  TU,  x.  3,  pp.  721-723)  it  is  to  be 
regai'ded  as  having  l)een  added  from  an  early  and  extraneous  source  to  the 
original  text  of  the  gospel.  Still,  it  is  quite  possible  that  later  ages  may 
have  found  a  stumlding-block  in  such  gentleness  shown  to  the  enormous 
sin  of  the  crucifixion,  and  that  this  feeling  of  reprobation  may  have  caused 
its  omission  from  some  MSS  (x^BD°')  and  versions  (Boh.  Sah.  Syr-Sin). 
Hence  some  editors  hesitate  to  expunge  it  (e.g.  J.  Weiss,  Bruce,  and 
Dr.  Gary).  Blass  (PG,  pp.  92-94)  supposes  that  it  was  felt  by  some 
to  be  in  contradiction  to  ver.  28,  which  clearly  implied  punishment  for 
the  sin  ;  it  certainly  would  not  be  a  natural  expression  of  the  mood  in 
which  the  majority  of  the  early  Christians  viewed  their  Master's  murder 
and  his  murderers. 

1  Attempts  to  solve  the  difficulties  of  the  extant  text  by  omission  and  transposi- 
tion in  Cod.  Copt,  (omitting  vers.  16-18),  Pesli.  (omitting  vers.  17,  18),  and  in 

Syr-Cur,  16,  19"  ["],  17,  18         \  „,    „„  . 

Syr-Sin,  16,  19,  20%  17,  '20^  18 j  ^^'  ^^'• 
The  point  is  constantly  discussed  in  the  recent  investigations  upon  the  nature  of  the 
Lord's   supper.      Blair  {Apostolic  Gospel,  p.  321  f.)  conjectures  that  between  vers. 
18  and  19  a  passage  like  '[2*'->'>'>  has  been  omitted  to  avoid  repetition. 

2  So  Nestle,  Einf.  pp.  229-230.  Conybeare  (DJi,  i.  pp.  153,  154)  regards  it  as 
certain  that  the  Armenians  possessed  an  early  version  of  the  NT  containing  the 
passage.     Syr-Sin  omit. 

3  Others  find  less  basis  for  the  passage,  however  ;  e.g.  Carpenter  (First  Three 
Gospels,  pp.  71,  352,  "The  early  utterance  of  the  Church,  in  the  Master's  Spirit"), 
Keim  (vi.  pp.  155-156),  and  Martineau  (Seat  of  Authority,  pp.  645,  646). 


APPENDIX  655 

24^2_ — gee  note  on  Mt  28  ^-  ^''.  Probably  an  interpolation,  founded 
on  and  condensed  from  Jn  20  ^'^*'.  It  breaks  the  flow  of  the  narrative, 
explains  nothing,  and  is  textually  suspect  (ora.  D).  The  purpose 
of  the  insertion  is  to  partially  conform  the  stories  of  the  resurrection, 
and  to  assign  Peter  what  in  the  Johannine  tradition  belonged  to  "  the 
other  disciple."  ^  Blair  (Apostolic  Gos]}el,  pp.  385-387)  retains  the  verse, 
supposing  that  John  and  Luke  drew  upon  a  common  original,  although  the 
former  supplemented  it  from  oral  tradition, while  Blass(P(?,  pp.  188,  189) 
fears  that  ver.  24  must  go  also.  Chase,  who  passes  over  the  more  difficult 
question  of  the  authenticity  of  Mt  16i®,  admits  that  Lk  24^-  may  be 
a  sign  of  cross  -  currents  in  the  apostolic  tradition.  Its  "  linguistic 
similarity  to  John  is  curious,  and  cannot  be  accidental "  {DB,  iii.  p.  761), 

Acts. — [It  has  not  been  found  feasible  to  mark,  by  means  of  print, 
the  editorial  insertions  and  notes  which  occur  throughout  this  book. 
These  are  frequently  as  obvious  as  erratic  boulders,  and  in  many  less 
glaring  instances  can  be  separated  without  much  trouble  from  the 
written  sources  incorporated  in  the  narrative.  At  the  same  time,  to 
discuss  them  seriatim  would  swell  this  appendix  too  seriously.  I  have 
therefore  contented  myself  with  printing  the  we-journal  in  dark  type,  and 
some  other  sources  in  slightly  inset  type,  indicating  also,  by  means  of  single 
brackets,  one  or  twojminor  and  (as  it  seems)  fairly  certain  glosses  interpo- 
lated in  the  text,  such  as  8-"  {avTrj  ianv  epi]fj.os — Schmiedel,  ZSchz,  1898, 
p.  50,  and  Hilgenfeld),  9^1  (/cat  TaXtXaias — Blass),  lO^''  (dp^dnevos  dwo  r.  r. 
— Clemen,  Blass),  14^*  (xcoXos  €k  k.  fx. — Blass),  etc.  For  a  note  on  Blass's 
general  textual  theory,  cp.  above,  pp.  610-612.  Upon  the  whole,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  phenomenon  of  the  double  text  in  Acts  resembles  at  several 
points  that  in  Jeremiah.  There,  also,  the  twin  texts  (Massoretic  and  LXX) 
in  all  likelihood  represent,  as  Kuenen  suggested,  not  divergent  recensions, 
but  two  stages  in  the  history  of  what  was  really  one  and  the  same  recen- 
sion. The  passages  which  now  fall  to  be  noticed,  simply  contain  obvious 
additions,  made  by  the  editor  to  his  sources  ;  i.e.  the  context  as  a  rule 
preserves  sources  from  a  date  more  or  less  prior  to  the  date  of  these 
additions  or  of  the  whole  book's  composition.] 

The  use  of  earlier  literature  in  the  third  gospel  (Lk  l^-*)  makes 
it  a  highly  probable  conjecture  that  the  author  practised  a  similar 
method  in  the  composition  of  his  second  volume,  employing  not  merely 
oral  tradition  and  such  reminiscences  as  were  available,  but  also  written 
notes  and  older  narratives,  by  means  of  which  his  sketch  of  the  primitive 
church  was  largely  constructed. ^  This  hypothesis  is  amply  corroborated 
by  the  internal  evidence  of  the  book.  Particularly  in  1-16^  one  or  more 
primitive    documents    have  been    drawn    upon.      Jewish-Christian   in 

1  For  this  and  the  other  variations,  major  and  minor,  in  Lk  22-24,  see  Grate's 
articles  in  SK  (1896),  pp.  245-281,  especially  his  textual  materials,  and  his  exploita- 
tion [ibid.  1898,  p.  1.36  f.)  of  what  may  Vje  called  the  "  material"  hypothesis  to  solve 
the  well-known  textual  and  theological  problems  of  Lk  24  and  Ac  lis.  This 
hypothesis  (vide  Birt,  JJas  antike  Bucluuesen ;  and  Ruegg,  SK,  1896,  pp.  94-101) 
views  the  brevity  of  the  narrative  in  the  gospel  as  a  result  of  accident ;  the  writer 
had  come  to  the  end  of  his  manuscript.  He  supplemented  this  sketch  in  his  later 
volume,  or  else  added  some  further  details  (vide  the  interpolation  in  2451-53)  iu  the 
second  edition  of  his  gospel.  Zeller  bluntly  puts  the  discrepancies  down  to  the  char- 
acteristic indifference  of  the  author  to  contradictions. 

2  On  the  linguistic  phenomena  of  the  book  as  evidence  for  unity  of  authorship,  cp. 
Overbeck  -  Zeller,  ii.  pp.  184-212.  Recent  investigations,  however,  have  rather 
modified  this  line  of  argument,  as  well  as  the  attempt  (tftic?.)  to  minimise  the  internal 
inequalities  and  uneven  elements  in  the  book,  in  the  exclusive  interests  of  tendency. 
A  note  of  the  main  points  is  given  in  EBi,  i.  pp.  44,  45. 


656  APPENDIX 

character,  like  some  of  the  sources  of  tlie  third  gospel,  and  of  varj-ing 
trustworthiness,  they  have  been  revised  and  amplified  by  the  editor  of 
the  whole  volume,  until  the  latter  assumed  its  present  comparative  unity 
of  style  and  spirit.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  these  sources  include 
some  record  of  Peter's  acts  and  preaching,  a  Stephen-source,  a  Philip- 
source,  a  Barnabas-source,  and  so  on.^  In  fact,  the  distance  of  the  author 
from  the  period  makes  some  such  general  theory  imperative.  Otherwise, 
his  writing  becomes  a  free  composition,  founded  to  some  extent  upon 
oral  tradition  gained  either  at  second-hand  or  from  an  informant  upon  the 
spot  (21*^).  But  if  Acts  is  "no  mere  aggregate  of  unrevised  fragments," 
it  is  still  less  an  imaginative  picture,  uncontrolled  by  any  steady  reference 
to  historical  reality.  The  truth  is,  this  book  will  never  yield  its  secrets 
e.\:cept  to  those  who  combine  both  methods,  tendency-criticism  and 
source-analysis.  Here  it  is  with  the  latter  that  we  are  chiefly  concerned. 
But  although  the  legitimacy  of  this  method  is  now  a  postulate  of  criticism, 
the  extent,  date,  and  characteristics  of  the  literary  sources,  together  with 
the  precise  method  of  their  treatment  by  the  redactor  (or  redactors), 
remain,  in  some  measure,  insoluble — at  any  rate,  unsolved — problems. 
The  verbal  dissection  of  the  book  is  often  dominated  by  a  'priori  con- 
ceptions of  such  rigidity  that  it  passes  off  the  ground  of  criticism 
altogether,  and  occasionally  becomes  quite  an  otiose  problem.  Several 
lines  are  scarcely  worth  following  out,  and  others  have  little  in  their 
favour  beyond  ingenuity  and  a  certain  skill  in  literary  filigree  work. 
With  some  of  the  other  phases  the  trouble  is,  as  Aristotle  once  remarked 
of  the  Hellenic  dream-oracles,  that  it  is  hard  either  to  believe  or  to  despise 
them.  Yet,  extravagances  apart,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  structure  of 
Acts  contains  phenomena  which,  at  more  points  than  one,  practically 
justify  the  general  principles  of  this  source-criticism  ;  indeed,  at  the 
present  day,  the  legitimacy  of  these  is  denied  for  the  most  part  only 
by  amateurs  and  obscurantists.  It  is  absolutely  essential  for  many  reasons 
that  a  serious  and  frank  attention  ^  be  paid  to  these  structural  facts  and 
to  their  bearing  upon  the  historical  contents  of  the  volume. 

On  the  general  question  see  Overbeck-Zeller  (Overbeck,  i.  pp.  54-64 ; 
Zeller,  ii.  pp.  291-328),  Wendt  (-Meyer),  Einl.  §§  4,  5  ;  Holtzmann,  Einl. 
pp.  394-397  ;  HC,  i.  pp.  310,  311 ;  Ramsay,  SPT,  pp.  367-372 ;  Weizsacker, 
AA,  i.  pp.  24  f.,  208  f.,  236-248  ;  Jlilicher,  Einl.  pp.  268-271 ;  Peine,  Eine 
vorkanonische  Uberlieferung  (1891),  pp.  124-212;  Zockler,  Greifsvalder 
Studien  (1895),  p.  109f.;  McGiftert,  A  A,  pp.  82  f.,  214;  Blass,  Acta  Apost. 
prolegomena,  §  5  ;  Hilgenfeld's  invaluable  articles  in  ZtuTh  (1895-1896), 
together  with  his  recent  edition  of  Acts  ;  Clemen,  SK  (1895),  pp.  297-360, 
an  elaborate  survey ;  and  Heitmiiller,  TB  (1899,  Feb.-April).  Rose 
{Revue  Bihlique,  vii.  pp.  325-342)  lays  stress,  again,  upon  the  inherent 
unity  of  the  writing,  and  conservative  defences  of  the  historicity  are 
offered  by  K.  Schmidt,  Die  Apgeschichte  unter  dem  Hauptr/eschichtspunkte 
ihrer  Glaubwurdigkeit  (1882),  Belser  {TQ,  1895  and  1897),  and  Knowling 
{ExGT.  ii.  p.  22  f.).     The  dominant  motives  of  the  book  are  brilliantly 

1  Blass  {l'(t,  pp.  141,  193 f.)  exploits  a  conjecture  of  Weiss's,  and  holds  that 
Luke's  source  for  the  early  part  of  Acts  was  an  Aramaic  history  of  the  primitive 
church,  written  by  Mark  as  a  continuation  to  his  gospel.     See  above,  p.  606. 

-  Shortly  before  his  death,  Professor  Bruce  once  remarked  tliat  English  criticism 
upon  Acts,  the  fourth  gosjjel,  and  the  epistle  of  James,  still  remained  iiractically 
stagnant.  He  predicted  that  these  three  books  would  make  a  storm-centre  during  the 
next  period  of  advance  in  NT  criticism.  One  would  be  Btrongly  inclined  to  substitute 
for  James,  however,  the  pastoral  epistles. 


APPENDIX  657 

analysed  by  J.  Weiss  in  a  recent  essa}',  Uebev  die  Ahsicht  uiid  den  liter. 
Charakter  der  Apgeschichte  (1897). 

Among  most  scliools  and  shades  of  opinion,  chains.  1-5  at  least  are  held 
to  derive  from  more  or  less  primitive  notes  or  reminiscences  which 
have  been  recast  by  an  editor  writing  at  some  distance  from  the  events 
in  question,  and  viewing  them  from  the  standpoint  of  subsequent 
reflection.  His  dominant  interest  is  to  exhil)it  the  jsrogress  and 
popularitj^  of  the  early  Christian  community  within  the  stronghold  of 
Judaism.  Hence,  it  is  argued,  these  records  as  they  now  survive  are 
like  the  narrative  of  the  origins  in  Genesis,  more  valuable  occasionally 
for  their  religious  and  ethical  significance  than  for  the  precise  historical 
facts  through  which  that  significance  is  mediated.  This  point  of  view 
often  fails  to  get  justice  done  to  it,  simply  because  there  is  a  widesi:)read 
tendency  to  forget  that  to  be  realistic,  circumstantial,  ethically  appro- 
priate, spiritually  bracing,  is  not  to  be  "  historical " — in  the  strict  and 
modern  sense  of  the  term.  These  early  narratives  in  Acts  both  tell  a 
story  and  point  a  moral.  It  need  not  be  hastily  assumed  that  either 
here  or  elsewhere  in  the  historical  part  of  the  NT  a  circumstantial 
and  straightforward  tone  is  absolutely  incompatible  with  any  ulterior 
motives  such  as  those  grouped  under  the  name  of  "  tendency."  There 
is  nothing  improbable  in  the  suggestion  that  tliese  tales  were  composed 
in  archaic  style  upon  some  kind  of  traditional  basis,  forty  or  fifty  years 
subsequent  to  the  period  of  which  they  treat ;  comjDosed,  too,  in  order 
to  satisfy  some  contemporary  need  in  Christian  thought  or  action. 
Such  primary  or  collateral  aims  in  the  mind  of  a  writer  do  not 
necessarily  conflict  with  the  telling  of  a  plain  tale,  any  more  than,  e.g., 
the  story  of  Ruth  loses  its  archaic  beauty  when  fixed  in  its  correct 
historical  setting  as  a  protest  against  the  post-exilic  crusade  for  the 
suppression  of  foreign  mai-riages  in  the  community.  In  the  same  way, 
while  it  is  correct  to  emphasise  the  indifl'erence  of  the  synoptic  gospels 
(for  example)  to  dogmatic  and  theological  conceptions,  and  to  fincl  in 
this  rudimentary  amount  of  doctrinal  interest  a  guarantee  for  their 
worth  as  biographies,  the  inference  must  not  be  carried  too  far.  Even 
under  the  form  of  nari'ative  or  dialogue,  elements  could  exist  which 
lacked  absolute  historicity  and  bore  rather  upon  interpretation,  so  that 
one  may  justly  apply  to  Acts  a  judgment  lilce  that  passed  by  Ewald  upon 
Hebrew  tradition — very  moderate  and  sober  as  compared  with  that  of 
Indian  or  Egyptian  religion,  and  destitute,  upon  the  whole,  of  fantasy 
and  of  frivolity,  yet  preserved  in  a  literary  record  where  "  not  a  few 
of  the  sublimest  thoughts  were  transformed  into  stories  of  a  lofty  kind, 
through  the  endeavour  to  retain  these  thoughts  by  giving  them  a  lively 
historical  form."  ^ 

Without  attempting  to  verbally  analyse  the  text,  several  critics  have 
detected  in  tliese  earlier  chapters  a  Petrine  source,  either  a  history  of 
Peter  (Sorof)  or  a  fcr/pwy/xa  IleVpou,  or,  as  is  most  probable,  tv payees 
Uerpov  (so  Hilgenfeld,  Hausrath,  van  Manen,  and  Holtzmann).  Holsten 
(Die  3  urspriing.  Evgln,  1883,  pp.  20  f.,  32  f.)  inclines  rather  to  a  Jewish- 
Christian  source  underlying  the  speeches-  of  the  earlier  half  of  Acts; 

1  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel  (Eng.  tr.),  i.  jip.  13-45.  See  also  his  admirable 
statement  upon  the  creative  function  of  memory  and  imagination  as  factors  of  all 
tradition,  and  upon  the  auxiliary  conditions  for  its  growth  in  a  community  or 
nation. 

-  If  these  speeches  are  not  abridged  and  revised  reports  of  material  taken  from 
sources  which  go  back  to  the  vicinity  of  the  period  in  qxiestion,  it  is  impossible,  in 

42 


6  58  APPENDIX 

and  Weiss,  like  Feine,  similarly  defends  the  Jewish-Christian  origin  of 
the  source  from  which  the  early  chapters  are  drawn  {INT.  ii.  §  50).  The 
source  used  in  chajas.  1-12  has  been  traced  {e.g.  by  Schiirfe,  Die 
petrinische  Strdmung  in  der  NT  Literatur,  1893,  pp.  53  f.,  113  f.  ;  and  also 
Blass)  to  Mark,  but  WeizsJicker,  on  the  other  hand,  rejects  all  attempts 
at  indicating  a  source  {AA,  i.  p.  24  f.),  preferring  to  regard  the  whole 
narrative  as  a  series  of  free  sketches.  McGitFert  deals  more  courageously 
with  the  text,  and  assigns,  like  Weiss,  considerable  importance  to  the 
author's  editorial  work  upon  his  sources,  as  well  as  to  the  definite 
contents  of  the  letter  ;  at  the  same  time  he  rightly  refuses  to  allow  that 
Acts  is  anything  like  a  mere  collection  of  documents.  Some  such 
position,  indeed,  is  axiomatic  for  all  who  believe  that  the  author  of  Acts 
had  previously  composed  the  third  gospel.  There  we  have  an  example 
of  the  writer's  literary  method,  in  the  free  fashion  in  which  he  has  used 
the  gospel  of  Mark  and  the  Matthaean  Logia.  Evidently  he  was  no  mere 
compiler,  Ijut  an  author  who  worked  up  his  sources  with  comparative 
ease  upon  fresh  and  independent  lines,  writing  with  a  dominant  aim  of 
his  own  to  which  his  written  sources  and  traditions  were  for  the  most  jiart 
made  entirely  subservient. 

The  detailed  analysis  of  chaps.  1-5  proceeds  upon  much  the  same 
lines  as  that  of  the  major  portion  of  the  book  ;  Clemen,  van  Manen,  and 
Spitta  find  in  it  their  sources  practically  as  in  the  later  narratives  (see 

the  nature  of  the  case,  that  they  can  be  much  else  than  a  loose  and  free  abstract  of 
what  the  author — from  his  historical  sense  and  the  materials  of  tradition  at  his 
command — conceived  might  have  been  appropriately  spoken  in  these  situations  by 
these  characters.  It  is,  of  course,  quite  an  improper  dilemma  to  insist  on  regarding 
them  as  either  "clearly  authentic"  or  "mere  unsubstantial  rhetorical  exercises." 
Some  parts,  e.g.  (as  even  Schmiedel  admits)  the  Christology  of  the  Petrine  speeches, 
shine  out  as  undeniably  primitive  amid  traditions  of  quite  a  different  kind.  As  a 
whole,  the  speeches  in  Acts,  like  those  in  ancient  historians  (Gardner,  Exploratio 
Evangelica,  p.  160  f.),  represent  a  conventional  and  recognised  way  of  expressing 
the  state  of  matters  at  the  moment  in  question,  vividly  and  dramatically.  They 
form  one  of  the  methods  by  which  it  was  considered  proper  to  write  history. 
Accordingly,  in  one  important  aspect,  these  speeches  in  Acts  constitute  a  running 
comment  upon  the  story,  written  from  the  standpoint  of  the  author  and  intended 
to  convey  his  judgment  of  the  particular  situation  ;  they  also  bring  out,  by  a 
recognised  literary  habit,  the  character  of  the  hero  in  question  in  a  nioi'e  graphic 
fashion  than  any  mere  chronicle.  The  classical  passage  for  this  familiar  practice 
among  ancient  historians  is  Thuc.  I.  22.  1-3.  There  the  writer  frankly  ac- 
knowledges the  difficulty  of  recording  witli  absolute  precision  {ty.v  dxpi'^nav  a.CTr,ii 
tUv  X£;t;9t\™»)  the  various  speeches  made  eitlier  before  or  in  the  course  of  the 
Peleponnesian  war.  "  I  make  people  s])eak,"  he  continues,  "just  as  each  of  them 
would,  in  my  opinion,  have  spoken  most  opportunely  in  view  of  the  particular  situation, 
adhering  as  closely  as  possible  to  tlie  general  sense  of  what  was  really  said  {lxou,if^ 

on   iyyura-za   rv.t   tv/X7xi!-^(  ytuum  r^n   otAtifliif   >.fx<^i>rm).      As   tO   the  acts  and   eveuts    in 

the  war,  I  did  not  consider  myself  free  to  write  upon  the  information  of  any 
chance  comer  or  from  jiersonal  conjec'ture.  My  record  is  of  matters  with  which  I 
had  personally  to  do,  or  of  those  which  I  elicited  from  other  people  by  the  strictest 
scrutiny  with  regard  to  details  (oVov  huvariy  dxpi^ua  T\p\  ixa.(rTov  imiaBm).  This 
work  of  research,"  he  proceeds,  "  proved  a  matter  of  some  difficulty,  as  people 
were  in  the  habit  of  giving  conflicting  accounts  of  the  same  event,  variations  which 
were  due  either  to  individual  prejudice  or  to  differences  in  memory  [ut  ixaripuv 
Ti(  luvoixe  ri  y.ty,fj.r,(  EX")-"  Considerations  of  historiography  like  these  apply  to  the 
composition  of  Acts,  and  in  some  degree  to  that  of  the  gospels.  It  is  a  question  for 
editors  and  critics  of  these  documents  to  determine  how  far  they  come  up  to  the 
high  standard  of  the  Greek  historian,  and  how  far  their  aim  and  materials  put  them 
into  a  somewhat  different  class  of  literary  workmanship.  The  point  is,  that  a 
chronicle  of  deeds  and  a  report  of  speeches  were  the  two  complementary  channels  for 
conveying  the  full  impression  of  a  lite  in  ancient  literature.  Both  were  needed  to 
make  a  biography  telling  and  adequate.     See  Luciau,  Hist.  Conscrib.  58. 


APPENDIX 


659 


below,  pp.  660  f.).     The  results  of  the  two  former  critics  may  be  tabulated 
thus : — 


Ch. 

Clemen. 

HPe 

Ej 

Ra 

VAN  MaNEN. 

Original 

Memoirs 

Memoirs 

Christian 

of 

of 

Final 

Preaching. 

Paul. 
HPA 

Peter. 
HPE 

Editor, 

i_ 

6-26     (exc.     y-«:, 

1-14 

(6) 

.  .  .  7-,;,  8) 

15-26 

ii. 

1-2,  3^-4 

3^  5-11 

1-13* 

14-36 

22-32,  36  (exc. 

12-21,    33-35    36 

r».  y..  .0.) 

(..  y..  r.),  37-39 

(exc.      zai       ^iiiriv 

41-43,  47'' 

39  (y..  ..  -^,aiO 

40 

First     church 

iii. 

hist.  44-47'' 

1-10 

11-26 

1-21 

22-24 

25-26     (exc. 

26  (.f.-ro.) 

rr/si-V. ) 

iv. 

1,3 
5-31 

Second  church 
hist.  32,  34  f. 

4 

2 

36  f. 

36-37 
36  f. 

5-31 

V. 

12  f. 
15-35 

38-42 

14 

1-11 
3  6f. 

1-12%  15, 
16,  17- 
24 

15-42 

While  chaps.  1-5  stand  thus  apart  on  an  inferior  level  of  historicity,^ 
less  certainly  historical  or  rather  certainly-  less  historical,  tlie  remainder 
of  the  book  (6-28)  rests  upon  sources  more  or  less  definitely  visible. 
Criticism  of  these  sources,  broadly  viewed,  tends  to  lay  stress  either  upon 
the  characteristics  of  the  sources  themselves  before  these  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  final  editor,  or  upon  the  intention  and  activity  of  that 
editor.  The  alleged  obscurity,  discrepancies,  repetitions,  and  omissions 
of  the  book  are  thus  due  either  (a)  to  conflicting  and  independent 
sources  which  have  been  left  side  by  side,  or  (6)  to  the  editorial 
supervision  which  has  introduced  them  for  some  deliberate  purpose.  In 
the  latter  event,  one's  estimate  of  the  author  becomes  considerably 
lessened.  A  tendency  to  adopt  the  former  position  (a)  is  more 
prevalent  in  modern  i-esearch  upon  the  Acts.     Spitta's  theory  -  is  a  fair 

1  It  is  substantially  true,  thougli  the  statement  needs  some  qualification,  to  say 
with  Harnack  tliat  "the  narrative  of  the  first  five  chapters  is  of  a  pictorial, 
panegyrical,  and  vague  description;  in  the  section  chap.  vi.  llf.,  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  concrete  and  precise  "  (Exp.^  v.  p.  324  n). 

"  Die  Apgeschichte,  ihre  Quellen  unci    deren  geschichtlicher    Wert   (1891).      Cp. 
Menzies,  CR  (1892),  pp.  168-174. 


660 


APPENDIX 


representative  of  it,  and  as  it  has  tlie  merit  of  being  comparatively- 
simple,  I  add  here  his  analysis  of  the  whole  book  along  with  one  or  two 
others — although  no  scheme  of  details,  apart  from  the  reqi;isite  explana- 
tions, can  really  do  justice  to  any  such  hypothesis.  The  main  construct- 
ive feature  of  Spitta's  analysis  consists  in  the  comparatively  limited 
and  unimportant  function  which  he  assigns  to  the  redactor.  Hence, 
beside  his  theory  I  print  those  of  Jiingst  and  Hilgenfeld,  and  also  an 


(A) 

(B) 

Lk  2450-53,  ascension  of  Jesus 

[1-3] 

15-17*.  20-26*,  election 

i. 

4-14,  ascension  of  Jesus  ;  18, 

1-11* 

of  Matthias 

19,  death  of  Judas 

la  (.  .  .  ^vf^^xv.p.),  4,  12.  13, 

ii. 

lb-3,  5*-6,  9-11 

Ob* 

14-40,  Peter's  speech 

41-52,  45-47 

43 

whole 

iii.* 

1,  3-5,  7-33* 

iv. 

36-37 

12''-14 

V. 

l-12a  (Ananias  and  Sapphiva), 
15-39* 

1-6    (the     Seven),     9-12^' 

vi. 

7-8,  12b-15 

T' 

(.    .    .    ypa.ij.ij..) 

2-54,  57,    58a    (.  .  .  ix.Oo?.), 

vii. 

1,  55,  56,  58^-60 

Stephen's  speech  and  deatli 

lb,  2 

viii. 

la    (.  .  .  «i«D),     3,      5 -40a 

(Philip-section) 
1-3*,  6-31,  conversion  of  Paul ; 

ix. 

2*,  18* 

32-43  (Peter) 

X. 

1-35,  44-48 

19-21.    church    of    Autiocli  ; 

xi. 

1-18,  22*-26 

23* 

27-30* 

25 

xii. 

1-24,  death  of  James,  etc. 

1-5,   13*-41,    Paul's    speech; 

xiii. 

6-12,  42,  44* -49,  52 

2* 

43,  50,  51 

1-2,  4-6,  7*,  21-26,  28 

xiv. 

3,  8-20 

35-41 

XV. 

[1-33,  the  Council] 

5-12* 

1-19  (22-23*)  (35*),  37-40* 

xvi. 

20,  21*  (22,  23*),  24-34  (36*) 

1-4  (5*),   10-34  (Beroea  and 

xvii. 

(5*),  6-9 

Athens) 

l-5a(.  .  .  n«Dx»f),  7-24*  (25), 

xviii. 

26-28 

la(.  ..  -E^j^.v),  8-lOM.  . .  ^-o), 

xix. 

lb-7,    10'^*-20,   24-41  (riot  in 

21,  22 

Ephesus) 

wliok' 

XX. 

1* 

1  1-9,  12-14*,  15-20'-'(.  .  .   0eiv), 

xxi. 

10,  11*,  20b-26* 

27-40 

1-29* 

xxii. 

30* 

5* 

11-35 

xxiii. 

1-10* 

whole 

xxiv. 

whole 

XXV. 

IS* 

whole 

xxvi. 

whole 

xxvii. 

1-16,  30-31 

xxviii. 

17-23* 

*  llie  redactor's  presence  is  marked  by  an  a.steri.sk  (*),  and  he  is  responsible  for 
the  passages  omitted  in  the  above  list.  For  the  sake  of  clearness  the  references 
have  been  arranged  in  the  order  of  the  chapters,  but  more  than  once,  especially 
in  (B),  Spitta  transposes  whole  paragraphs,  e.g.  93-*i  is  transferred  to  a  place 
between  S^  and  8',  and  15^-*-  i^-as  occurs  between  122*  and  136. 


APPENDIX  6  61 

analysis  of  Clemen's/  which  is  an  extreme  but  ingeniously  contrived 
attempt  to  carry  the  criticism  of  the  sources  into  elaborate  detail, 
combining  in  some  degree  the  principle  of  divergent  sources  and  that  of 
editorial  initiative. 

Sj)itta's  hyj)othesis  -  involves  two  jjrimary  sources.  (A),  a  well- 
informed  source  which  underlies  the  third  gospel  also,  is  probably  from 
the  pen  of  Luke,  contains  the  most  trustworthy  passages  of  the  book, 
and  is  superior  in  historical  insight  to  (B).  The  latter,  like  (A),  contains 
"  suj)ernatural "  elements,  but  these  are  drawn  from  popular  traditions, 
and  appear  to  be  more  highly  coloured  and  less  coherent ;  the  stress 
falls  on  "  wonders  "  throughout,  whereas  in  (A)  the  preaching  of  the 
apostles  is  emphasised.  Both  sources,  independent  in  origin  and 
individually  featured,  have  been  combined,  arranged,  and  edited  by  a 
redactor  (R)  before  the  end  of  the  first  centur\',  though  (B)  was  com- 
posed by  a  Jewish-Christian  admirer  of  Peter  much  earlier — after  70  a.d. 

Jungst  {Die  Quellcn  der  Apostelgeschichte,  1895)^  confines  himself,  like 
several  of  the  more  sol:)er  critics,  to  a  bisection*  of  the  book.  (A),  in- 
cluding the  we-journal,  extends  through  the  whole  book,  the  latter  part 
of  which  has  been  interpolated  by  the  final  editor  (R),  who  is  not  Luke 
but  a  companion  of  Paul,  writing  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century. 
He  has  used  in  the  first  half  of  the  work  an  Ebionitic  source  (B)  already 
employed  in  the  gospel  of  Luke,  but  here  rearranged  to  suit  (A).  The 
final  redaction  is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  110-125  a.d.  (cp.  IS'*'-', 
19'*',  which  are  taken  to  imi:)ly  a  wide  diffusion  of  Christianity).  (R)  is 
differentiated  chiefly  by  his  style  and  his  conception  of  Paul's  w^ork  and 
teaching,  (B)  is  anti-Jewish,  and  (A)  possibly  Lucan.  This  theory  of 
Jungst  evidently  ax3proximates  in  part  to  Spitta's.  Upon  the  other  hand, 
Hilgenfeld  {loc.  cit.)  finds  three  sources  used  by  the  final  editor  (R)  : 
like  van  Manen,  he  assigns  the  chief  importance  to  {C)  =  Trpd^€is  UavXav, 
an  account  of  Paul's  work  and  person  by  Luke,  to  which  the  final  re- 
dactor, a  Pauline  unionist,  subordinated  his  other  source  (B)  =  7rpa^et? 
T(av  eTTTu,  and  especially  (A)  =  (Jewish-Christian)  npa^eis  TJeTpov,  adding 
passages  of  his  own  : 

(A)  =  115-5*2  931*3  12123  [-p,    mainly  in  lii*  239'^- "i"^- "3.  45  313b.  21b.  25b 

42b.  4.  I-Ji.  27-28.  33b-35  5I4-I6.  SC] 

(B)  =  6-8*". 

(0  =  91-30  1117  29  (see  p.  663). 

Schwanbeck's  analysis  is  self-explanatory  (Ueber  die  Quellen  der 
Schriften  des  Lie.  i.  1847);  as  is  Sorof's  {Die  Entstelmng  der  A'pg.  1890), 
which  includes  in  its  Lucan  source,  li-  2  2*^  433-37_      [Continued  on  page  664. 

1  Ohron.  pp.  97-162  ;  and  in  .9^(1895),  p.  296  f.  With  his  statement  (Chron.  §  5) 
upon  the  unhistorical  elements  in  the  book,  compare  the  discussion  in  Zeller-Over- 
beck's  edition,  which  still  possesses  educative  value  for  the  student  of  this  question  ; 
also  the  paragraphs  in  Martineau's  Seat  of  Authority,  pp.  248-257,  283-285. 

2  Partially  modified  by  J.Weiss  {SK,  1893,  p.  480  f.;  Die  Absicht,  especially 
p.  38  f.),  who  finds  only  (B)  in  chaps.  1-5,  only  (A)  in  the  second  half  of  the  book, 
and  in  the  middle  chapters  a  blending  of  material  from  (A)  and  (B).  Cj).  the 
notices  by  Cone  (New  World,  March  1896),  von  Soden  [ThLz,  1892,  639  f.),  and 
Wrede  [GGA,  1895,  p.  497  f.),  of  Spitta's  volume. 

3  Cp.  Wrede  [LC,  1896,  pp.  369,  370). 

*  Feine's  bisection,  e.g.,  includes  an  original  Jerusalem  source  (composed  before 
70  A.D.)  extending  up  to  Ac  12,  and  already  used  in  the  gospel.  Paul's  journeys, 
etc.,  are  due  to  other  sources  and  to  a  redactor  (R).      The  Jerusalem-source  includes 

^4.  5.  8*.  9-12.  13-17.  20-3G  21-4a.  12.  13.  14*-42  (43-47)  31-8a.  11-26  44.  7b-]4.  18  (21).  22  (£3).  24-31.  33.  36.  37  51-11. 
12-16*.  24-35.  37-42  6(8).  9-11.  15  722-28.  35-43.  51-56.  59.  60  81b-2.  4-9.  11-13  931-43  101-27.  29b-:;3.  36-42a.  44-48 
112-17. 19-33  121-21*, 


662 


APPENDIX 


(A  history  of 

the  Hellenist 

Jews.) 


A  history  of 
Peter :  an  old 
Jewish-Chris- 
tian source. 


7,  60 

,4-13,18-24' 
26-40 


A  history  of 
Paul,  induci- 
ng an  Itinerar- 
ium  Pauli. 


l_24abc,  26 
32,  33,  38,  £ 
43,  49,  52 

I,  3,  ."i^d,  G,  7 
21-22»,  24-28 

3.'5-40 
7-2:> 
35-40 

la,  4,   51«1,   6- 
10» 

II,  12,   14-16, 
iVb,  18,  34 

1-3,  5a,  7-11 
18'S  22i^S  23 


8i«-10 
lbc<l_iG 


1,9 

22-27 

1-23 


l-20ac<l 

22-32 
1-20 
27-44 
1-15 
30-31 


A  neutral 
Redactor. 


A  pro-Jewish 
Redactor, 
93-117  A.D. 


19-33 

12-17* 

Igacde,  19i 

20,  21,  2i 
24,  26b,  27 

la 


ir.-41 
M9a 
36-37 


An 
anti-Jewish 
Redactor. 


58t',  .--.ga 
la,  3,  14- 


1-35 

37a,  38-48 
15,  17,  18        16,  22-23 

24b,  25,  27-30 
1-25 

24d,  25,  27-31, 
34-37,   40-42, 
44-51 

2,  4,  5bc 
19,  20,  22b,  23 
1-4,  13-18,  5-12,  19, 

20-22  23-33,  41 

1-3,  6b  4-6a 


lb-3,     IQb 


4,  5b 

19C,    25,    26'', 
28 


iObc-26,  29 

39b,  40 
1-16,  19-21 


19b,    25 

38a 


15(T«VT«f. 

17-18 


APPENDIX 


663 


VAN  MAXEN. 

HlLQENFELD. 

HPE 

HPA 

Tr 

(A) 

(B) 

(C) 

Chap. 

llenioirs  of 
Peter. 

Memoirs  of 
Paul 

(written,  90- 

110  A.D.). 

A  Travel- 
journal, 
written  by 
Luke  (?),  used 
by  HPA. 

A  Jewish- 
Christian 
source, 

(on  which 

115_542  rests). 

A  Hellen- 
istic 

Jewish- 
Christian 

source, 

Tpu^ne 
UccvUv. 

vii. 

viii. 
ix. 

1-16*,  18-24, 
26-40 

1,  2  (except  oi 

3-5 

8-15 

51-60 
1-3 

15, 17,  20,  23- 
25,  27,  29-31 

[1-50,     Final 
editor] 

31-43 

-    basis 

58'' 

la,  3 

ix-xxviii 

ix. ,  exc.  12 

and  16 

X. 

32-42 
1-48 

1-48  (R) 

xi. 

xii. 
xiii. 

xiv. 

1-lS 
3-19 

19-26 
27-30 

revised 

2  (,3-text) 
1-23 

1-26  (R) 

24,  25  (R) 

25,  27,  31, 
38,  39,  42, 

45-47,50- 
51  (R) 
19  (R) 

XV. 

35-41 

[1-33,  Fin.  ed.] 

7-21  (R) 

XV  i. 
xvii. 

la 

6-40  revised 

revised 

10-12a 

3i'-5 

13,  16,  24- 
34  (R) 

17,  34  (R) 

xviii. 

4,56,6(R) 
1S(R) 

XX. 

1,  2,  6,  9,  12, 

15f.,18f. 
22—30,  41 
1-15  revised 

5(?),  6,  13-15 

1-7, 12-20 
(R) 

18-38 (R) 
4i>,  9  (R) 

xxi. 

1-1 

lb- 4a,  Ca 

20^-20  (R) 

xxii. 

7-9,  15f.,18- 
21,  27-40 

7,  9 
[?Fin.  ed.] 

30  (R) 

xxiii. 

.. 

1-10  (R) 
27^-29  (R) 

xxi  v. 

XXV. 

xxvi. 

17,  24  f. 
16,  18  f. 

■ 

17-21,     25 
[(R) 

^(or,  .  .   . 
r,f^c.pro.KU) 
13- end  (R) 
1-32  (R) 

xxvii. 

xxviii. 

1-44  revised 
1-16      „ 

1,  2,  4f.,  7f., 
12-20,  27-41 
1,  2a,  11-15 
[16-31,Fin.ed.] 

21-26  (R) 
17-29  (R) 

664  APPENDIX 

Van  Manen  {Paulus  i.,  de  handelingen  der  Afostelen,  1890),  detects  two 
leading  sources,  HPE  — Trep/oSot  or  Trpd^eis  IleVpov,  HPA  similarly  =  Paul. 
The  latter  (written  +100  a.d.)  is  superior  to,  and  formed  the  model 
for,  the  former  ;  when  it  came  into  the  final  editor's  hands,  it  had  been 
already  incorporated  with  a  travel-source,  the  l)asis  of  the  "  we-journal." 
This  editor,  van  Manen  conjectures,  was  at  work  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  (125-150  a.d.),  and  used  Josej^hus  as  well  as  the  Pauline 
epistles.  The  strength  of  this  theory  primarily  lies  in  the  unmistakable 
parallelism  drawn  between  Paul  and  Peter  ;  for  although  several  critics 
have  recently  denied  or  minimised  this  feature  of  Acts,  it  cannot  be 
safely  overlooked.  Cp.  the  classical  statement,  reproduced  partly  from 
Schneckenburger,  in  Zeller-Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  113-132. 

Clemen,  again,  starts  from  two  elements  in  the  life  of  Paul  as  that 
is  portrayed  in  Acts :  his  occasionally  hostile  attitude  to  Judaism  and 
the  Jews,  and  the  equally  marked  instances  of  a  more  friendly  relation- 
ship. These  he  regards  as  incompatible  within  the  limits  of  a  consistent 
personality.  Consequently  the  former  class  of  passages  is  to  be 
assigned  to  a  Redactor  (Ra)  of  anti-Jewish  tendencies  acquainted  with 
Paul's  letters  and  with  Josephus  :  the  latter  class,  in  which  Paul  appears 
in  a  more  favourable  and  conciliatory  position  towards  his  old  religion, 
were  already  in  existence  when  the  book  came  into  the  hands  of  the  above- 
named  universalist  editor  (Ra),  being  due  to  a  previous  redactor  (Rj)  of 
pro-Judaistic  tendencies.  Another  and  an  earlier  redactor,  whose 
tendency  cannot  be  exactly  determined,  is  also  to  be  traced  as  having 
revised  and  enlarged  the  sources.  The  primitive  nucleus  of  the  work 
was  composed  of  three  early  narratives :  a  history  of  the  Hellenists,  a 
history  of  Peter,  and  a  history  of  Paul  (written  in  Rome).  These  latter  all 
date  from  an  early  period  in  the  apostolic  age.  The  date  of  the  various 
recensions,  however,  cannot  be  determined  with  precision  ;  but  they  fall 
into  the  second  century,  as  Rj  knew  Josephus'  Antiquities  (93-94  a.d.), 
possibly  towards  150  A.D.  Of  his  earliest  source  (HH)  Clemen  remarks,  it 
is  "  thoroughly  trustworthy."     The  genealogical  plan  of  the  book  is  thus  : 

HH  HPA 

I 
HPE 


I 
R 

Ra 

(The  passages  with  an  asterisk  on  p.  (502  represent  paragrajihs  whicli  have 
been  recast :  vi.^"  was  added  by  (R)  from  a  separate  and  unknown  source). 
The  discussion  of  these  analyses  has  anticipated  but  not  exhausted  the 
problem  of  the  cirriiiii>tant  i;ir;ni<l  isdated  "  we-sections,"  IG'"'^^  205-i« 
211-18  27'-28i".  Thi-i'  [la  sa-cs,  iiiarl-t<l  by  the  use  of  an  anonymous 
r^/xfif,  profess  to  lie  iiH-ninraiida  iVnin  llic  journal  of  an  eye-witness,  and 
they  raise  two  problems  in  regard  to  the  whole  book  and  its  sources : 
(a)  Were  they  composed  by  the  author  of  the  Acts  ;  and  if  so,  what  was 
his  name  and  date  ?     {h)  Can  the  .source  be  traced  elsewhere  in  Acts  1 

\Gontinued  on  page  666. 


APPENDIX 


665 


5  s; 


*   ?3      i,  ^-     A  „---  ?>    -r<  <=>  5.  '^'  '^  ^  .-'S  =5  c  -C  ^g  -S  « 


1  <»  J=        I     t-H  - 


3_o 


o 


•1UTodpin;is 
uijpsi.iii3-qsiAvaf  t; 
uio.ij  'suoqiounx 

A.i  pasfA.i.i 
puB  pajuam.Jiddns 

aioq.vv  aiix 


■(n-tS  isst 

-j'Gqo  ui  jCj'BpuaSoi 

^uqMauios 
'aoanos  auu:)aci  y 


2  '?  CO      J<  '^'^  '-' 


s  o  ~      a 


^ 

&« 

CO  S"o 

CO         o     - 


A'q  atoraaui  y) 


•Doanos  iBioadg 


(■J9g^  Suipnp 
-ui  's'cqt'uj'ua 
}0  Xnd^jSoiq  v) 


o      o      'n 


■aoanos  ttipads 


^    Suipn[oui  'iB'iSd 
}0  A'ndT!aSoiq  y) 


666  APPENDIX 

(a)  The  conjectures  vipon  the  authorship  of  the  "  we-sections "  range 
over  the  names  of  Paul's  companions,  but  the  two  which  are  really  probable  ^ 
are  those  of  Titus  (so  Krenkel,  Pmdus,  p.  214  f;  Jacobsen,  Die  Quellen 
Aprjeschichte,  p.  24;  O.  Holtzmann,  Zji'TA,  1889,  p.  409  ;  Seufert,  Zw;r/i, 
1885,  p.  367  f.),  and  Luke  (so  the  majority  of  critics).     If  the  latter  be 
the  author,  an  imj)ortant  question  rises  with  regard  to  the  relation  of 
the  source  to  the  whole  book.     Did  Luke  delicately  and  intentionally 
mark,  by  the  use  of  17/xeiy,  his  companionship  and  association  with  Paul, 
introducing  fragments  of  his  own  journal  in  the  larger  history  (so  e.g. 
Ramsay  {SFT)  and  Zahn)  ?     Or  did  Luke  merely  write  the  journal,  and  is 
the  composition  of  the  whole  book  to  be  referred  to  another  hand  1     These 
alternatives  are  variously  answered.     On  the  one  hand,  the  evidence  from 
style  is  adduced  to  prove  that  the  "  we-sections  "  must  have  been  composed 
by  the  author  or  editor  of  Acts  as  a  whole.^      But  against  this  it  is  urged 
that  these  correspondences  are  perfectly  intelligible  if  we  suppose  that 
the  author  of  the  book  worked  over  his  materials  instead  of  merely  in- 
corporating them  in  the  exact  form  in  which  they  reached  him.     Again,  if 
it  be  granted  that  Luke  wrote  this  journal,  which  has  been  inserted  l)y  some 
later  and  unknown  writei-,  does  it  not  seriously  conflict  with  our  estimate 
of  the  latter's  literary  and  historical  skill  1     Surely,  it  is  asked  {e.g.  by 
Zeller-Overbeck,  Penan,  Weiss,  and  Ramsay),  to  leave  material  in  this 
abrupt  and  ragged  form,  is  characteristic  of  a  monkish  chronicler  rather 
than  of  a  painstaking  writer  of  history  ?     This  may  be  so,  but  a  statement 
like  this  really  begs  the  whole  question.     Was  the  author  of  Acts  a  "  pains- 
taking writer  of  history "  1     That  is  an  opinion  which  must  be  proved 
from  the  evidence  of  his  style  and  skill  as  these  lie  before  us.     It  is  unfair 
to  reject  a  theory  of  his  literary  method  simply  because  it  is  at  variance 
with  a  preconceived  and  exaggerated  idea  of  his  genius,  which  is  seriously 
in  conflict  with  the  evidence  of  the  third  gospel  and  Acts  alike.    Indeed,  the 
one  parallel  which  can  be  found  for  the  we-sections  rather  confirms  the 
hypothesis  that  they  may  quite  well  be  drawn  from  an  author  who  was  not 
the  author  of  the  larger  work.     In  Ezra  72^-8^^  9ii5,  Neh  li-7^  i2-'7-43 
13*"^i,  memoirs  exist,  composed  in  the  first  person,^  which  are  certainly 
earlier  than  the  final  compiler  of  the  whole  history.     He  has  used  these, 
often  left  the  first  person  unaltered  as  he  found  it,  but  as  often  continued 
his  tale  in  the  third  person  and  followed  other  sources.     As  the  history 
stands,  then,  it  is  a  proof  that  historical  composition  was  perfectly  com- 
patible with  an  exact  reproduction  as  well  as  a  free  adaptation  of  sources. 
This  argument  does  not  imply  that  Acts  is  no  better  authority  for  its 
period  than  Ezra-Nehemiah  for  the  post-exilic  age  ;  it  is  merely  a  warning 
against  a  priori  modern  conceptions  of  authorship,  which  readily  tend  to 

1  The  possibility  of  Timotheus  (cp.  Holtzmann's  biographies  of  this  figure  and  of 
Titus,  Pastoralbriefe,  pp.  65-83)  is  still  admitted  by  Weizsiicker  (^1^1,  i.  p.  242-244), 
while  Sorof  (Entstchunri  der  Ajifj.  1890)  attributes  to  him  not  merely  the  com- 
position of  the  journal  but  also  tlie  editing  of  tlie  whole  book  from  an  originally 
Lucan  writing.  Schniiedcl  ( A7i/,  i.  p.  44)  tliinks  Luke  the  most  likely  author  for  the 
we-sections,  but  properly  abandons  the  attempt  to  ascribe  them  to  any  of  Paul's 
companions  that  we  know. 

-  Cp.  interesting  linguistic  statements  by  Stanton,  JExp.'^  vii.  pp.  341-349 ;  K. 
Schmidt,  Die  Apostelgeschichte  (1882),  especially  pp.  11-91  ;  and  Hawkins,  llorae 
lSynoj)ticae,  pp.  149-154  ;  besides  Spitta,  Die  Ap;/rsr/,i, ■/,/,■.  pp.  235  f.,  257  f. 

3  Also  in  Tobit  P-S^.  If  the  we-sections  are  Nvrittcn  by  the  author  of  the  whole 
hook,  then  he  is  either  Luke  using  a  diary  to  indinitly  .slmw  his  companionship  with 
Paul,  or  a  later  author  who  wished  to  make  his  book  pass  for  the  vivid  rcjjort  of  an 
eye-witness  by  using  this  literary  device. 


APPENDIX  667 

become  misleading  in  the  criticism  of  an  early  document.  The  final 
editor  ^  of  Acts  may  have  deliberately  left  the  intercalated  we-passages  in 
their  original  shape,  in  order  to  make  it  clear  -  that  for  these  sections  he 
was  employing  the  memoirs  of  an  eye-witness.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
Luke  wrote  journal  and  history  alike,  his  work  may  be  compared  roughly 
to  the  history  of  Polybius,  the  author  being  dependent  upon  his  prede- 
cessors and  the  oral  tradition  for  the  earlier  part  of  tlie  record,  whereas  in 
the  later  part  his  own  observations  and  experiences  aiford  him  a  surer  basis. 
(b)  The  idea  that  the  we-sections  formed  part  of  a  larger  work,  that 
this  larger  work  was  used  by  the  author  of  Acts,  and  that  traces  of  this  use 
can  be  discovered  (even  in  chaps.  24-26),  has  been  frequently  and  forcibly 
advocated,  e.g.,  by  Spitta,  0.  Holtzmann,  Jiilicher,  and  Jtingst.  Clemen 
and  Hilgenfeld  ^  find  it  underlying  the  book  as  early  as  chap.  13,  while 
Wendt  (-Meyer  ^)  goes  even  further  back.  But  the  arguments,  it  must 
be  confessed,  are  precarious  (cp.,  on  the  other  side,  Weizsacker,  A  A,  i. 
p.  242  f.,  and  McGittert,  AA,  pp.  238,  239).-*  Certainly  if  the  author 
obliterated  all  traces  of  this  vivid  source  elsewhere,  his  retention  of  the 
"we"  in  the  under-noted  passages  does  not  seem  particularly  worthy  of 
a  good  historian  ;  indeed,  it  lacks  adequate  motive.  Why  did  he  not 
leave  the  graphic  pronoun  in  the  earlier  stories  1 
The  date  of  this  travel-journal — 

2gio-i7     =journey  from  Troas  to  Philippi, 
205-i'5      =       „  „     Philippi  to  Miletus, 

21118      =      „  „     Miletus  to  Jerusalem, 

27i-28iG=      „  „     Caesarea  to  Rome- 

is  even  less  certain  than  its  authorship.     No  data  exist  to  determine  even 

1  In  this  case,  the  author  of  Acts  cannot  be  the  author  of  the  third  gospel,  if  the 
latter  be  the  Luke  who  composed  the  journal.  Either  the  Lucan  authorship  of  both 
gospel  and  history  must  be  abandoned  (as  recently  by  McGiffert),  or  one  must  work 
along  the  lines  suggested  by  Sorof  and  Gercke  {Hermes,  1894,  p.  373  f.),  i.e.  tha. 
Acts  may  represent  the  later  edition  of  an  originally  Lucan  writing  which  included  the 
we-sections,  and  which  was  composed  by  the  author  of  the  third  gospel,  or  possibly 
that  Luke  is  connected  with  the  third  gospel  merely  as  Matthew — the  editor  of  the 
Logia — was  with  the  first.  Cp.  on  the  whole  question  of  the  we-sections,  Zeller- 
Overbeck,  i.  pp.  31-54,  and  for  a  proof  that  the  third  gospel  and  Acts  are  by  one 
author,  ibid.  ii.  pp.  213-254. 

2  The  retention  of  the  first  person  plural  need  not  have  been  due  either  to 
negligence  or  to  accident.  Certainly  it  was  not  the  resvilt  of  a  deliberate  desire  on 
the  part  of  the  author  to  represent  himself  as  an  eye-witness.  A  modern  book 
would  have  contained  at  the  foot  of  the  page  a  reference  to  the  journal  from  which 
the  extracts  were  taken.  But  an  ancient  author  had  no  mechanical  aids  of  this 
kind,  and  in  incorporating  an  ancient  source  he  might  well  leave  the  original  phrasing 
intact  for  the  sake  of  vividness,  a  procedure  which  is  only  awkward  when  it  is  tried 
by  modern  standards  of  compositiou.  To  the  readers  of  Acts  it  was  probably  quite 
intelligible.  They  understood  what  the  writer  meant  them  to  understand,  that  the 
'•  we  "  marked  a  diary  of  some  companion  of  Paul.  Possibly  they  knew  this  man  ; 
but  even  if  they  did  not,  there  is  little  to  be  surprised  at.  That  his  name  has 
not  been  jjreserved  is  due  to  the  fact  that  interest  naturally  centred  not  in  the 
author  but  in  the  subject  of  the  diary.  Its  omission  is  not  any  more  surprising  than 
the  familiar  case  of  anonymity  in  2  Co  S^^. 

3  So  J.  Weiss,  Ahsicht,  p.  30,  and  von  Soden,  EBi,  i.  pp.  813,  814. 

*  On  the  improbability  of  any  other  sources  for  Acts,  such  as  letters,  speeches,  or 
narratives,  the  best  statement  is  given  in  Overbeck-Zeller,  i.  pp.  55-64.  Overbeck's 
opinion  is,  that  the  source  from  which  the  we-sections  were  taken  originally  covered 
several  years  of  Paul's  life  (as  that  lay  between  the  limits  of  IG^"  and  28i6),  and  that 
"  in  all  probability  it  contained  a  very  thorough  description  of  Pauls  apostolic 
journeys  by  the  hand  of  an  associate,"  although  it  cannot  have  been  a  mere 
itinerary  (p.  44). 


668  APPENDIX 

its  relative  priority  to  the  otlier  NT  writings.  The  terminus  a  quo  is, 
of  course,  the  year  when  Paul  came  to  Troas  :  if  the  source  is  actually  a 
diary  written  contemporaneously  with  the  events  which  it  records,  it  is 
to  be  placed  between  54  and  62  a.d.  Piamsay  (CRE,  pp.  6-8 ;  SPT,  p. 
383  f.)  dates  it  62-64  a.d.,  and  plainly  it  cannot  be  much  earlier. 

243-47_ — ^g  (3^  4ic^  the  healing  of  the  lame  man  evidently  is  represented 
as  the  first  miracle  of  the  discij^les,  the  reference  in  2''^  is  an  anticipation. 
It  is  also  difficult,  in  view  of  the  later  narrative,  to  see  how  3000 
people  (ver.  41)  could  have  lived  as  vers.  44-%  46  imply  ;  while  vers.  44-47 
are  practically  parallel  to  A'^^-^^,  The  previous  story  ends  with  vers.  41,  42, 
and  is  resumed  with  3^  (note  the  verbal  connection,  rals  npoaevxais  •  •  •  r)]s 
irpoiTfvxris:),  whereas  the  intervening  paragraph  has  all  the  appearance  of  a 
general  summary  added  by  the  editor  as  he  revised  his  sources.  Feine 
refers  it  to  his  Jewish-Christian  source,  while  Wendt  (p.  100)  conjectures 
that  we  have  reproduced  here  the  source  which  underlies  A^'--^^  6^  ^  But 
it  is  simj^ler  to  refer  the  section  completely  (Weiss),  or  at  any  rate  in 
part  (Sorof,  ver.  46 ;  J.  Weiss,  vers.  43%  44 ;  Hilgenfeld,  vers.  41^,  43,  45), 
to  the  editor  himself,  who  regarded  the  community  of  goods  ^  and  the 
increase  of  the  church  as  mucli  more  extensive  than  the  soiirces  warrant 
us  in  believing.  Ramsay  {SP1\  pp.  365,  366)  again,  who  believes  chaps. 
1-5  are  based  on  two  different  and  informal  sources  which  have  been 
worked  over,  regards  the  summaries  2-'^-*'  A^'^-^'^  as  partly  proleptic- 
The  historicity  of  the  fact  underlying  this  "communistic"  phenomenon  is 
supported  by  the  consideration  that  such  a  practice  would  not  be  un- 
natural in  the  case  of  people  who  were  living  in  momentary  expectation 
of  an  eschatological  crisis.  The  treatment  of  it  by  a  later  writer  would, 
however,  be  dominated  by  the  pre-\'alent  conception,  both  within  and 
without  Judaism,  that  the  golden  or  ideal  state  of  matters  socially  rested 
upon  such  an  economic  division  of  property. 

44 — An  awkward  insertion,  which  breaks  the  continuity  of  the 
narrative  4^'^,  and  has  no  special  point  to  contribute  to  the  development 
of  the  situation.  Evidently  an  editor's  note,  like  6^,  on  the  lines  of  2''^-"'. 
So  Weiss  (ver.  4b),  Sorof,  Jiingst,  Clemen,  and  Hilgenfeld.  Through- 
out the  rest  of  the  narrative  it  is  hardly  possible  to  distinguish  source  and 
editor  precisely,  though  the  analytic  critics  have  correctly  noted  several 
discrepancies  and  imiiroliabilities,  which  are  in  all  likelihood  the  result 
of  such  a  dual  origin.  The  numbers  here  and  elsewhere  are  treated  by 
Zeller  (i.  pp.  207-209)  and  Weizsiicker  {AA,  i.  pp.  24,  25)  as  artificial, 
while — at  the  opposite  extreme  of  criticism — others  find  in  them  circum- 
stantial evidence  of  a  written  source.  But  inexactness  in  numerical 
data,  equally  with  freedom  in  the  composition  of  speeches,  does  not 
im])air  the  trustworthiness  of  the  general  narrative  either  in  Acts  or 
in  1  Maccabees.  These  were  simply  elements  in  tlie  contemporary 
literary  atmosphere. 

512-10^ — <Y\^Q  roughnesses  in  this  section,  which  is  really  a  third  general 
summary  of  events,  are  certainly  due  to  the  fact  that  a  source  has  been 
revised  by  the  editor.     Opinion  dift'ers  upon  the  limits  of  the  revision, 

1  On  the  fluctuating  conceiitions  of  this  pheuomenon  in  the  early  church  as  coni- 
iiiunisin  (in  the  Pythagorean  sense)  or  charity,  and  the  traces  of  that  fluctuation  in 
the  record,  see  Schmiedel,  EI'.I,  i.  pp.  877-880,  PM ;  ii.  pp.  367-378  ;  Holtzmann, 
NTTh,  i.  pp.  387-391  ;  and  Zeller,  Overbeck-Zeller,  1.  pp.  212-214,  306,  307.  A  con- 
servative defence  in  Knowling,  ])p.  100-102. 

-  Bartlet  thinks  they  "  do  not  aim  at  definite  harmony  with  the  facts  immediately 
preceding  or  succeeding"  (-1^1,  p.  10). 


APPENDIX  669 

but  most  agree  that  ver.  14  is  at  any  rate  either  a  parenthesis  or  more 
probably  an  insertion/  as  ver.  15  follows  ver.  13^.  Some  {e.g.  Spitta 
and  J.  Weiss)  regard  ver.  13  as  editorial ;  Weiss,  vers.  14  and  16 ; 
Hilgenfeld,  vers.  14-16  ;  Jiingst,  vers.  12^,  13  ;  Schmiedel,  vers.  12^-14. 
Laurent  (pp.  138,  139)  most  ingeniously  transfers  IS^toaplace  between 
yvvaiKcov  and  Sicrre. 

g8i5_ — The  dual  origin  of  this  passage,  and  indeed  of  the  whole  Stephen- 
story,  is  brought  out  by  its  rejjetitions  {e.g.  vers.  11, 13, 14)  and  the  apparent 
uncertainty,  to  which  Weiss  calls  attention,  whether  the  proceedings  were 
judicial  or  tumultuary.  The  analytic  critics  clear  up  the  difficulties 
more  or  less  convincingly  by  means  of  their  different  sources  (Spitta  and  J. 
Weiss  most  cleverly,  giving  vers.  1-6  and  9-12^  to  one,  7,  8  and  9''-15  to 
another  source).  But  it  is  simpler  with  Weiss  and  Wendt  to  distinguish 
the  two  strata,  marking  perhaps  (with  the  latter)  at  least  vers.  11,  12,  15, 
as  editorial  additions  inserted  to  represent  the  business  as  judicial.  The 
subsequent  speech  in  chap.  7  is  probably  to  be  regarded  as  based  on  some 
primitive  source,  althoagh  the  editor  has  not  reproduced  it  without  a 
somewhat  free  treatment.  But  an  analysis  of  the  two  elements  is 
hardly  possible."  Kranichfeld,  indeed,  has  recently  argued  that  the 
whole  passage  6^ ^-8'-^  was  taken  by  Luke  from  an  old  and  excellent 
source  of  a  special  character,  the  speech  of  Stephen  being  practically 
authentic  as  it  stands  {SK,  1900,  pp.  541-562,  "  Der  Gedankengang  in 
der  Rede  des  St.").  But  he  reduces  the  editorial  faculty  of  the  author 
too  severely. 

|758_83^ — The  repetitions  and  inconsistencies  of  the  section  follow- 
ing Stephen's  speech  are  most  satisfactorily  removed  by  the  hypothesis  ^ 
that  the  references  to  Saul  (7^**',  Ka\  ol  fxaprvpes  .  .  .  I,avXov  ;  8^^,  2avXos  .  .  . 
avrov,  8^)  were  inserted  by  the  editor  in  a  source  which  narrated  the 
fanatical  riot  and  the  outbreak  of  persecution  after  Stephen's  death,  but 
which  was  ignorant  of  Saul.  When  these  editorial  glosses  are  set  ajsart, 
the  narrative  runs  more  smoothly.  By  their  incori^oration  its  continuity  is 
broken.  Note  the  repetition  of  eXi6o(:i6Xovv  (ver.  58%  59^),  explicable  only 
on  theassumjDtion  that  the  editor  in  the  second  /cat  eX.  resumes  the  thread 
of  the  source  dropped  at  ver.  58-'.  Also  8^  repeats  what  has  been  already  said 
in  S^tic  (though,  e.g.,  Weiss  and  Schmiedel  make  even  that  *  an  interpola- 

1  From  the  same  source  as  tlie  similar  passages  2^3-47  432  f.  Qi  f.^  which  otherwise  are 
due  to  the  author's  love  of  repeating  himself.  At  all  events,  they  concur  in  represent- 
ing the  Christian  community  as  relatively  small  (Wendt),  while  the  editor  of  Acts 
lays  stress  on  the  rapidity  and  importance  of  its  growth.  The  miraculous  activity  of 
Peter  is  enhanced  just  as  that  of  Jesus  is  in  the  third  gospel  (cp.  Lk  i-^  with  Mk  l^-*, 
Lk  911  with  Mk  6^^  Lk  721  with  Mt  113<-). 

-  This  remark  applies  further  to  the  composite  narrative  of  chap.  8,  where  Wendt 
ingeniously  traces  three  sources  :  (a)  an  account  of  Philip's  mission  to  Samaria  (vers. 
5-8),  followed  by  the  episode  of  vers.  26-40  ;  (b)  an  account  of  Simon  and  his  simony, 
probably  due  to  the  same  tradition  as  the  Ananias  story,  5i-ii  ;  (c)  a  notice  of 
Simon  the  Samaritan  conjurer  and  prophet,  whom  the  author  of  Acts  identified 
("  vielleicht  mit  Recht")  with  Peter's  opponent,  Simon.  Renan  (Les  AiMrcs,  chap. 
XV.)  wildly  conjectures  that  Simon  Magus  was  alive  when  Acts  was  written,  and  that 
he  had  not  yet  completely  broken  with  Christianity  (8^^). 

3  So,  besides  the  analytic  critics  who  assign  the  section  to  different  sources, 
Bleek,  Weiss,  Clemen,  Sorof,  Hilgenfeld,  Schmiedel  {EBi,  i.  p.  45),  and  (par- 
ticularly for  ver.  58'')  Wendt.  Ramsay  also  finds  Lucan  touches  in  7^^  8',  and  else- 
where. 

■1  It  is  needed  for  S'*,  unless  that  be  also  taken  as  an  editorial  interpolation  to 
introduce  i^'-.  The  original  source,  as  Weiss  correctly  points  out,  closed  with 
the  remark  that  although  persecution  instantly  broke  out,  the  first  martyr  was 
honoured  with  a  pious  burial  (a  matter  of  great  moment  to  Orientals).     The  alternat- 


670  APPENDIX 

tioii),  changing  it  into  a  personal  attack  of  Saul's  (as  in  8'a).  The  burial 
of  Stephen  (8^)  refers  back  to  eKeivr]  rf]  tjjjl.  in  any  case,  the  intervening 
clause  being  proleptic.  It  need  hardl}^  be  added  that  from  whatever 
source,!  written  or  oral,  the  editor  draws  his  information,  it  represents  an 
actual  fact ;  Saul  was  an  accomplice  in  the  martyrdom  and  an  agent  in 
the  subsecjuent  persecution.  Only,  these  details  did  not  exist  in  the 
original  source  used  by  the  editor  at  this  point. 

As  the  source  described  the  state  of  matters  in  Jerusalem,  the  words 
Tr)v  iv  'lepoaoXvfioLs  are  evidently  an  editorial  addition  (as  6^^)  for  the 
sake  of  clearness  ;  so  is  the  phrase  TrXrjv  tuv  ottoo-toXcoi/.  That  the 
apostles  remained  in  Jerusalem  during  so  severe  a  persecution,  which 
would  naturally,  as  at  other  times,  strike  at  the  leaders,  is  a  conception 
of  history  due  to  the  author's  pragmatism.  He  considered  the  apostles 
not  only  as  indomitable  heroes,  but  as  an  official  body  resident  in 
Jerusalem  and  invested  with  dignity  and  authority.  Also,  he  had  the 
reference  in  8^*  to  explain  and  prejmre  for.  The  Samaritan  mission 
would  not  have  been  legitimate  apart  from  apostolic  inspection  and 
superintendence.  So  Wendt,  McGiffert,  and  Schmiedel,  among  others, 
after  Zeller. 

ll22-26a._As  Wendt  points  out,  the  source  dropped  at  8*  is  resumed  in 
1119,  in  order  to  explain  in  rather  an  elliptic  and  colourless  fashion  (J. 
Weiss)  the  existence  of  a  Christian  Gentile  community  at  Antioch,  from 
which  the  prophetic  mission  of  13"-  started.  That  mission  introduces 
Barnabas  and  Saul,  who  are  evidently  brought  forward  in  the  source  ^ 
for  the  first  time,  spoken  of  as  if  no  previous  reference  had  been  made 
to  either.  This  seems  to  throw  back  light  on  ll22-26a.  so  1225.  These 
passages  clearly  were  added  by  the  editor  (from  some  other  source, 
perhaps  ^)  to  the  source  with  which  he  was  working,  in  order  to  furnish 
an  introduction  and  pave  the  way  for  the  events  of  chaps.  13,  14,  as  well 
as  to  emphasise  his  dominant  conception  of  the  Jerusalem-church  as  the 
patron  and  promoter  of  missionary  effort  (McGiffert,  pp.  108,  109).  He 
also  found  the  mention  of  the  Antioch  collection  in  his  source,  and 
naturally  supposes  that  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  its  bearers  to  the  capital  ; 
although  the  evidence  of  Gal  2^  *•  leaves  hardly  any  room  for  such  a  visit 
between  that  of  chap.  9  and  that  in  chap.  15.  The  subtle  methods  of  recon- 
ciling Acts  and  Galatians  upon  the  question  of  Paul's  visits  to  the  capital 
are  not  of  primary  interest  to  the  critic  of  Acts,  whose  business  is  first  of  all 
to  discover  not  what  actually  happened,  but  what  the  various  documents 

ive  is  to  suppose,  with  Zeller  (ii.  p.  208),  that  the  verses  do  not  present  successive 
events  in  an  orderly  way. 

1  Ramsay  (SPT,  p.  379)  regards  81"  as  a  dramatic,  agonised  touch  due  to  Paul 
himself  (222«),  while  as  a  whole  the  narrative  69-8^"  follows  closely  a  Philip-source. 

2  The  mention  of  Barnabas  (436)  and  Saul  (at  Tarsus,  9^0)  is  due  to  another  source. 
Wendt,  reading  with  D  in  ver.  28,  and  attributing  this  passage  to  the  we-source, 
rightly  regards  ivo/j,xri"Aya.3o;  (ll^s)  as  an  editorial  addition  (so  previously,  Jacobsen, 
Weiss,  and  Hilgenfeld).  He  is  introduced  in  21i"  as  a  new-comer,  of  whom  nothing 
has  been  said  before.  A  much  less  probable  conjecture  is  that  the  author  of  Acts  had 
composed  the  second  part  of  his  work  l)efore  the  first  (K.  Schmidt)  ;  but  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  2V^  is  the  original  from  which  ll-**  was  drawn  (Zeller). 

a  Though  Weiss  considers  they  might  have  been  written  from  hearsay  by  a 
Paulinist,  so  meagre  and  inexact  they  are.  But  they  are  a  proof  at  least  that 
Barnabas  and  Paul  had  some  share  in  the  development  of  Gentile  Christianity  at 
Antioch.  II-'"  is  iguorant  of  the  Seven  (G' s),  who  would  have  been  the  most  natural 
trustees  and  administrators  of  linance  ;  it  is  ignorant  also  of  the  apostles.  Zeller 
agrees  that  the  record  followed  liy  the  autlior  in  13i  ''•  knew  nothing  of  tlic  journey, 
11 'jy  f.  12-' ;  but  as  usual  he  attriinitcs  tlic  journey  to  the  author's  imagination. 


APPENDIX 


671 


intended  to  represent  as  having  happened.  Plainly,  the  author  of  Ac 
IP"  and  12-^  meant  to  suggest  a  visit  of  both  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  the 
capital.  Paul  may  have  stayed  in  Judaea  or  may  have  failed  for  some 
reason  to  meet  the  apostles  in  the  city,  but  neither  of  these  conceptions  is 
the  conception  of  the  passage.  Also,  the  chronological  sequence  of  Gal 
2111  f.  ii3_2io  jjreceding  2^11^,  is  too  plain  to  admit  of  the  order  being 
reversed  (as  by  Mr.  Turner,  and  Prof.  R.  A.  Falconer,  Exp.  Ti.  xi.  pp. 
487-490)  and  Gal  2i-i"  identified  then  with  Ac  I51. 

1342-52_ — 'Y\\Q  obvious  interweaving  of  two  narratives  requires  some 
analysis  like  the  following  : — 


Source  or  Sources. 

Editorial. 

Spitta         .     43,  50,  51       44-49,  52 
Clemen       .     43                         49,  52 
Jiingst        .     43                         50,  51 
Hilgenfeld.     43,  44              48,  49 
Wendt        .     42,  44,  45 

42 

42,  44-48,  50,  51 

42,  44-49,  52 

42,  45-47,  50,  51 

43,  46  f-,  51^  52 

To  the  present  editor  the  narratives  seem  to  run  most  coherently  upon 
Clemen's  scheme  :  ver.  52  at  any  rate  forms  the  natural  sequel  to  ver. 
49. 

142.  3_ — 1^  jg  gin^piest  and  quite  legitimate  to  reverse  the  order  of  these 
verses  (Wendt),  which  have  somehow  got  displaced ;  less  probable  here 
are  interpolation-hypotheses  and  analysis-criticism,  though  Sorof  and 
Spitta  omit  ver.  3  altogether  as  a  foreign  insertion,  and  Ramsay  {SPT, 
pp.  107-109)  regards  it  as  an  early  gloss,  admitting  that  some  corruption 
underlies  the  obscure  narrative  given  by  the  present  text.  The  traditional 
order  is  obviously  inconsistent  beyond  explanation  :  ver.  4,  not  ver.  3, 
is  the  sequel  of  ver.  2.  But  there  is  really  nothing  in  ver.  3  to  justify 
its  exclusion  because  it  is  a  fragment  from  the  legendary  accretion  of  the 
miraculous  round  Paul.  It  goes  no  further  than  the  common  belief  in 
these  phenomena  which  pervades  Acts.  The  later  addition  to  14-  (6  6e 
Kvpins  eSwKev  [Ta;(i']  elprjvrjv)  is  a  clear  attempt  to  smooth  down  the  con- 
tradiction, though  Blass,  Hilgenfeld,  and  Salmon  all  prefer  the  Bezan 
text  of  ver.  2  as  a  whole  :  "  but  the  presidents  of  the  synagogue  of  the 
Jews  and  the  rulers  [of  the  synagogue]  directed  a  persecution  against  the 
upright,  and  embittered  the  minds  of  the  Gentiles  against  the  brothers. 
However,  the  Lord  soon  gave  peace." 

16<-5._With  Spitta,  Clemen,  Jungst,  Hilgenfeld,  McGifFert  (AA, 
pp.  211,  212),  and  Wendt  (pp.  256-257,  275),  ver.  4  is  to  be  taken  as  an 
interpolation,  in  accordance  with  the  editor's  peculiar  conception  of  the 
decree  as  universally  binding.  Paul's  letters  are  silent  upon  any  such 
method  of  instruction.^     Like  the  previous  and  similar  references,  ver. 

1  The  district  in  question  lay  outside  tliat  covered  by  Ac  15^3.  Upon  the  literary 
and  historical  difficulties  of  chap.  15,  cp.  the  literature  quoted  in  Weudt-Meyer,  pp. 
255,  256.  The  original  basis  and  the  time  of  the  so-called  decree  are  variously  recon- 
structed, and  thepassagehas  beenanalysed  into  different  sources  and  strata  of  revision, 
but  (as  it  seems  to  the  present  editor)  uuconviucingly.  The  clue  to  its  problem  lies 
in  the  interests  and  conceptions  of  the  final  editor,  who  has  at  this  point  treated  what- 
ever source  he  used  witli  such  freedom  that  tlie  extant  result  defies  analysis. 


672  APPENDIX 

5  is  also  inserted  to  mark  progress.  If  the  grave  difficulties  which  beset 
the  statement  in  ver.  3  are  (as  many  feel)  insoluble,  that  verse  also  would 
require  to  be  taken  as  a  later  addition  to  the  narrative  (cp.,  besides  Holtz- 
mann,  ad  loc,  McGiffert,  pp.  232-234).  The  passage  in  vers.  5-8  is  a 
genuine  transition,  however,  and  does  not  deserve  to  be  ranked  (by 
Weizsiicker)  as  a  link  freely  composed  to  fill  up  a  gap. 

2g25-34_ — Q^  tijjg  insertion,  which  is  almost  unanimously  regarded  as 
editorial,  cp.  the  critical  editors  ad  loc,  Overbeck-Zeller,  ii.  pp.  45-51,  and 
the  parallels  from  Lucian  and  Euripides'  Bacchae  (436-441,  602-608) 
quoted  respectively  by  Zeller  (ZiuTh,  1864,  p.  103  f.)  and  Schmiedel 
(ZSchz,  1894,  p.  47).  Weizsiicker  (AA,  i.  p.  246)  groups  it  with  the 
greater  speeches  of  Paul  as  the  work  of  the  editor,  one  of  a  series  of 
passages  {e.g.  14^i^  and  IQi^-ia^  which  represent  freely  constructed 
narratives  of  the  marvellous  based  upon  certain  facts  in  the  tradition. 

185b.  c_ — Apart  from  the  other  points  in  this  section  which  render 
it  difficult  (Weizsiicker,  AA,  i.  pp.  307  f.;  McGiffert,  pp.  268,  269)  to  re- 
concile the  narrative  entirely  with  Paul's  own  account  of  his  Corinthian 
experiences,  the  passage  Siafiaprvpo/xevos  .  .  .  Tropevaofiai  seems  to  betray 
itself  as  an  editorial  interpolation. i  The  purport  of  the  original  narrative 
which  flows  on  continuously  from  vers.  4  to  7  is  plain.  Paul  changed,  not 
his  sphere  of  teaching,  but  his  quarters  (pfTa[:ias)  ;  and  he  changed  not  from 
but  towards  the  synagogue.  The  removal  from  Aquila's  liouse  was  one 
result  of  his  growing  anxiety  (a-vvfLxero)  to  reach  especially  the  Jewish 
proselytes,  and  showed  his  apparently  good  prospects  of  success.  He 
resolved  to  further  his  mission  by  this  alteration  of  ground,  maintaining 
his  connection  with  the  Jews,  but  choosing  a  more  feasible  and  convenient 
field  of  operation  (avvofiopovaa  rfj  avpayoyyij).  The  editor  of  the  source  has 
confused  this  narrative  and  introduced  quite  a  different  motive.  Jewish 
obstinacy  must  justify  Paul's  mission  to  the  Gentiles,  he  conceives. 
Accordingly  in  his  addition  (vers.  5^-  6),  based  probably  upon  IS^^-si  qj.  jgo^ 
Paul's  change  of  settlement  forms  a  retreat,  the  result  of  an  open  rupture 
with  the  synagogue,  and  also  a  defiance,  the  climax  of  unconciliatory 
behaviour.  This  is  a  view  which  finds  no  support  in  1  Corinthians.  It  is 
best  then  to  preserve  the  original  source  by  regarding  this  passage  as  a 
gloss  superimposed  by  an  editor  who  probably  had  no  acquaintance  with 
Paul's  epistles,  and  wished  as  far  as  possible  to  conform  Paul's  various 
experiences  with  the  Jews  to  a  uniform  standard.  The  interpolation  -  is 
upheld  by  Spitta,  Jiingst,  0.  Holtzmann  {ZwTh,  1889,  p.  404),  Clemen 
(adding  ver.  4),  Hilgenfeld  (adding  vers.  4,  8a),  and  Wendt  (p.  301). 

1  To  carry  back  ixt'iBtv  to  Aquila's  house  is  not  any  more  diflicult  than  to  refer  it 
to  the  synagogue  (ver.  4).  Perhaps,  as  Schmiedel  (HC,  ii.  i.  p.  52)  suggests,  it  was 
added  with  vers.  5°,  6  to  the  extant  narrative.  Vers.  5,  6  partly  repeat  ver.  4  by  meu- 
tioning  the  Jewish  mission,  partly  contradict  it  by  omitting  to  mention  any  corre- 
sponding topic  of  preaching  to  the  Greeks.  The  bold  attitude  of  the  apostle  (ver.  6) 
reads  strangely  Ijesiile  his  own  reflection  (1  Co  2^),  ver.  8  is  more  intelligible  after  ver. 
7  than  after  vers.  6,  7,  and  the  fact  of  a  preliminary  and  original  Jewish  mission  is  con- 
trary to  the  outline  of  events  in  1  Co  1.  Upon  the  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  while 
even  the  primitive  source  in  Ac  IS'-i^  presents  features  which  diverge  from  Paul's 
account,  these  are  seriously  accentuated  by  this  editorial  comment  on  the  situatiou. 
Ramsay  explains  the  .status  quo  of  the  text  with  the  obvious  but  unsatisfying  remark 
that  "  Paul  had  not  a  very  conciliatory  way  with  the  Jews  when  he  became  angry." 

2  Weizsacker  (.4/1 ,  i.  pp.  308-310)  regards  vers.  1-4  as  an  interpolated  introduction, 
in  which'  E\x»)v£,-  is  introduced  prematurely.  He  gives  up  ver.  6,  and  retains  merely 
the  conception  of  "an  extensive  and  successful  work."'  Sorof  [EntdehiDuj  d. 
Apgeschichte,  pp.  26-29)  takes  the  whole  section  18''-i^  as  a  graphic  descriptiou  in- 
serted by  Timotheus,  who  was  himself  a  spectator  of  the  various  occurrences. 


APPENDIX  673 

Igis  22_ — fpj^g  curious  brevity  and  obacurity  of  tlie  narrative  at  this 
point  suggest  that  the  source  has  been  recast  by  the  editor.  This  is 
esjDecially  the  case  in  ver.  22,  where  Paul  is  reported  to  have  visited 
Jerusalem,  although  nothing  in  ver.  21  suggests  this,  and  indeed  the 
evidence  for  such  a  j)ointless  visit  is  generally  regarded  as  quite  in- 
sufficient (Weizsiicker,  Ptieiderer,  McGiffert,  Wendt,  and  Holtzmann). 
The  later  visit  (Ac  21-^)  certainly  implies  that  he  had  not  visited  the  city 
since  the  council,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  he  would  have  gone  without  the 
collection  (Ro  15'^"').  The  editor  ^  interpreted  his  visit  to  Syria  as 
implying  a  visit  to  Jerusalem,  probably  because  he  thought  this  a 
natural  proceeding,  or  because  he  again  followed  his  pragmatic  idea  of 
bringing  Paul  into  docile  relations  with  the  authorities.  At  any  rate,  the 
ambiguous  visit  (like  that  of  1P°)  is  an  editorial  and  not  an  original 
piece  of  writing.  Wendt  (pp.  305-307)  conjectures  that  the  author 
enlarged  -  his  source,  which  merely  described  Paul's  advance  to  Antioch 
and  his  promise  (not  to  the  Jews,  but  to  Aquila  and  Priscilla)  to  return. 
Similarly,  but  more  simply,  Spitta  omits  ver.  19^  as  a  gloss,  and  Jiingst, 
vers.  19b-21%  while  Laurent  (pp.  148,  149)  boldly  transfers  ver.  11  as  a 
marginal  note  to  ver.  18  {'iKavds  r'jfjiipas). 

18-^. — Several  solutions  of  this  enigmatic  and  confused  narrative 
(18-*-28)  have  been  offered.  E.g.,  Wendt  (pp.  368,  369)  deletes  verse  25  as 
a  redactor's  addition  to  the  source.  His  theory  is  that  to  the  author  (or 
editor)  of  Acts  Apollos  seemed  a  disciple  of  John,  like  those  mentioned 
in  19^  *■-,  whereas  in  reality  and  in  the  original  source  they  were  different 
entirely.^  The  latter  are  introduced  in  19^^  as  a  new  group.  Probably, 
then,  ver.  25  is  a  subsequent  gloss,  in  order  to  approximate  this  Alexandrian 
Jew  to  the  class  of  people  who  followed  in  the  source.  Jiingst  (p.  168  f.) 
similarly  takes  the  verse  (with  awefBaXeTo — yap,  ver.  27'',  28^)  as  a  gloss  ; 
but  McGiffert  (pp.  291,  292)  contents  himself  with  deleting  ver.  25%  which 
he  regards  as  an  insertion  of  the  author  in  his  source,  to  avoid  the  appear- 
ance of  making  a  Jew  preach  the  Messiah  and  yet  be  ignorant  of  Jesus. 
Apollos,  he  thinks,  was  really  a  disciple  of  John  who  did  not  know  Jesus 

1  Like  the  cautlior  of  tlie  gloss  iu  the  /3-text  of  ver.  21,  Su  [j-i  To-MTom  t7,m  ii>pT->,v  ri-.v 
Ipx/ifj-iyyiy  ^oif,<rxi  u;  'hpoa-ixu/xa.,  which  both  Reuan  aud  Ramsay  adopt.  But,  as  the 
former  confesses  (*S.  Paul,  p.  280  n.),  "  Le  texte  pour  toute  cette  partie  est  plein 
d'auilnguites  et  de  lacunes." 

2  By  vers.  19'',  20,  21",  22"  (probably).  Cp.  Harnack's  essay,  Ueber  die  beiden 
RccensioncM  dcr  Geschichte  der  Prisca  u.  des  Aquila  in  Ac.  Apust.  18i"27  (reprint 
from  SBBA,  1900). 

3  To  Apollos  (according  to  ver.  25)  the  baptism  of  John  culminated  in  Jesus.  To  the 
group  in  191'"  that  baptism  was  compatible  with  a  complete  unconsciousness  that  it 
had  been  fulfilled  iu  Jesus.  It  is  plain  that  in  the  original  source  Apollos  was  merely 
an  Alexandrian  Jew,  who  taught  the  OT  Messianic  doctrine,  and  was  led  forward  by 
Aquila  and  his  wife  into  the  knowledge  of  its  Christian  fulfilment.  The  statement 
in  ver.  25,  when  taken  with  its  obvious  parallel  in  192-*,  implies  that  an  adherent  of 
John's  could  be  ignorant  of  the  connection  between  Jesus  and  the  Messianic  spirit — 
a  truth  which  formed  the  keynote  of  John's  teaching  and  an  elementary  principle  of 
Christ's  work  (ri  t-/>;  toS  •UcroZ).  This  is  not  possible  (cp.  JEx}).  Ti.  viii.  pp.  522,  523). 
Can  Ta  Tip]  Tov'UireZhe  confined  to  the  Baptist's  "prophecy  of  the  immediate  coming 
of  Christ"  (Ramsay,  SPT,  p.  267) '!  Or  is  it  historical  to  speak,  with  Zahn  [Einl.  i. 
p.  187),  of  Apollos  as  originally  a  teacher  of  "  ausserkirchlichen  Christentums,"  and 
afterwards  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  "  kirchlichen  Christentums"?  At  the 
opposite  pole  of  criticism,  Weizsiicker  [A A,  i.  pp.  403,  404)  gives  up  18-*--^,  191-^  as 
obscure  and  remodelled  traditions  ;  they  simply  imply  that  non-Pauline  Jewish- 
Christians  existed  at  Ephesus,  aud  reflect  the  authoi-'s  intention  of  proving  that  the 
Jewish-Christian  faith  required  Paul's  doctrine  to  raise  it  into  mature  spiritual 
Christianity. 

43 


674  APPENDIX 

as  the  Messiah.  Schmiedel  goes  further  (HC.  ir.  i.  pj).  55,  56  ;  EBi,  i.  pp. 
263,  264),  rejecting  vers.  25*=,  26i><:,  and  suspecting  needlessly  even  ver.  28 
(ver.  26^  ?)  as  inconsistent  with  Apollos'  subsequent  preaching  to  a  Gentile 
church  (1  Co  S")  ;  wliile  Spitta  gives  to  the  compiler  ovros  .  .  .  Kvplov  and 
dfcpt/Sw?  TO.  TTfpl  Tov  'Irjaov  (ver.  25).  As  dKpif:i((TTepov  (ver.  26)  seems  to 
answer  dKpi(3Sis  (ver.  25),  I  think  both  passages  must  stand  or  fall  together. 
There  is  no  particular  reason  for  doubting  ver.  26t'<=,  but  ver.  26^  repeats 
ver.  261^,  and  is  not  necessary  as  an  introduction  to  aKoCcravTes  8e.  Ver.  25*= 
must  be  given  up  at  any  rate,  so  that  with  the  omission  of  eVtora/iei/o?  .  .  . 
avvaycoyfj  the  narrative  represents  in  all  likelihood  the  original  source. 
The  editor  added  ver.  25^  from  19''',  in  order  to  account  for  Apollos' 
deficiencies  in  Christian  knowledge,  while  the  definite  mention  of  the 
synagogue  (ver.  26-^)  was  inserted  partly  to  be  in  keeping  with  ver.  25'", 
partly  to  explain  his  connection  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (although 
the  source  had  already  provided  for  that,  e'XdXfi  koI  ihi^aa-Kev). 

The  passage  forms  one  of  several  in  which  a  lucid  and  intelligible 
idea  of  the  contents  is  only  attainable  by  some  use  of  source-criticism. 
The  ordinary  attempts  to  explain  the  passage  in  its  textual  status  quo 
are  unsatisfactorv  ;  and  this  applies  even  to  such  hypotheses  as  those  of 
Blass  {Exjo.  Ti.  1895,  p.  241  f.  ;  1896,  j).  541  ;  I'G,  p.  30  f.),  and  Balden- 
sperger  {Prolog  des  4  Evglras.  pp.  93-99).  It  is  very  far-fetched  to 
discover  in  the  narrative  motives  such  as  the  desire  to  throw  light  on 
Paul's  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthian",  or  the  wish  to  represent  Jewish 
Christianity  as  an  inferior  variety  which  required  Pauline  teaching  to 
raise  it  up  to  the  normal  level.  The  latter  motive  is  perhaps  credible  in 
191-'',  not  in  18-''-''*.  But  for  neither  is  there  sufficient  evidence  in  the 
Apollos  incident. 

19*'. — If  the  narrative  here  rests  on  a  good  source,  this  verse  is,  u])ou 
the  whole,  to  be  regarded  as  an  insertion  modelled  upon  8'^,  where  the 
Spirit  is  represented  as  a  gift  mediated  by  the  apostles  ("Wendt  ;  cp. 
McGiffert,  p.  286).  Ramsay's  conception  of  Acts  obliges  him  to  give  up  the 
whole  ejjisode  (19^'^)  as  unintelligible  and  inferior  to  the  literary  standard 
of  the  author  ;  and  certainly  19^-  '^  is  in  strange  contradiction  to  1  Co  P"- 1''. 

jgii-2o_ — Rightly  and  almost  unanimously  regarded  as  a  detached  and 
inferior  fragment  (cj).  ver.  11  with  the  repetition  in  vers.  12-15),  which,  even 
apart  from  its  contents,  is  to  be  taken  as  foreign  matter,  owing  to  its  disloca- 
tion of  the  narrative  (vers.  10,  21,  where  ir\rjp.  clearly  goes  back  to  the  events 
of  the  two  years  with  their  preaching  and  teaching).  The  vulgarity  of  tone 
and  general  vagueness  in  this  passage  force  Ramsay  {SPT,  pp.  272,  273) 
to  regard  it  as  a  popular  tale,  in  which  the  author  "  is  rather  a  picker-up 
of  current  gossip,  like  Herodotus,  than  a  real  historian."  But  belief  in 
superstition  impairs  an  early  writer's  general  title  to  credibility  as  little 
as  belief  in  the  Phoenix-myth  discredits  Tacitus  as  a  historian. 

2026.  27.  33-3.5 — fj^e  farewell  speech  does  not  belong  to  the  we-source  ; 
but  although  it  has  been  remodelled  by  the  editor  from  some  source  or 
other,  it  rests  ujjon  good  tradition,  as  it  agrees  in  more  than  one  point  with 
the  internal  evidence  of  the  Corinthian  letters,  and  refers  to  much  tliat 
the  account  (in  Acts)  of  Paul's  Ephesian  stay  omits.  The  editorial  revision 
is  seldom  visible.  But  vers.  26,  27  clearly  break  the  connection  between 
the  counsel  of  ver.  28  and  its  motive  in  ver.  25.  Similarly  the  prayer  of  ver. 
36  follows  directly  after  ver.  32,  which  again  forms  the  solemn  and  suitable 
close  of  the  address.  With  Jungst  and  Clemen  (who  go  even  further), 
followed  by  Wendt,  these  intervening  jtassages,  vers.  26,  27, 33-35,  are  to  be 
marked  as  editorial  glosses.   Overbeck  rejects  tlie  whole  speech,  vers.  16-38, 


APPENDIX  675 

with  20''-^-  21'*-  ^-  i"-^*  as  interpolations  in  the  original  we-source,  and 
ZL4Ier  views  it  as  "  a  retrospect  ol  the  wliole  apostolic  ministry  of  Paul," 
like  the  farewell  address  of  Moses,  with  which  the  author  of  Deuteronomy 
presents  his  new  legislation  (ii.  68). 

21^. — An  editorial  gloss,  which  adds  nothing  to  the  narrative,  and  is 
inserted  by  one  who  wished  to  make  clear  to  his  contemporaries  the  per- 
sonality of  Philip  of  Hierapulis.  Later  tradition  {e.g.  Euseb.  HE,  iii. 
30.  1)  thus  described  Philip  of  the  twelve,  and  the  account  here  is  due  to 
a  confusion  between  him  and  the  member  of  the  seven  (8^*).  So  Gieseler 
{SK,  1829,  pp.  139  f.),  Renan  {Les  Apotres,  p.  151),  and  Hilgenfeld  (ZtuTh, 
1896,  p.  377  f.).  The  alternative  is  to  reject  the  tradition  as  a  mistake 
(Zeller). 

In  order  to  smooth  out  the  narrative,  when  the  verse  is  retained, 
Jiingst  conjectures  that  it  was  one  of  Philijj's  daughters  who  Ijound  Paul 
(ver.  11),  but  that  the  author,  from  motives  of  decency,  attributed  this 
action  to  a  man(!).  Not  much  more  probable  is  the  conjecture  of  Sj)itta, 
approved  by  Wendt,  that  in  the  source  (interrupted  at  ver.  10)  the 
daughters  of  Philip  Avept  over  Paul's  fate,  and  thus  led  up,  as  it  were, 
to  the  more  solemn  warning  of  Agabus. 

2i20b-26_ — ^Vith  varying  constructions,  Spitta,  Jiingst,  Clemen,  Hil- 
genfeld, and  apparently  Schmiedel,  concur  in  viewing  this  passage  as  an 
insertion,  which  not  only  follows  strangely  after  ver.  20%  but  gives  little 
point  or  meaning  to  ver.  27^  Although  the  passover  is  not  referred  to  in 
211^-1^,  it  is  as  legitimate  to  refer  the  seven  days  (ver.  27)  to  it,  as  to  the 
rite  of  vers.  25,  26.  In  this  case,  2V^-'>^-  -''^-  might  belong  to  the  we-source 
as  well,  to  which  0.  Holtzmann  and  J.  Weiss  (less  21-*^)  attribute  even 

2121.2G_ 

In  any  case,  ver.  25  falls  with  16*  as  an  insertion  (perhaps  from  another 
source,  J.  Weiss)  due  to  the  editor's  pragmatism :  so  Schiirer  (ThLx,  1882, 
p.  348),  and  Wendt  (p.  347).  Cp.  McGiffert  (p.  343)  and  J.  Weiss  {Ahsicht, 
pp.  35,  36)  on  ver.  24.  Evidently  the  decree  is  supposed  in  ver.  25  to  have 
lieen  unknown  to  Paul,  and  issued  without  his  cognisance.  This  can  be  his- 
torically justified  only  if  we  consider  the  decree  of  chap.  15  to  have  been 
promulgated  during  Paul's  absence,  and  confined  to  the  churches  of  Pales- 
tine and  Antioch — a  reconstruction  which  involves  some  bold  hypotheses. 

2130a. — As  the  uproar  took  place  in  the  temple,  and  the  assault  and 
ejection  followed  in  quick  succession,  it  is  best  to  regard  this  clause  as  an 
editorial  gloss  derived  from  ver.  31 ;  the  rumour  is  as  usual  exaggerated, 
or  else  by  that  time  the  city  had  had  time  to  be  afoot,  but  between  212^ 
and  21^0b  there  is  no  room  for  such  a  development.  It  must  be  taken 
as  proleptic  or  else  set  aside  (so  J.  Weiss  and  Wendt). 

2230-231"-  (11). — As  is  pretty  generally  admitted  {c.rj.  by  Spitta,  Jiingst, 
Clemen,  Hilgenfeld,  J.  Weiss,  Wendt),  this  passage  is  an  insertion  which 
l)reaks  the  continuity  of  the  narrative  22^9  23^2^  and  contains  some 
elements  of  extreme  ditficulty.i  The  words  of  23i-  follow  most  naturally 
the  jjersecution  of  22-".  Paul's  witness  was  given  before  the  crowd,  not 
before  the  council,  and  the  narrative  of  23i-i^  shows  no  sign  of  a  previous 
meeting  like  that  narrated  in  23iii.     How  it  came  to  be  inserted  here 

1  The  resurrection-idea,  wliicli  here,  as  in  4-,  is  regarded  as  the  Mte  noir  of  the 
Sadducees,  would  not  have  really  been  a  cause  of  such  dispute  or  a  source  of  such 
strategic  advantage  to  Paul.  The  Pharisees  opposed  Paul  on  much  wider  grounds 
(cp.  Weizsiicker,  .-IJ ,  ii.  pp.  116, 117,  andZeller-Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  75-81,  327).  Besides, 
after  the  fiasco  of  23'-'-i'',  another  meeting  such  as  that  asked  in  231'  would  have  been 
hardly  possible. 


676  APPENDIX 

is  liarcl  to  say,  unless  the  aKpi^ea-Tepov  of  23^^  suggested  to  the  eciitor  that  a 
previous  and  ineffective  examination  must  have  taken  place.  McGiffert 
admits  the  fact  of  an  examination,  but  regards  SSii"  as  based  on  the  hint  in 
vers.  28,  29.  These,  however,  pro1)ably  fall  with  23^"^'',  althouf:;h  Wendt 
attributes  the  whole  passage,  vera.  23-35,  to  an  expansion  of  the  source. 
Blass  finds  it  incredible  also,  that  after  the  officer's  discovery  and  terror 
(ver.  29)  Paul  is  kept  in  chains  till  the  next  day  ;  he  regards  the  ordinary 
a  text  as  a  careless  abridgment,  and  proposes  audaciously  to  omit  iiravpiov 
altogether  or  to  amend  it  to  rrj  eanepa.  The  addition  of  ,3  is  obviously  a 
correction  :  koI  Trapaxpripa  eXvcrev  avrov. 

25^b. — Plainly  a  gloss  introduced  by  the  writer  from  23^^-^  to  supply 
a  motive  for  ver.  3^  (so  Wendt,  after  J.  Weiss,  who  adds  besides  ver.  8, 
vers.  2a  and  3*). 

26^. — This  verse,  an  erratic  boulder  in  its  present  position,  is  to  be 
transposed  to  a  place  between  vers.  22  and  23,  where  it  exactly  fits  in  to 
the  argument  and  sense.  For  other  instances  of  transposition,  cp.  Jn  7^-'-*, 
Ac  14--  ^,  etc.  The  change  of  this  passage  was  suggested  by  Nestle  {Philo- 
logica  Sacra,  p.  54),  and  is  approved  by  Wendt ;  it  makes  the  ei-construction 
in  ver.  23  run  smoothly  and  naturally,  while  its  removal  from  vers.  7  and 
9  cannot  be  said  to  interfere  with  the  current  of  the  speech  at  that  point. 

272i-2c_ — This  sjDeech  of  Paul  on  board  ship  is  rejected  as  an  inter- 
polation of  the  writer  in  the  second  century  who  edited  the  whole  work  :  so 
several  critics,  especially  Zeller-Overbeck,  ii.  pp.  84f.,  318,  Hilgenfeld  (Einl. 
pp.  592,  607  ;  ZwTIi,  1896,  p.  550),  and  Holtzmann  (HC,  ad  loc.  p.  423)  ; 
cj).  also  Clemen  {Chron.  pp.  144, 145),  van  Manen  (Paulus,  i.  p.  81),  Jiingst 
(pp.  187  f.),  and  J.  Weiss  (Ahsicht,  p.  35).  It  is  argued  ^  that  the  section 
interrupts  the  narrative,  represents  Paul  in  an  elevated  and  assured  mood 
foreign  to  him  in  the  rest  of  the  chapter  (e.g.  vers.  10,  31),  where  he  appears 
anxious  and  cautiously  on  the  alert,  also  that  it  betrays  the  wish  to  ex- 
aggerate the  supernatural  (e.g.  the  island,  ver.  26).  On  the  other  hand, 
this  excision  would  not  be  necessary  if  it  were  held  that  the  context 
is  meant  to  heighten  dramatically  the  role  of  Paul  (see  Eamsay's  dis- 
cussion, SP1\  pp.  336-339).  Wendt  agrees  witli  the  above-named  critics 
in  holding  the  passage  as  an  insertion  (-Meyer,**  p.  410),  but  thinks  the 
source  must  have  originally  contained  some  basis  for  it.  This  is,  however, 
wholly  jH'oblematic.  The  parallelism  between  7-^-  -*  and  23^^  proves 
nothing  either  way. 

The  passage  resembles  but  does  not  involve  the  subsequent  passage 
27333S(3(!)^  where  a  very  similar  attitude  of  Paul  is  represented.  This 
section,  however,  Holtzmann,  Jiingst,  Clemen,  and  Wendt  hesitate  to 
cut  out  ;  it  coheres  with  the  context,  and  the  saying  in  ver.  34=  need  not  be 
taken  as  an  insertion  from  Lk  2V^,  Mt  10'"';  it  retlects  quite  as  well  1  Sam 
H'*^,  etc.  The  historicity  of  vers.  33-35  can  be  reasonably  used  to  explain 
the  connection  of  vers.  21-26  with  the  facts  and  feelings  of  the  whole 
situation,  but  tlie  latter  passage  is  in  all  likelihood  an  insertion. 

Certainly  the  mention  of  hunger  (27-^)  does  not  seem  a  particularly 
apt  introduction  to  Paul's  speech,  in  which  the  food  question  is  entirely 
ignored,  unless  hunger  be  somewhat  subtly  brought  forward  as  a  reason 
for,  or  an  element  in,  that  dejection  which  Paul  strove  to  overcome.  Still, 
the  explanation  of  this  and  other  awkwardnesses  may  lie  in  considerations 
of  the  author's  style  ("nou  sunt  haec  l)ene  constructa,"  Blass),  rather  than 
in  the  hypothesis  that  ver.  33  f.  was  added  by  a  later  hand  "  in  order  to 
give  the  impression  made  by  the  apostle  even  on  the  Romans,  whose 
1  "A  fair  hypothesis,  and  deserves  fair  au<l  dispassionate  consideration"  (Ramsay). 


APPENDIX  677 

prisoner  lie  was,"  or  that  ver.  21  f.  is  a  ^'  vaticiniuvi  ex  eventu  on  Ijclialf  of 
a  tendency."  ^ 

What  is  true  of  Acts  holds  true  of  the  Apocalyi3se  :  the  composite 
character  of  the  writing  is  no  longer  a  hypothesis,  it  is  a  postulate,  of 
critical  study.  The  keen  and  often  arbitrary  analysis  to  which  the  book 
has  been  subjected  during  the  past  fifteen  years  has  yielded  at  least  this 
general  result,  that  sources  have  been  used  by  the  author  (editor  1)  to 
whom  we  owe  the  work  in  its  present  form.  To  some  extent  these  sources 
can  be  almost  disentangled.  In  certain  chapters  material  lies,  belonging 
to  a  date  obviously  older  than  the  period  of  the  book's  final  composition  ; 
here  and  there  the  heterogeneous  nature  of  the  book  is  evident,  and 
with  all  their  variations  there  is  a  remarkable  amount  of  common  ground 
among  the  competing  theories.  Still,  the  precise  extent,  character  (Jewish 
or  Christian),  and  date  of  these  sources,  even  their  original  language,  are 
largely  matters  of  debate,  although  in  recent  years  there  has  been  a 
welcome  tendency  towards  some  agreement  upon  several  of  these  matters. 
The  main  point  is  that  no  method  which  neglects  source-criticism  can  satis- 
factorily explain  the  doublets,  the  varying  climates  of  religion,  the  abrupt 
connections  (e.g.  between  chaps.  3  and  4,  6  and  7,  11  and  12),  the  redupli- 
cations (e.g.  chaps.  1.3  and  17),  the  isolation  of  passages  like  chap.  12,  the 
conflicting  standpoints  (e.g.  IV-^  and  21^2)  in  situation  and  feeling,  now 
particularistic,  now  universal,  and  the  occasional  divergences  that  even 
the  author's  artistic  genius  could  not  obliterate. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Apocalypse  is  no  mosaic  of  earlier  and  scattered 
apocalyptic  pieces.  The  author,  whoever  he  was,  worked  over  his  sources 
with  a  free  and  independent  spirit.     He  has  fused  elements,  often  diver- 

[Continued  on  page  680. 

1  In  closing  these  notes  on  the  structure  of  Acts,  one  must  add  a  couple  of  sen- 
tences. First,  it  is  to  be  admitted  that  Schmiedel's  remark  upon  the  general  com- 
jjosition  of  the  book  is  amply  borne  out  by  the  internal  evidence  :  "  in  general,  the 
editor  has  dealt  with  his  sources  in  so  masterful  a  manner  that  an  unlucky  hit  in  the 
selection  and  arrangement  of  the  pieces  has  but  rarely  to  be  noted."  But  this  in  no 
way  justifies  the  hauteur  with  which  source-criticism  continues  to  be  treated  in  some 
circles.  Stripped  of  extravagant  fancies  and  verbal  rigidity,  it  is  a  legitimate  science  ; 
and  its  disparagement  is  one  cause  of  the  jirevalent  ineffeutiveness  in  English  eflbrts 
to  reconstruct  early  Christian  i(le:is.  Kriiger  is  amply  justified  in  the  recent  rebuke 
he  has  administered  to  the  sulijeutive  and  arljitrary  performances  of  literary  criticism, 
as  applied  by  a  critic  like  Volter  to  the  literature  of  the  first  and  second  centuries 
(T/iLz,  1900,  pp.  535,  536).  But  the  warning  is  not  urgently  needed  as  yet,  upon  this 
side  of  the  channel,  where  the  reign  of  timidity  and  superficiality  lingers  on  in  the 
treatment  of  writings  such  as  Acts  and  the  Apocalypse.  Here  it  is  the  rights,  not 
the  limits,  of  aualytii/  rriticisni  that  have  still  to  be  asserted,  and  Mr.  Bartlet  is 
entirely  warranted  in  iiintcsting,  « ^jro^j./s  of  Knowling's  commentary  on  Acts,  that 
"  as  long  as  Quef/m/.-n'/i/:  is  discounted,  there  will  reinain  the  element  of  unreality 
and  artificial  combination  which  haunts  one's  mind  in  reading  typical  English  work  " 
{CR,  1900,  p.  440).  The  other  point  which  requires  to  be  emphasised  in 

dealing  with  such  historical  treatises  as  Acts,  is  that  they  must  be  taken  primarily 
as  compositions,  products  of  a  given  niincl  in  a  given  age.  There  is  a  constant 
temptation  to  plunge  into  the  story,  and  to  forget  that  the  story  exists  for  us  as  the 
output  of  an  author.  To  understand  its  "why"  and  "how"  is  impossible,  if  we 
break  such  historical  relationships  either  in  a  speech  or  in  a  story  ;  it  has  ties  with 
the  age  of  its  birth  and  growth  in  the  human  mind  which  must  not  be  severed,  and 
it  passes  to  us  through  a  medium  which  cannet  be  ignored.  "The  first  question 
is  not,  what  objective  reality  is  possessed  by  this  or  that  narrative  per  se  ?  but 
rather,  what  is  the  relation  of  the  narrative  to  the  mind  of  the  narrator,  through 
the  medium  of  which  it  becomes  an  object  of  historical  knowledge  for  us?"  (Baur). 
There  are  plenty  of  conscientious  writers  on  the  NT  whose  work  would  be  doubled 
in  value  by  some  attention  to  this  neglected  canon  of  historical  research. 


678 


APPENDIX 


Ranch  (D!e  Offenbarumf 
des  Johannes,  1894)  postu- 
lates a  Christian  editor  (f. 
80    A.D.)    who    worked    up 
two  Jewish  fragments,  one 
dating  from  c.  40  (substance 
of  ohaps.  10-12),  the  otlier 
from  c.  62,  with  another  frag- 
ment originating  c.  53  (17'- 
196  219),    and  two  more  of 
indefinite  date   (146  la  is.'i- 
l(ii2. 17a.  21).    To  the  editor 
are  due  chaps.  1-3  (except 
17. 8)  and   most    of   chaps. 
•21, 22. 

1 

•sao.iuos  snoiA3ad  a^ 

.laAO  psHJO.tt  ST!q  qoiqM  jo 

ao-jips  u'Bi'jsuqo-MSiMaf  aq-j 

'•a-v  08  ■»  'uSraj  s.u'Biiuuoa 

JO  asdA'tTOodt-  uy 

1-3,  20 

4-8,  13-17 
12 

14 

12,  14 

4,  S-9a 

1-2,  5-8 
1--21 
1-18 
1-^24 

1-4,  9l'-21 
1-10  (14) 

5-27 

1-2  (18-19) 

•aiduiax 

aqi  JO  uoi^ouaisap 

aq^  ajojaq  '•(!•¥  Z9  "a  '3"i= 

s.ojaN  JO  3sd.^it!oodr!  iiy 

4-19 
1-29 
1-22 
1-11 

1-10(11-14?) 
1-17 

1-3,  9-12 
1-13 
1-21  (exc.  12) 

1-11 

1-19  (exc.  14) 

1  7  (exc.  4),  13- 

5-9* 

11-15  (exc. 
14) 
1-4 

3-21    (exc. 
18, 19) 

•a  -v  ot  ■»  'aSt' 
s,i;in°!p!;3  jo  asdA'iBoodT!  uy 

^    J 

< 

i. 

iii. 
vi. 

yiii. 

X. 

xi. 

xii. 
xiii. 

xiv. 

XV. 

xvi. 
xvii. 

xix. 

XX. 

xxi. 
xxii. 

•uqof  JO  '(i.iids  aqi  ui 
'.fan^uao  ;s.iij  oqi  jo 
■*    380(0  aq-j  ^noqu  iiui>iao.tt 
aoiipa  uu^siaqo  v 

•d-V  (19  -0 
'i[lVl'i  uqoc  .Cq 
-'      pasodiuoo  'sscLViTioodt' 
(s[i;as)  uuiisuqo  y 

4-6,  9-19 
1-29 
1-22 

9-17 

91>-10 

8-21  (pt) 

•a-v  Of  '0 
'aiiii-j  s,i!inS![i!f) 
-^      luo.ij  Siqiiip  (sp(Uiui.n) 
a.unos  qsi,v\ac  y 

i    ^    S3    .-      ° 

7     $.     OCT     ,-        5^         - 

CO        CO  I-J     rU?'T<  rj<  iH  '>|1  O                              1    «        « 

•a-H  5:9  -0 

'uI^I^'snJaf 

J^       JO  ajn^dtio  s..s:3duiod 

JO  auin  uiojj  iiujitjp 

(sitJiA)  3n.inos  qsi.wsp  y 

I  lb,  2a,  10,  U 
1-13,  15,  17,  18 

14-20 

1-8  (exc.  7) 
1-12, 17,  -21 
1-6* 

1-8  (exc.  4) 

9-27 
1-3 

1 

APPENDIX 


679 


i 

3 

•IU.IO}  ;u9S8ad  s-ji  ui  t[ioja 

ajoqAV  am  jo  ao^OBpaj  am 

'auii?  s.uBupBH  JO  'jo^tpa 

uui^isuno  puooas  i3  =  'a 

i-lrH  T-l                                                                                                                                                                        IC 

•(„quii3T„  o:^  saouaaajaj 
Sutpnioui)  SuiAvojioj  am  ui 
.Cyaiqo  j^'addB  jfaoAv  asoqAv 
JO  saouj')  'ami')  s^uupuuod 

}0  'jo^ipa  ui;'!C(suqo''B  =  a 

1-14 
9-17 

11-17 
8  (9,  10) 
1  S,10(?),12, 
13 

3 

0,  11,  14 
20 
6-10,  13b 

4-7     [(27) 
5-9,  14,  22,  23 
(1)  (3) 

•uSiaa  s,uiBiST!dsaA  }o 
asop  ai]}  spai3A\oi  uaq'^uAv 
'asdA'iEOodi'  qsiAvaf  i3  =  v 

1-11 
1-17 

1-8 
1-13 
1-21 
1-11 

1-7,  11-18 
6-11 

1,  2,  4-8 
1-21 

1-5,7-10,15-18 
1-19,  21-24 
1-5,  ll-13a, 

14  f. 
1-3,  8-15 
1-4, 10-13,etc. 
1-5 

UIO.IJ  i5u[iT3p  'oi^dA'i^oodi: 
qsiAvafjo  (s)c|uaiuST3.i,i 

C5                               O 

a 

J 
> 

•a-voox  -0  'as.fi'BoodT; 
u.wo  stq  UI  saSussud  aaqio 
q^iAV  N  puT!  c  paiBaodJOOUi 
oqM  'jo^ipa  uTJi^isuqo  "6  =  a 

•a-v  X8  -3 

'sn'jix  japun  ua^^uAV 

'x  =  3o.nios  qsLwaf  aaqiouy 

10, 12-17, 19 

1-11 
1-5 
1-17 

1-8,  9-17 

1-13 

1-21 

14-18 

14-20 

5 

17b-20 
1-18 
1-24 
1-6 

9-27 
1-11,  14,  15 

t                          ?        3    - 

■a-VG9-3                    1                                                                 J'     m            ^         -,' 
'c  paqiJo  aoanos  qsiAvap  V     i                                              1=12                S2'^-r'^'~'Sco 

•Haidvno 

..:~t>.v   ^m.-i      m   ^tMi  m 

a 

1 

„                 -a-v  OXX  -0 

'uonoBpaa  iBU!j[ 

1-3,  7-8,  9- 
1--29   [19 

6b 

(1-17) 
13 

15 

10b,  13b 

7a,  12,  13, 
16,  17,  20, 

21 

a         -a-v  OEX  '6SX  'uSiaj 
^    s.uuuptSH  "i  'paW8-8a 

l-§                                        8^       S        ^          ^^S 

•saSBSs^d  asaq'} 
O   }0  uoiiippi!  qXiAV  'uuCb-ix 
JO  aiuix  in  pawa 

•a-v  69 '89 

'jTiAV  qsiAvaf  aq;  jo 

«     sjuajq^no  aqi  pui;  q^riap 

s,o.ia^S[  •I3'}}!''  Joq^nt; 

aq')  A'q  pappi;  uoiioas  y 

^«         -      ^              ' 

•a'V99  '59 
(i  MajqaH  ui  pasodiuoo) 
"^        aUsod'B  aqi  uqof  jo 
asdA'iTjoodu  luuiSuo  aqx 

680  APPENDIX 

gent  and  alien,  into  a  glowing  unity  which  is  unmistakably  marked  in 
style,  structure,  and  conception.  The  whole  Look  is  a  religious  and 
artistic  masterpiece  of  its  class  ;  and  the  process  of  analysis  which  scientific 
criticism  is  amply  justified  in  applying  to  the  completed  work,  merely 
brings  out  by  its  very  success  the  greater  synthesis  dominating  the 
author's  mind  amid  the  heated  visions  of  earlier  seers  and  the  medley 
of  traditional  jjieces,  which  were  often  impressive  and  enigmatic  as  runes. 

The  hypothesis  which  practically  set  in  motion  the  modern  work  of 
analytic  criticism  upon  this  book  was  Volter's.  His  arrangement  differed 
from  time  to  time,  especially  during  the  controversies  with  Vischer  and 
others  ;  but  the  variations  never  affected  the  main  outlines  of  the  scheme 
as  given  in  the  second  edition  of  his  Die  Entstehung  der  Apocalypse  (1885). 
Cp.  the  reviews  by  Jiilicher,  GGA  (1886),  pp.  25-38';  Schiirer,  ThLz  (18S8), 
p.  135  f.;  and  Milligan,  Discussions  on  Ajjocahjpse  (1893),  pp.  20-34  ;  be- 
sides the  notices  in  the  commentaries.  The  chief  change  made  by  Volter 
in  the  scheme  as  here  printed,  was  the  subsequent  discovery  of  a  new 
source  in  several  parts  of  D  {e.g.  S^ii*  G^'^  7'-'-'^'  12^1  14*-^  and  also  U^). 

Vischer's  analysis  (TU,  ii.  p.  3)  proceeds  upon  a  simpler  principle,  and 
hardly  requires  detailed  exhibition.  The  groundwork  of  the  j^resent 
book  he  finds  in  4-22^,  a  Jewish  apocalypse  dating  from  the  years  66-70 
A.D.,  but  in  part  due  to  a  period  slightly  later.  This  writing  has  been 
interpolated  (e.g.  in  the  Lamb-passages)  by  Christians,  and  issued  under 
the  name  of  John.  Chaps.  1-3,  22*^-^  represent  the  Christian  prefix  and 
appendix  which  were  added — with  a  double  recension  of  the  whole — (a) 
in  Domitian's  reign,  (b)  in  +  136  a.d.  Chaj^s.  11,  12  form  for  Vischer  the 
clue  to  this  dissection  ;  he  is  on  stronger  ground  when  he  emphasises 
not  the  Jewish  basis,  but  the  final  and  essential  unity  of  the  whole  book. 
Cp.  approving  reviews  by  Simcox,  "  Revelation  "  {CUT) ;  Exp.^  v.  ])p.  425- 
443  ;  Martineau,  Sent  of  Authority,  pp.  224-227  ;  Overbeck,  ThLz  (1887),  p. 
28  f. ;  Menegoz,  Revue  de  the'ol.  et  phil.  1887,  p.  161  ;  also  Kriiger,  GGA 
(1887),  pp.  26-35  ;  otherwise  Milligan,  op.  cit.  pp.  35-44. 

The  Jewish  element  is  further  developed  by  G.  J.  Weyland  {Theol. 
Tijd.  1886,  pp.  454-470,  etc.),  whose  scheme  is  printed  alongside  of 
Volter's,  witli  which  it  has  some  distinct  correspondences.  Similarly 
Pfleiderer  {Urc.  pp.  318-356)  finds  in  4-22^  a  Jewish  apocalypse  dating 
from  Vespasian's  reign,  and  including  (lli-^^  12)  a  still  older  fragment 
composed  between  60  and  70  a.d.  The  book  has  been  twice  edited,  first 
by  a  Christian  redactor  in  the  age  of  Domitian,  and  later  by  another,  not 
earlier  than  Trajan's  reign,  to  whom  are  due  the  prefix  (1-3)  and  appen- 
dix (22"-^').  This  general  view,  analogous  to  Vischer's,  is  partly  shared  by 
0.  Holtzmaun  (in  Stade's  Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  ii.  pp.  658-664), 
who  finds  embedded  in  the  extant  book  a  Jewish  apocalypse  of  Nero's  age, 
containing,  however,  an  older  fragment  (13,  14"'^''')  dating  from  Caligula's 
age  (reading  SeV-a  for  e^^Kovra,  Vi^^,  and  interpreting  it  as  Td'ios  Kaicrap).^ 

On  a  different  line,  Schon  {L'origine  de  Vapocahjpse  de  Saint  Jean,  1887) 

I  strongly  suspect  tliat  in  its  original  form 
chap.  13  contains,  more  or  less  completely,  a 
Caligula-ajwcalypse,  as  Erbes,  0.  Holtzmann, 
Spitta,  and  Zahu  contend.  The  details  suit 
Caligula's  period  so  well  (?.//.  3,  6.  8),  that  even 

the  editorial  touches  do  not  altogether   obli- 

332  =  616        terate  the  original  sketch.     Bonsset  (-Meyer, 
pp.  433-435)  rejects  the  reference,  though  not 
Cp.  Nestle    Elnf.  p   ''64  confidently,  hut  J.  Weiss  seems  to  favour  it 

■  (XA',  1892,  p.  2Gir.). 


K    =     20 

r 

=      3 

A    =       1 

A 

=       1 

1     =     10 

I 

=     10 

C    =  200 

0 

=     70 

A    =       1 

C 

=  200 

P    =  100 

APPENDIX 


681 


is  disposed  to  regard  the  nucleus  of  the  book  as  Christian  and  even  apostolic, 
with  111-13  121-9- 13-17  13^  18  (except  IS^o)  as  Jewish  insertions.  Sabatier 
(Les  origines  liiteraires  et  la  comi)osition  de  Papocabipse  de  St.  Jean,  1887) 
takes  the  same  general  view.  He  considers  the  homogeneity  of  the  first 
ten  chapters  in  style  and  conception  to  be  unimpeachable,  but  finds 
Jewish  passages  in  lli-i^  12,  13,  U'"--"  171-19-'  19ii-20io  210-225.  A 
tliird  French  critic,  Bruston,  in  his  latest  work  (Les  origines  de  V apocalypse, 
1888),  i^laces  an  apostolic  apocalypse,  written  in  Hebrew,  in  the  latter 
years  of  Nero  :  another  work,  written  in  Greek,  was  composed  thirty 
years  later,  whereupon  both  were  united  and  edited  by  a  Jewish-Christian. 
Bruston  had  already  {Le  chiffre  666  d  Vhypothhe  du  retour  de  Neron,  1880) 
referred  13^  not  to  Nero  himself,  but  to  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar  and 
the  subsequent  re-establishment  of  the  empire  under  Augustus.  Still 
more  independently.  Professor  Briggs  (Messiah  of  Apostles,  pp.  285-461), 
in  an  elaborate  discussion,  founds  his  argument  on  the  following  analysis 
of  the  Apocalypse,  which  must  be  printed  separately.  It  implies  the 
successive  accretion  of  matter  to  an  original  nucleus  : — 


Fourth  edition,  close  of  first,  beginning-  of  second  century. 

Redactor. 

Third  edition. 

s 

? 

Second  edition. 

First  edition. 

, 

S                              y 

Letters. 

Seals. 

Trumpets. 

Vials. 

Beasts. 

Dragon. 

19 

|4S 

17-8 

13 

110-3 

4-6 

SI 

71-8 
82-9 
lOia.  :i-7 

10161)!  2. 8-11 

u. 

ni.'-. 

-18 

1114-loa 

111-13 

121-n 

(1i 

U1-- 

1119 

15-17              1  1218  13 

rip 

7y-i7 

I4I6.  17.  i4-i;o 

191-s 

148-13 

/£•§ 

2ir.i..  7a 

20 

1^ 

2l6.7b-8 

219-15. 161).  17. 
■Z2.-S1 

18,  1911-21 

211.  2.  IGac.  18- 
21 

)- 

2216-17 

22'ii 

2210-15 

221-2  (199-  10) 
226-9 

223-5 
2l3-5a 

2218-20 

a.  =  Reign  of  Caligula  ;  /3  shortly  afterwards.  ^  "  In  the  main  these  apocalypses  come 

y  Older  than  S,  and  s  younger  than  both  (perhaps,  .-         from  an   early  date,   prior   to  the 

reign  of  Galba).  J         destruction  of  Jervisalera." 

?  =  Latest  of  series,  not  earlier  than  Nero,  perhaps  as  late  as  Domitian." 

Two  analyses  further  claim  to  be  considered  in  greater  detail.  Spitta's 
(Offenbanmg  des  Johannes,  1889)  1  is  remarkable  for  its  attempt  to  break 
up  the  book  into  two  Jewish  sources  ;  and  on  this  line  Schmidt  (Anmer- 
hungen  iiher  die  Komposition  der  Offenharung  Joh.  1891)  has  gone  much 
further,  finding  at  least  three.  The  clue  detected  l)y  Spitta  is  the  use  of 
"seven."    From  this  he  works  back  to  his  sources,  and  their  date.    Like  0. 


1  Cp.  review.s  by  Sclimiedel  {LC,  18S8,  pp.  74-76),  Diisterdieck  {GGA,  1889, 
pp.  554-564),  and  Weizsacker  {TJiLr.,  1890,  p.  468).  Schmidt  dates  tlie  final  editing 
of  the  Apocalypse  in  Hadrian's  reis^n,  con.sider.'!  that  the  Jewish  nucleus  {4i-7^ 
S--1115  101-1113  121-223 146-20  171-195)  was  written  originally  in  Hebrew,  partly  before 
and  partly  after  the  year  70  [e.g.  171  =  Vespasian),  and  places  the  Christian  letters 
(1-3)  under  Domitian. 


682  APPENDIX 

Holtzmann,  he  takes  616  =  Tuios  Kaiaap  and  discovers  a  Caligula-apocalypse. 
In  tlie  last  point,  tliougli  not  in  the  Jewish  character  of  the  sources,  he  is 
followed  by  Erbes,  whose  analysis  I  jjrint  side  l»y  side  with  his  {Die 
Offenbarung  Johannes  kritisch  untersucht,  1891). 

Weizsiiciier  {AA,  ii.  pp.  173-205)  still  prefers  to  tliink,  not  of  various 
apocalyptic  writings  worked  over  and  incorporated  in  one  another,  but  of 
single  fragmentary  visions — belonging  to  various  periods — which  lay 
before  the  final  author,  a  Jewish-Christian,  who  in  the  name  of  his  master 
John  gathered  together  into  a  single  collection  the  most  treasured  pro- 
phecies of  the  last  decades.  Chap.  11  Weizsacker  regards  as  originally 
dating  from  60-70  a.d.  and,  like  cliaj).  12,  referring  to  the  Jewish  war. 
Cliaji.  13  comes  from  Vespasian's  reign,  and  chap.  17  somewhat  later.  At 
the  same  time  he  regards  it  as  "hardly  posailile  to  reconstruct  in  any 
likely  form  whole  writings  as  its  sources."  For  the  final  composition  of 
the  whole  he  refuses  to  go  much  beyond  tlie  close  of  the  first  century. 
JUlicher  (Einl.  pp.  181-183)  is  similarly  reticent.  He  takes  tlie  book  as 
a  unity  in  its  present  form,  but  with  older  apocalyptic  pieces  incorporated  ; 
neither  the  sources  nor  the  spirit  of  the  latter  can  be,  as  he  thinks,  de- 
ciphered with  any  accuracy. 

These  theories,  along  with  some  others  which  I  have  passed  over  as 
either  minor  or  inaccessible,  are  discussed,  with  I'eference  to  the  whole 
apocalyptic  problem,  by  Rovers  {A2)oc.  Studien,  1888,  pp.  56-86). 
A.  Meyer  (Tli,  1897,  Zweites  und  drittes  Heft),  Holtzmann  {JpTh,  1891, 
pp.  520-545),  Baldensperger  ("die  neueren  kritischen  Forschungen  iiber 
die  Apok.  Joh."  ZThK,  1894,  pp.  232-250),  Bousset  (-Meyer,  pp.  127-141), 
and  Barton  (AJT,  ii.  pp.  776-801).  Adverse  to  them  more  or  less  are  the 
critiques  by  Diisterdieck  (GGA,  1889,  p.  554  f.),  Beyschlag  (SK,  1888, 
pp.  102-138),  Bovon  (Eevue  de  the'ol.  et  fhil.  1887,  pp.  329-362),  and 
Hilgenfeld  {ZwTli,  1882,  pp.  396  f.;  1888,  p.  374  f.;  1890,  pp.  385-469), 
although  the  last-named  admits  one  or  two  interpolations  (P-^  16^^  19'*''- 
lOb.  13b.  22i**-2").  Holtzmann's  attitude  to  the  whole  problem  of  the  sources 
is  that  of  an  open  but  cautious  observer  (ifC,  iv.  2  ;  Einl.  pp.  411-414), 
while  Weiss  {INT,  ii.  pp.  68-71  ;  TU.  vii.  p.  1),  Reuss  {Histuire  de  la 
theologie  Chretienne  au  Siecle  Ajiostolique  (Eng.  tr.),  i.  jjp.  369-389), 
Milligan  (ojj.  cit.  chap,  ii.),  and  Hirscht  {Die  apokalypse  -u.  ihre  neueste 
Kritik,  1895),  argue  strongly  for  the  essential  unity  of  the  writing. 

The  questions  at  issue  really  concern  (a)  the  sources,  their  number, 
nature  (Jewisli  or  Christian),  and  date  (Caligula,  Nero,  Domitian,  or  even 
later),  and  (h)  the  final  editor.  Was  he  little  more  than  a  compiler,  who  has 
rather  awkwardly  fitted  earlier  ])ieces  together  with  additions  of  his  own,  or 
was  he  au  author  who  worked  with  freedom  and  creat  i ve  [n  iwei',  partly  upon 
material  that  lay  to  his  hand,  partly  upon  visions  and  piopliecies  of  his  own  ? 

Connected  with  this  series  of  hypotheses  is  the  important  line  of 
criticism  anticipated  by  Dr.  Barton  {Journal  of  Amer.  Oriental  Society, 
XV.  pp.  26,  27),  but  elaborately  and  independently  worked  out  in  Gunkel's 
Schopfuruj  und  Chaos  in  Urzeit  und  Endzeit  (1895).^  Here  the  Babylonian 
or  rather  Akkadian  mythology  is  used  to  throw  light  upon  the  ancient 
traditions   underlying   chaii.   12   of   the   Apocalypse,  the   dragon -myth 

1  Though  Zaliii  is  contented  to  pass  by  on  tlie  otlier  side  with  a  flippant  sentence, 
the  hypothesis  in  its  niaiii  outline  lias  been  tentatively  favoured  by  Cheyne  [CR,  v. 
pp.  264,  265),  and  receives  more  or  less  favourable  not'i,  ,■  IV,. m  Wrede  [ThLz,  1896, 
pp.  623-631),  Staerk  {ZwTh,  1896,  pj).  330-334),  ami  (  Uhkh  {SK,  189."),  pp.  619-630, 
also  LC,  189.5,  pp.  481-483).  Vidf  Gunkel's  similar  iihHi.kI  in  his  recent  and  masterly 
edition  of  4th  Esdras  (KAP,  ii.  p.  331  f.),  also  Cheyne,  Job  and  Solomon,  pp.  76-78, 
but  especially  A.  S.  Palmer,  Jiubi/lonkm  Influence  on  tlie  Bible,  1897. 


APPENDIX  683 

furnishing  the  basis  for  its  anthroiwniorphic  development  in  the  anti- 
christ legend  ;  but  it  is  obvious  that  if  the  principle  is  valid  it  applies 
to  the  nature,  and  indirectly  to  the  origin,  of  many  other  parts  of  the 
book.  It  has  been  so  applied  especially  by  Bousset  {Der  Antichrist  in  der 
Ueberliefenmg  d.  Judenth.  1895),^  who  has  exploited  these  materials,  often 
with  convincing  weight,  in  his  standard  edition  of  the  Apocalypse  (-Meyer, 
1896),  though  quite  independently  of  his  predecessor.  They  differ  in 
detail.  But  both  work  chiefly  on  the  religious-historical  line  in  preference 
to  that  of  literary  criticism,  although  Bousset  follows  Weizsiicker  in  the 
general  treatment  of  the  sources.  Gunkel's  sweep  is  narrower.  He 
starts  from  a  part  of  the  Apocalypse  so  admittedly  isolated  as  chap.*12. 
The  key  to  this  lies  in  pre-Semitic  folk-lore  outside  both  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament,  and  has  been  found  by  different  scholars  in  Egyptian 
or  Greek  mythology, — the  former  with  its  cycle  of  Hathor,  her  young 
sun-god  Horus,  and  Typhon  the  seven-headed  dragon  ;  the  latter  with  its 
legend  of  Apollo's  birth  and  Leto's  persecution  by  Pytho,  localised  in 
Ephesus.  Gunkel,  liowever,  prefers  the  old  Babylonian  myth  (mediated 
through  Dan  7,  8)  of  the  birth  of  Marduk  the  young  sun-god,  and  his 
triumph  over  Tiamat  the  dragon-monster  of  the  water.  To  these  Bousset 
refuses  to  adhere  ;  he  finds  the  clue  not  even  in  the  Jewish  tradition  of  a 
pre-existent  Messiah,  but  in  an  old  sun-myth,  Jesus  taking  the  place  of 
the  young  god  of  light  and  the  woman  representing  idealised  Israel. 
Bousset's  method,  then,  is  to  regard  the  Apocalypse  not  as  the  mechanical 
compilation  of  sources  by  a  redactor,  but  as  an  apocalyptic  writing  in 
which,  true  to  the  apocalyptic  tradition  (Gunkel,  op.  cit.  p.  252  f.),  the 
author  has  used  traditional  material  and  adopted  pieces  which  lay  before 
him  in  a  more  or  less  stereotyped  form.  Along  with  these  an  oral  and 
possibly  esoteric  tradition  -  has  to  l)e  reckoned,  persisting  from  age  to  age. 
Thus  in  IP'  -  he  hnds  an  apocalyptic  fragment  dating  from  before  70  a.d. 
possibly  Jewish  in  origin  ;  in  ll^is  a  fragment  of  tradition  on  the  anti- 
christ which  reached  the  writer  in  connection  with  the  fragment  on  the 
temple  (11'-  -);  in  chap.  13 — the  highest  point  of  the  apocalyptic 
drama — an  old  tradition  of  Nero  combined  with  a  cognate  tradition  of 
antichrist ;  in  141^-0  another  foreign  element,  or  tradition  of  antichrist  = 
Enoch  100'-  -  ;  in  19'-'-  1°  a  piece  of  traditional  polemic  against  Jewish  or 
Jewish-Christian  angel-worship  =  Asc.  Isa.  7-^  ;  in  20--  -^  (after  Gunkel, 
91-95)  an  older  picture  ;  in  20-*-i'^  a  Jewdsh  tradition  on  Gog  and  Magog 
=  Sibylliii.  319  f.  663;  in  21-22^  the  combination  of  two  traditions, 
(rt)  the  favourite  one  of  the  new  Jerusalem,''*  existing  in  a  written  form, 

1  Cp.  Schmiedel,  LC,  1895,  pp.  1545-1547  ;  also  Bousset's  articles  in  EBi,  i.  on  "Anti- 
christ "and  "Apocalypse,"  and  the  Eng.  trans,  of  his  Antichrist  by  Mr.  A.  H.  Keane 
(1896),  especially  pp.  xiv-xxiv.  On  the  relations  between  the  older  Babylonian 
religion  and  the  Jewish  and  later  Gnostic  developments,  as  well  as  on  the  Persian 
inrtueuces  (Tobit),  cp.  Anz  (TU,  xv.  pp.  4,  61-110),  Scliwally  {Das  Leben  nach  dem 
Tude,  p.  146  f.),  Beer  [KAP,  ii.  p.  23.3  f.),  and  Bible  Fulk-Lore,  1884,  pp.  301-318. 

2  1  Th  4'5  CO,  2  Th  25-^,  ol  fx.^n'^onOir..  'on  hi  ^v   rph;  i,a«f,  T«S™   ikiyt,   iu.7v    y.rX.       On 

which  Bornemann  quotes  Origen's  remark  {in  Matth.  Conim.,  iv.  p.  329):  "Forte 
quoniam  apud  Judaeos  erant  quidam  sive  per  seripturas  profitentes  de  temporibus 
consummationis  se  scire,  sive  de  secretis,  ideo  haec  scribit." 

3  The  irreconcilable  antipathy  of  the  Jews  to  Rome's  suzerainty  over  Palestine 
had,  on  its  religious  side,  an  undaunted  hope  for  a  new  Jerusalem  and  for_  the 
expulsion,  or  even  the  overthrow,  of  the  pagans.  This  rested  on  the  belief  in  a 
Messiah's  advent  and  terrestrial  reign.  For  the  annihilation  of  the  Empire,  cp.  Apoc 
Baruch  10^  '■  63  f.).  Wellhausen  (Skizzen  it.  Vcmirbeiten,  vi.  pp.  225-234),  however, 
remains  sceptical  on  Gunkel's  interpretation  as  a  whole,  in  regard  to  the  Apocalypse 
(see  the  latter's  reply  in  ZwTh,  1899,  pp.  581-611). 


b84  APPENDIX 

and  (b)  tliat  of  the  lieavenly  Jerusalem,  wliicli  sprang  up  only  after  70  a.d. 
(cp.  Apoc  Bar  and  4tli  Esdras).  Apart  from  details,  Gunkel  and  Bousset  ^ 
have  opened  a  fruitful  line  of  research,  parallel  in  some  respects  to  that 
developed  by  Usener  in  another  province  of  tlie  NT  ;  and  any  attempt  to 
get  behind  the  Ajjocalypse  to  its  roots  in  tlie  folk-lore  and  sagas  of  earlier 
and  even  foreign  thought,  is  a  much-needed  corollary  to  the  analytic 
methods  of  source-criticism.  After  discount  is  allowed  for  exaggeration 
and  premature  conclusions,  it  affords  considerable  aid  in  the  tangled 
problem  of  dating  the  book  and  its  various  sources. 

The  critical  basis  upon  which  the  book  has  been  arranged  in  the 
present  edition  approximates  sul^stantially  to  that  of  Weizsiicker,  and  may 
be  roughly  outlined  as  follows.  The  seven  letters  to  the  churches  are, 
I  think,  to  be  regarded,  with  the  great  majority  of  editors  (despite  Spitta 
and  Bousset),  as  a  separate  section,  among  the  latest  in  the  whole  book, 
and  most  characteristic  of  the  author  and  of  the  crisis  at  which  he 
wrote.  As  for  the  rest  of  the  volume,  chaps.  4-22,  the  standpoint  of 
criticism  here  is  practically  that  already  adopted  in  the  case  of  Acts. 
Both  writings  in  their  present  form  belong  to  the  last  decade  of  the  first 
century.  Both  depend  upon  sources  of  more  or  less  value  and  weight, 
reaching  back  to  the  period  preceding  the  crisis  of  70.  In  both,  these 
sources  have  been  partly  submerged  ;  Init  in  part  they  rise  visibly  above 
the  materials  contributed  by  the  final  author.  In  the  case  of  the 
Apocalypse,  then,  as  of  Acts,  it  is  still  feasible  to  mark  by  means  of 
darker  type  one  or  two  passages — varying  from  large  to  small  paragraphs 
— which  bear  traces  of  earlier  origin,  and  at  the  same  time  to  note  in 
brackets  one  or  two  phrases  in  which  the  later  editor  has  Christianised 
the  materials  before  him,  even  when  the  precise  date  and  character  of 
these  materials  slip  away  from  a  reasonable  analysis. 

Two  interesting  features  become  transparent  in  this  collection  of 
materials.  The  soiirces  are  neither  consistent,  point  for  jjoint,  with  one 
another,  nor  are  they  always  to  be  reconciled  with  the  actual  history  to 
which  they  x'efer.  The  explanation  of  these  discre]iancies  largely  lies 
in  the  general  nature  of  prophecy  and  apocalyptic,  and  is  best  summed 
up  in  the  canon  :  "  Prophecies,  especially  those  of  an  apocalyptic  nature, 
are  retained  as  tradition,  without  reference  to  their  coutirmation  or 
refutation  by  history,  and  merely  on  the  ground  of  the  authority  they 
have  acquired "  (Weizsixcker).  This  may  be  quoted  once  for  all  as  the 
clue  to  many  of  the  familiar  puzzles  in  the  Apocalypse  of  John. 

611!. — qijjg  sus^iicion  that  the  remarkable  addition  koL  ano  tjjs  o/jy^j 
Tov  apvinv  is  an  interpolation,  is  corroborated  by  the  fact  that  avrov  (not 
avTwv,  an  obvious  correction  -)  occurs  in  the  next  verse.  This  may  be  a 
usage  similar  to  that  in  1  Th  3'\  2  Th  2"'- 1',  but  internal  evidence  and 
the  parallelism  turn  the  scale  in  the  opposite  direction.  The  insertion  of 
the  reference  to  the  Lamb  was  natural  in  a  later  editor  or  scribe,  in  order 
to  definitely  mark  the  Christian  allusion  of  the  OT  ])assages  here  cited. 
So  especially  Vischer,  Viilter,  Weyland,  Pfleiderer,  and  Spitta. 

7i-8_ — xiie  patent  duality  ^  in  this  chapter  leaves  only  one  question 
open  :  which  of  the  two  sections  is  the  source,  and  Avhich  is  due  to  the 

1  See  also  the  latter's  reply  (ThLz,  1898,  pp.  578-583)  to  Erbes'  monograph  (Der 
Antichrist  in  den  Sckrifteii  des  NT,  1897).  His  view  is  endorsed  by  M.  R.  James 
(DB,  iii.  pp.  226,  227). 

-  As  Bousset  points  out,  after  Weiss,  alroZ  explains  the  variant  kItZv,  not  vice  versA. 

3  So  conservative  a  scholar  as  Sinicox  (C^T*,  "  Kevelatlon,"  Appendix)  is  almost 
driven  by  this  discrepancy  to  follow  Vischer  and  regard  vers.  9-17  as  an  interpolation. 


APPENDIX  685 

different  standpoint  of  the  editor  ?  Probably  vers.  1-8  are  to  be  taken  as  an 
abrupt  (note  the  four  bound  winds,  never  unloosed  afterwards)  and  inter- 
polated fragment  from  some  Jewish  (?)  source  (so  S2:)itta  and  Bousset),  a 
hypothesis  which  is  supported  by  the  stylistic  resemblances  of  vers.  9-17 
to  the  rest  of  the  Apocalypse.  The  detinite  escliatological  horizon  of 
vers.  1-8  comes  from  Jewish  or  Jewish-Christian  tradition.  The  author 
supplements  it  by  a  wider  Christian  outlook  (the  stress  falling  on  the 
Gentile  Christian  martyrs),  whose  incompatibility  with  the  former 
section  was  probably  hidden  from  him  by  the  semi-spiritual  way  in 
which  he  interpreted  the  language  of  vers.  1-8.  In  its  original  setting 
the  latter  piece  may  be  placed  before  70  a.d.,  as  an  expression  of  Jewish- 
Christianity  in  Jerusalem  (Weizsacker).  For  a  good  discussion  cp.  Bousset, 
ad  he.  pp.  336-339.  The  impossibility  of  identifying  both  inultitudes 
may  be  taken  as  the  starting-point  of  critical  research,  and  a  divergence 
between  the  144,000  here  (a  faithful  remnant  from  the  old  faith)  and  in 
14^^  (a  nucleus  of  ascetics)  is  also  axiomatic. 

Ili-i3_ — This  fragment,  which  stands  quite  out  of  connection  with  the 
following  (cp.  9'-  with  IP*)  section,  is  regarded  by  most  editors  as  a 
Jewish  source  to  which  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  leads  up  by  means 
of  chap.  10,  although  the  latter  (lO^^)  serves  as  the  prelude  to  an  even 
wider  outlook  (chaps.  17,  18).  So  especially  Weizsacker,  Pfleiderer, 
Schmidt,  Schon,  Sabatier,  Bousset,  and  McGiffert  {AA,  p.  635).  It  forms 
a  sudden  vision,  breaking  in  upon  the  progress  of  the  trumpet-visions  with 
isolated  contents  which  are  neither  resumed  nor  carried  forward  in  the 
subsequent  chapters.  It  also  contains  some  linguistic  peculiarities  of  its 
own,  and  represents,  e.g.,  the  seer  in  an  active  capacity  (not  passive,  as 
elsewhere).  Some  hint  of  the  date  of  the  passage  might  be  found  in 
ver.  8  ;  but  "  the  great  city "  there  may  be  taken  either  as  Rome  (in 
which  case,  as  with  many  scholars,^  oVov  koi  6  Kvpios  avrav  earavpoiBr]  is  a 
gloss)  or  as  Jerusalem  (so  strongly  Bousset,  who  develops  from  it  his  theory 
of  the  antichrist's  appearance  in  Jerusalem  as  a  defiant  opponent  of  God 
and  a  deluder  of  the  people).  It  is  safer  to  regard  at  least  vers.  1,  2  as  a 
separate  fragment,  written  before  70  by  a  loyal  Jew-  who  refuses  to 
believe  in  the  possible  profanation  of  the  temple  (cp.  Lk  21-*,  Bousset). 
If,  as  is  quite  possible,  the  author  was  a  Jewish-Christian,  it  is  a  curious 
instance  of  the  fluidity  and  variety  of  such  conceptions  that  the  present 
idea  of  the  temple  being  preserved  is  in  flat  contradiction  ^  to  the  other 
tradition  represented  by  Mk  13^  (  =  Mt  24^,  Lk  21'')  and  Ac  7  (the  address 
of   Stephen),    which    is    certainly   genuine.      The   whole    passage   then 

"When  tlie  servants  of  God  have  been  sealed  in  tlieir  foreheads,  and  we  expect  the 
wrath  of  God  to  break  forth  upon  the  rest  of  the  world  "  (cp.  ver.  8)  then,  as  he  com- 
plains, "  we  have  instead  a  vision  of  God's  servants  already  triumphant:  not  of  the 
'great  tribuhation,'  but  of  those  who  came  out  of  it.  .  .  .  The  vision  of  the  saints 
in  triumph  seems  out  of  place  at  this  stage  of  events."     But  it  is  proleptic. 

1  Recently  Julicher  {Mnl.  pp.  181,  182). 

2  So  Wellhauseu  [Skizzen  ii.  Vomrbeiten,  vi.  p.  215  f.),  who  attributes  this 
fragment  to  the  Zealots  {vide  the  well-lcuown  passage  of  Josephus),  and  chap.  12  to 
the  Pharisaic  circle  in  Jerusalem  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  decade,  thelatter 
of  whom  preserved  a  purely  religious  attitude,  as  distinct  from  the  active  patriotism 
of  the  sectaries.  Both  passages  were  originally  written  in  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  (so 
Gunkel). 

3  A  point  that  is  almost  fatal  to  the  hypothesis  that  John  the  apostle  composed 
the  book.  The  attempt  to  escape  from  this  conclusion  by  the  surmise  that  the 
author  is  spiritualising,  is  quite  inadequate  to  meet  tlie  facts  and  evidence.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  final  sense  in  which  the  editor  read  these  and  some  other 
passages,  tlieir  original  meaning  was  certainly  literal. 


686  APPENDIX 

(vers.  1-13)  represents  an  expectation  that  the  Jewish  people  would  be 
converted  or  destroyed  Ijy  means  of  a  catastrophe  which  would  be  due  to 
their  treatment  of  Enoch  and  Elijah,  the  God-sent  messengers  of  Messiah. 
If  vers.  3-10  hang  with  1,  2,  the  whole  passage  falls  into  the  years  67-70,^ 
Avhen  the  crisis  was  viewed  as  a  sharp  measure  for  inducing  national 
repentance.  If  not,  they  may  be  brought  down  somewhat  later  ;  and  this 
is  perhaps  easier,  as  vers.  3-10  do  not  of  themselves  imply  that  crisis. 

12. — This,  as  the  large  majority  of  editors  admit,  forms  an  isolated 
and  distinct  section,  which  introduces  chai>.  13,  but  stands  out  of  all 
relation  to  the  rest  of  the  Apocalypse.  To  recapitulate  the  birth  of  the 
Messiah  at  this  stage  (11^'-')  is  almost  out  of  keeping  with  the  solemn 
series  of  visions  which  it  interruj^ts. 

Its  date  depends  on  the  princijile  used  to  unlock  its  meaning— (n) 
historical  or  (b)  mythological.  In  the  former  case,  it  is  either  Christian 
or  .Jewish;  to  be  referred  to  the  ])ersecution  and  flight  of  the  ])rimitive 
Christians  from  Jerusalem  to  Pella  in  the  seventh  decade,  or  to  the  ideal 
Jewish  church  (Hos  P"^,  4  Esdras  9^**  ^•)  from  which  the  Messiah  sprang,  in 
its  troubles  under  Caligula  or  Titus.  No  construction  on  these  lines  is 
without  its  difficulties,  and  it  is  impossible  to  press  the  details  of  the 
dragon's  manoeuvre  into  historical  references  either  to  Herod  or  to  any 
of  the  Roman  emperors.  "  The  pictures  .  .  .  seem  to  shift  like  a 
dissolving  view  "  (Simcox).  Certainly  the  absence  of  all  reference  to  the 
crucifixion  and  the  general  colours  of  the  sketcli  favour  a  Jewish  origin, 
upon  the  whole.  When  (h)  is  adopted  (see  above,  p.  683),-  an  exact 
determination  of  the  source's  date  becomes  less  possible  than  ever.  In 
this  case  the  groundwork  of  the  source,  jiossibly  an  old  sun-myth,  is 
found  originally  outside  both  Jewish  and  Christian  territory  ;  but  the 
Christian  author  has  taken  it  from  a  primarily  Jewish  application,  and  used 
it  here  to  explain  the  life  of  Jesus  and  the  fortunes  of  his  followers.  On 
the  Babylonian  groundwork  of  3|,  especially  the  Babylonian  divinity 
Adapa,  a  semi-mortal  DopioeUjamjer  of  Marduk,  who  in  his  capacity  of 

1  Lagarde  (UGA,  1891,  pp.  498-520)  even  placed  Dan  7  in  this  period  (67  A.D.), 
interpreting  the  "small  horn"  as  Vespasian. 

2  In  The  Homeric  Centones  (1898),  Prof.  Rendel  Harris  points  to  anotlicr  sonrce 
which,  he  thinks,  the  author  of  this  saga  had  in  mind,  namely,  the  vision  in  Iliail 
yMHf.^  where  a  blood-red  serpent  swallows  a  brood  of  little  sparrows  and  the  mother- 
bird.  Here  also  (in  Apoe  12)  the  mother  has  wings  and  more  children  (I'i"')  than 
one,  l)Ut  otherwise  the  parallelism  is  not  so  striking  as  that  of  the  similar  myths 
already  cited.  The  storming  of  heaven  ( =  Eph  6'-)  by  the  dragon,  as  Cheyne  points 
out  [liBi,  i.  p.  1131),  is  a  replica  of  Tiamat's  rebellion,  and  the  Hood  of  water  occurs  in 
the  myth  narrated  in  Addit.  Esther  (ll^-n).  Jensen  (a{)ud  Wildeboer,  Kurzer  Hand- 
doinm.  A.  T.,  "Esther,"  pp.  173-176)  explains  tlie  book  of  Esther  from  a  similar 
Babylonian  myth.  Purim,  he  holds,  is  merely  a  Judaised  allegorical  edition  of  the 
Babylonian  new-year  festival,  which  in  turn  derived  from  tlie  Bal)ylonian  version 
of  tlicepos  of  Gilgamis,  with  its  account  of  the  defeat  of  the  Elamites  and  their  national 
god  Humman  (=  Haman)  by  their  hereditary  foes  the  Babylonians  under  Marduk 
(=Mordecai).  We  have  cuneiform  evidence  that  Assurhanipal  recovered  from  the 
Elamites  an  image  of  Istar  (=  Esther).  J.  H.  Moulton  (K.rp.  Ti.  .\i.  pp.  257-260), 
founding  in  part  upon.a.hjnt  of  Prof.  Rendel  Harris  (The  Sturi/  of  Ahikar,  1898,  pp. 
vii-lxxxviii ;  AJT,  ISOQ,"']'-  541  f.),  similarly  conjectures  that  Tobit  rejiresents  a 
Jewish  edition  of  some  old  Iranian  jtiece  of  folk-lore,  which  applies  and  adapts  the 
older  myth  to  specially  Hebrew  needs.  This  current  of  influence  as  a  factor  in  pre- 
Ciiristian  Judaism  is  also  worked  out  by  E.  Stave:  Ucbcr  den  Einjiuss  d.  Parsismtm 
avf.  d.  Jiide.ntnm  (1898),  p.  145  f.;  he  discusses  the  relation  of  Jewish  angelology 
to  the  NT  conceptions  (ibid.  pp.  227  f.),  identifying,  e.g.,  the  "angels"  of  Apoc 
]-3  with  the  Parsee  Fravashis,  and  i)ointing  out  a  background  to  Eph  6i'^-  in  the 
atniosi>heric  battles  of  Parsee  genii. 


APPENDIX  687 

zir-amibiti  ("seed  of  mankind")  is  conjectured  to  have  been  a  prototype 
of  the  Messianic  conception  of  bar-nashd  ("  son  of  man ''),  cjj.  Hommel, 
ExjJ.  Ti.  xi.  pp.  341-345. 

Both  Pfleiderer  and  Bousset  find  traces  of  the  editor's  hand,  parti- 
cularly in  vers.  10-11  (where  the  reasons  for  the  victory  resemble  7^*, 
and  have  no  relation  to  the  reason  already  adduced  by  the  source,  i.e. 
Michael's  power,  ver.  7)^  also  in  17  (where  the  "  rest  of  the  seed  "  must  refer 
to  Christians,  and  cannot  have  had  a  place  in  the  original  Jewish  docu- 
ment), which  is  introduced  partly  to  bridge  the  gap  between  chaps.  12  and 
13.  Wellhausen  finds  Christian  additions  also  in  vers.  11  and  17  (nal  e^. 
r.  fi.  'iTjaov),  and  takes  vers.  1-6,  7-14  as  variants  of  one  idea.  But  the 
fact  is,  this  fragment  is  one  of  several  in  the  apocalyptic  literature,  and 
even  beyond  it  (e.g.  4  Mac  18''^'i='),  where  an  interpolation  cannot  be 
sharp!}"  assigned  with  any  conclusiveness  to  a  Christian  or  a  Jewish  source. 
Both  religions  had  much  common  matter  in  those  days,  and  they  cannot 
be  strictly  kept  apart :  cjj.  Gunkel's  luminous  remarks  on  Paul  and  the 
author  of  4th  Esdras,  KAF,  ii.  pp.  343-349. 

13^. — Tov  apviov  Tov  iacpayfiivov  is,  as  most  editors  rightly  detect 
(Vischer,  Volter,  Spitta,  Weyland,  Schon,  Sabatier,  Pfleiderer,  Bousset),  a 
gloss.  The  point  of  the  passage  ^  is  that  the  loyal  remnant  are  pre- 
destined and  enrolled  in  the  book  of  life  from  the  first ;  diro  k.  k.  goes 
with  yeypaTTTai  in  any  case  (17^),  and  the  natural  interpolation  of  t.  d.  t.  e, 
is,  like  the  similar  case  of  6'",  due  to  the  later  editor  or  to  a  scribe. 
The  idea  that  a  list  and  record  of  the  faithful  was  preserved  in  heaven, 
formed  a  commonplace  of  Jewish  apocalyptic.  This  gloss  definitely 
connected  it  with  Jesus.  A  similar  process  has  been  detected  by  some 
critics  in  S^-^  and  14'',  besides  14^'^,  IS-*^,  where  the  introduction  of  a 
reference  to  "  the  Lamb  "  is  either  awkward  or  inappropriate.  Suidas 
has  this  note  Ujjon  apviov.  {'Apviov)  ev  Aiyinrra,  cos  (jiaaiv,  uvQpaneia 
(pavji  eXaXTjaev-  evpedr}  8e  f'x^^  ISaa-iXetov  bpaKOvra  vnep  rrjs  Kf(f)aXfjS 
avTov  TTTepwTov,  ('xovra  pfj^os  TTrj^foiv  8.  Kai  tlvl  XeXdXrjKf  rd.  peXXovra. 

14. — Leaving  aside  as  unproved  the  analyses  of  vers.  6-13,  which 
converge  upon  vers.  12,  13  as  a  Christian  interpolation  in  what  was 
originally  a  Jewish  source  (so  Pfleiderer,  Schmidt,  Vischer,  Simcox,  and 
Weyland),  we  may  take  vers.  14-20  with  little  hesitation  as  an  earlier 
fragment  which  graphically  but  irrelevantly  represents  a  final  judgment 
of  the  earth.  This  is  still  to  come,  according  to  the  Apocalypse.  Upon  this 
point  criticism  ^  is  practically  unanimous,  though  there  is  diff'erence  of 
opinion  as  to  its  Jewish  or  Christian  origin.  Bousset,  comparing  Enoch 
100-  f-,  etc.,  finds  that  the  primitive  tradition  merely  described  a  fight  of  the 
angels  against  antichrist  in  the  wilderness  outside  Jerusalem,  which  was 

1  Simcox  solves  tins  breach  of  continuity  in  ver.  11  by  referring  the  verse 
proleptically  to  ver.  17,  as  ver.  6  to  ver.  14. 

-  On  the  question  of  this  section  (13ii")  and  its  historical  origin,  cp.  above,  p. 
680.  That  it  originally  referred  to  Caligula  is  quite  a  tenable  theory  (Spitta,  Erbes, 
O.  Holtzmann,  Zahn),  but  it  is  impossible  to  separate  source  and  editor  precisely, 
owing  to  the  freedom  with  which  the  latter  has  treated  his  materials  at  this  point. 
All  that  we  can  be  sure  of  is,  that  the  passage  in  its  present  form  belongs  to  the 
author  of  the  whole  book,  while  its  roots  lie  some  decades  earlier  in  Caligula's 
reign  ;  the  two  beasts,  as  they  are  represented  in  the  present  text,  probably 
symbolise  the  cult  and  the  provincial  priesthood  of  the  Caesar-worship. 

3  Even  Simcox  admits  that  "if  one  might  venture  to  discard  as  an  interpolation 
any  part  of  the  attested  text  of  the  Apocalypse,  it  would  be  this  passage."  You 
expect,  he  urges,  the  denouement  of  the  harvest.  But  nothing  occurs.  "  The  earth 
goes  on  just  as  before." 


688  APPENDIX 

the  headquarters  of  antichrist.  The  ajjocalyptist  has  altered  this  in  two 
ways  :  he  has  assigned  an  important  role  to  the  Messiah  himself  (ver. 
14),  and  interpreted  the  city  as  Rome.  "  Ein  hassliches  Bild,  dessen 
wilden  Blutdurst  jedenfalls  aus  keinem  christlichen  Herzen  kommt, 
und  von  dem  also  zu  wiinschen  ware,  dass  es  auch  nicht  von  einem 
Christen  verfasst  sei"  (Piieiderer).  The  ghastly  hyperbole^  of  ver.  20 
occurs  also  in  Enoch  100'%  and  is  applied  in  the  rabbinical  legends  to  the 
bloody  massacres  at  Bether  during  the  war  against  Bar-Kokhl)a  (Schiirer, 
HJP,  I.  2,  p.  311  n.  ;  Wabnitz,  J^Th,  1889,  pp.  478-480). 

16^^. — This  may  be  an  ejaculation  of  the  author,  cast  in  the  form 
of  a  divine  oracle  (=  Lk  12'^''),  as  22''-i"-";  but  the  interruption  is 
immensely  harder  to  understand  here.  It  is  better  to  expunge  it  as  an 
interpolation  which  has  crept  into  the  text  .(so  Vischer,  PHeiderer, 
Simcox). 

17. — The  episodical  character  of  chap.  17  is  recognised  on  all  sides. 
"  This  chapter  is  one  that  can  most  easily,  nay  advantageously,  be  spared,  if 
once  we  call  in  question  the  unity  and  integrity  of  the  book"  (Simcox). 
At  the  same  time,  the  clue  to  its  origin  is  found  in  its  relation  to  chap.  13 
(see  especially  Weizsiicker's  discussion  on  this, ^^,ii. pp.  178, 179, 184-193) ; 
both  edit  the  same  symbol  of  the  beast  as  the  Roman  power.  Tliis  dupli- 
cate section,  chap.  17,  restates  the  main  ideas  of  cliap.  13,  and  like  it  rests 
on  independent  and  earlier  sources.  The  writer  of  the  original  fragment 
lived  probably  under  Vespasian  (ver.  11),  and  expected  tlie  return  of 
Nero  {to  dTjpiov)  along  with  the  Parthian  satraps  {fSacnXds,  l?'^*) — an 
idea  which  is  historically  located  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  decades  of  the 
first  century  both  by  Tacitus  and  Suetonius,  and  also  by  the  Sibylline 
oracles  of  the  period  (iv-v).  Such  a  campaign  would  form  a  just 
vengeance  of  Providence  for  the  cruelties  of  Rome  to  the  Christians 
under  Nero,  or  (if  the  source  be  Jewish)  to  the  Jews  at  the  end  of  the 
seventh  decade,  and  the  thought  of  this  prompts  the  magnificent  doom-song 
of  chap.  18.  Whatever  general  historical  justification  may  be  found  for  this 
attitude  is  stated  best  by  Renan,  Les  Aputres,  chap.  xvii.  The  persistence 
of  a  Nero-cult,  which  seems  to  the  modern  mind  a  psychological  aberra- 
tion, was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the  emperor  not  merely  M-as 
successful  in  his  foreign  policy,  but  also  possessed  the  same  combination 
of  personal  attractiveness  and  brutality  tliat  marked  our  own  King  John. 

But  this  earlier  j^rophecy  has  been  redacted  so  thoroughly  that  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  separate  it  from  the  editor's  Christian  incorporations, 
except  in  an  obvious  gloss  like  that  of  ver.  6  (kqI  in  roii  aifiaros  rcov 
Haprvpoav  'lr](rov).  The  later  writer's  conception  (ver.  9=^)  is  of  a  war 
against  the  Lamb,  and  of  the  spectral  Nero  as  a  beast  from  the  aby.ss. 
As  Nero  did  not  appear,  his  saga  became  transformed  towards  the  close 
of  the  century  into  that  of  Nero  redivivus.  Its  first  form  was  leased  on 
the  belief  that  Nero  had  not  actually  died.  When  facts  became  too 
strong  for  this,  it  broke  out  in  a  new  fantastic  form.  He  had  died,  so 
men  believed,  but  from  the  "underworld  he  was  to  return  once  more,  a 
weird  and  gloomy  potentate. 

1  During  a  yachting  cruise  the  late  Marquis  of  Bute  .saw  the  bay  of  Patmos  at 
sunset,  "as  it  were  a  bath  of  blood  ;  and  there  in  its  midst  were  rocks  with  some- 
thing of  the  form  of  horses,  and  from  their  necks  hung  innneniorial  sea-weed,  iis  it 
were  bridles  that  surged  to  and  fro  upon  that  crimson  Hood."  .1  pmpos  of  2''',  he  also 
noticed  the  wliite  pebbles  on  the  beach  of  the  island,  with  "their  red  veins  forming 
themselves  into  names  and  words  at  the  bidding  of  the  tinder's  fancy  "  {Academy, 
Oct.  13,  1900,  pp.  312,  313). 


APPENDIX  GS9 

Compared  also  witli  cliap.  13,  cliap.  17  presents— as  Weizsiicker  acutely 
proves — a  later  edition  of  the  saga,  introducing  more  definite  historical 
applications,  and  re-arranging  the  figures  of  the  beast  and  his  associates. 

181*.— As  Vitringa  saw  long  ago,  this  passage  has  fallen  out  of  its  true 
place  somewhere  between  vers.  23  and  24  (so  recently  Volkmar  and 
Weiss).  Its  present  position  is  extremely  awkward,  and  unnecessarily 
interrupts  the  continuity  of  the  context.  But  I  conjecture  further  that 
IS-*  either  is  displaced  from  its  original  position  (between  vers.  19  and  20  ?) 
or  is  (more  jarobably)  a  marginal  gloss. 

19'". — ri  yap  .  .  .  irpo(f)T]Teias  is,  as  editors  and  critics  almost  un- 
animously agree  (cp.  also  Hilgeni'eld,  ZwTh,  1890,  p.  459),  a  gloss.  It  is 
introduced  to  explain  that  the  previously  mentioned  paprvpia  'I.  is  not 
equivalent  to  tlie  Christian  revelation — wliich  it  is,  in  the  original  source 
— but  the  special  prophetic  gift.  Bousset  finds  the  hand  of  the  apoca- 
lyptist  already  in  rdiv  ex-  r.  p.  'I.,  and  attributes  the  gloss  to  a  scribe  who 
wished  to  conform  the  passage  to  22^  ^• 

19^''. — Koi  KenXrjTai  TO  ovop.a  avrov  6  \6yos  rov  Qeov.  A  further  inter- 
polation, possibly  added  (cp.  ver.  16)  under  the  influence  of  the 
Johannine  school.  So  again  a  great  consensus  of  scholars,  including 
Vischer,  Spitta,  Pfleiderer,  Weyland,  Volter,  Menegoz,  Hilgenfeld  (ZivTh, 
1890,  p.  460),  and  Holtzmann  (HG,  iv.  2,  p.  354,  and  A^Tr/i,i.p.  471),  who 
find  this  Logos-idea  naturally  inconsistent  with  the  role  assigned  to  the 
Messiah  in  the  context  of  the  Apocalypse.  Was  the  similar  addition  in 
Enoch   90'^^   made   by   the   same   hand  (Pfleiderer)  ?  The    re- 

crudescence of  evil  genii  immediately  before  their  doom  is  one  of  the 
features  which  Stave  traces  back  to  Parseeism  and  its  eschatology. 

21. — The  attempts  to  separate  (as  in  5''-8)  the  editorial  interpolations 
from  the  Jewish  source  which  evidentlv  (cp.  the  doublets,  212  =  211" 
2X23  =  225b  2125  =  22^^  21"  =  223)  underlies  2P-22^  cannot  be  pro- 
nounced successful,  although  in  some  passages  (e.g.  the  reference  to  the 
Lamb,  and  to  the  twelve  apostles,  21^'^),  the  distinction  is  jilain.  Bousset 
marks  -IV^-  ^^  as  a  purely  prosaic  gloss,  and  rather  needlessly  rejects  also 
21-11'  and  21^''.  The  whole  passage  in  its  extant  condition  is  a  Jewish 
ideal  conceived  sub  specie  Christiana.  Hardj^  (I)er  Buddhisiiuis  nach  den 
iilteren  Paliwerken,  p.  118)  quotes  from  a  pre-Christian  Buddhist  tract  a 
striking  account  (parallel  to  2V^-^^)  of  a  city  of  the  great  King,  with 
seven  walls  of  precious  stones. 

Jn  1  5^^*. — €K8exop(vwv  .  .  .  voarjpaTi.  Upon  the  Yevdict{JFII,  ii.  p.  77) 
of  textual  evidence  this  passage  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  interpolation  in 
the  Johannine  narrative  ;  it  dates  in  all  probability  from  the  latter  half 
of  the  second  century,  as  Tertullian  (De  Bapt.  5)  appears  to  have  been 

1  The  transposition  of  4^  to  a  place  between  46''  and  48°  is  found  in  Syr-Cnr 
Syr-Sin,  and  gives  a  more  satisfactory  sense  than  the  ordinary  textual  arrangement. 

On  the  grounds  which  are  considered  fatal  to- the  gemiineness  of  5^-9,  cp, 
Weudt,  LJ,  i.  pp.  249-251,  Juh.  Evglm.  p.  122  f.,  and  Charles,  Crit.  Hist.  Eschatology, 
pp.  370-372. 

Besides  the  hypotheses  which  involve  the  excision  of  6'-28(29)  [e.g.  Delff  and 
Draseke,  apud  Weudt)  as  interpolated,  internal  considerations  have  suggested  to 
several  critics  that  the  speech  in  chap.  6  is  a  compilation.  Weudt  {.loh.  Evglm.  pp. 
70-79,  127-132)  finds  parts  of  his  source  in  vers.  27-58  (substantially),  60,  61, 
63-64'',  65-69.  Chastand  (L'apotre  Jean  et  le  quatribne  evangile,  ]i.  243)  distin- 
guishes a  speech  in  the  synagogue  (vers.  28-30,  36-40,  43-46)  from  another  by  the 
seaside  (vers.  26,  27,  31-35,  41,  42,  47-58),  while  Spitta  (f/rr.  i.  pp.  216-221)  regards 
vers.  51-59  as  an  addition  to  the  original  speech,  introduced  in  order  to  illustrate 
the  last  supper. 

44 


690  APPENDIX 

acquainted  with  it.  The  internal  evidence  of  stjde  and  contents  corro- 
borates this  opinion.  Though  some  editors  {e.g.  0.  Holtzmann)  still 
regard  it  as  an  integral  portion  of  the  text,  the  passage  is  certainly  an 
early  gloss  from  ver.  7,  quite  in  the  Jewish  manner  (Apoc  16^),  and  with 
the  sub-apostolic  love  of  the  marvellous.  Zahn  conjectures  that  it 
originated  with  Papias  {Einl.  ii.  p.  557) ;  Blass  (PG,  p.  228  f.)  agrees 
that  as  a  man  of  "very  little  understanding"  (so  Euselaius  characterised 
him)  he  "was  quite  callable  of  commenting  in  this  way,"  and  proceeds  to 
conjecture  that  this  spurious  gloss  was  not  interpolated  but  substituted 
at  an  early  date  for  the  genuine  text,  which  has  unaccountably  dis- 
appeared. But  ver.  7  is  quite  intelligible  as  it  stands,  without  any 
previous  reference  such  as  is  here  imagined.  4^^-5^  is  unfortunately 
amissing  in  Syr-Sin. 

iji5-24_ — Pqj.  |;ije  disjjlacement  of  this  passage  from  its  original  position 
at  the  close  of  chap.  5,  see  especially  Bertling  {SK,  1880,  p.  351  f.)  for 
7ii'-2*  before  5i',  Wendt  {LJ,  i.  pp.  228 f.,  266 f.;  Joh.  Evglm.  pp.  79- 8G), 
Spitta  {Urc.  i.  pp.  199-20.3),  also  Blass  ^  (PG,  p.  239  :  "  a  highly  probable 
conjecture  ").  The  passage  in  its  ordinary  place  seriously  interrupts  the 
narrative,  which  flows  on  smoothly  and  naturally  when  it  is  removed  : 
cp.  7^*  with  72^*-  (Jesus  enters  the  temple  and  teaches  in  public  ;  this  sets 
some  of  the  people  talking,  not  upon  the  subject  of  vers.  15-24,  l;)ut  on  his 
openness  [ver.  14]  and  unhindered  action).  On  the  other  hand,  its  contents 
— faith  in  Christ's  teaching,  his  authority  aud  relation  to  Moses,  his 
healing  work  on  the  Sabbath — directly  fit  in  with  the  argument  of  chap.  5, 
and  when  the  passage  is  restored  to  this  position  after  5^''  its  congruity 
is  very  striking  (e.g.  7^'-'  with  5^^  and  the  naturalness  of  7-''-  -^  imme- 
diately after  5^"'**).  The  cause  of  the  displacement,  here  as  elsewhere  in 
this  book,  must  have  been  the  accidental  shifting  of  a  leaf  in  the  MSS., 
which  somehow  slijjped  out  of  its  true  position,  unless  we  suppose  with 
Wendt  2  that  the  displacement  was  due  to  the  redactor  of  a  source. 
Any  such  mechanical  alterations  have  occurred  jDrevious  to  all  extant  copies 
of  the  work,  although  our  ignorance  of  the  literary  history  of  this,  or  indeed 
of  any  other  Christian  document,  prevents  a  clear  conception  of  how  the 
mistake  arose.  On  this  point  Spitta  (p.  182  f.)  has  most  interesting 
evidence,  while  on  the  internal  phenomena  of  the  passage  Wendt's  argu- 

1  "  Inverted  order  seems  to  be  a  special  feature  iu  the  textual  condition  of  John  ; 
carelessness  in  copying,  and  the  leaving  out  of  sentences,  which  were  afterwards 
supplied  in  the  margin,  and  from  thence  came  again  into  the  text,  but  at  a  wrong 
place,  may  have  been  the  early  causes  of  this  damage  "  ;  cp.  Bacon,  Journ.  Bihl. 
Lit.  (1894)  pp.  64-76.  An  example  of  even  greater  textual  disorder  is  shown  in 
4  Mace  17, 18,  and  Bickell  has  attempted  to  solve  the  ])roblem  of  Ecclesiastes  by  con- 
jecturing that  the  MS  leaves  were  accidently  transposed  after  the  author's  death. 
Delff  would  place  7-»5-'-  between  7^«  and  T-'^,  while  Becker  (SK,  1889,  pp.  117-140),  in 
an  essay  on  the  composition  of  John,  regards  cliaps.  5,  7,  15,  16  as  inserted  by  the 
author  after  the  whole  work  had  been  once  written. 

-  He  rei'ers  to  similar  instances  in  the  synoptists  [e.g.  Mt  1120-24,  Lk  161^1* 
1810-14^  etc.).  In  this  case  the  evangelist  missed  the  irony  of  the  (piestion  in  7^'',  and 
consequently  failed  to  see  its  connection  with  f)^"  ;  tinding  the  speech  (except  vers. 
20,  21")  in  his  Logia-source,  he  took  7^"^^-  ■^•'  ''•  as  a  suitable  setting  for  its  contents. 
But  the  mechanical  explanation  is  quite  as  credible  (Biit,  Das  Antike  Bucliwesen, 
p.  240f.).  In  a  roll,  leaves  of  papyri  (plagulae)  often  stuck  together,  or  subse- 
quently fell  apart  by  accident.  Besides,  they  were  ;ilso  used  Viy  tlicmselves  for  s'  ort 
letters,  or  even  for  larger  works.  In  the  lullir  r.isc  ilir  Lium^  1,:ivcs  would  after- 
wards be  glued  together;  but  during  the  int.rxal  lirtwrtu  .(uniKisition  and  binding, 
particularly  if  any  copying  was  required,  they  would  lie  readily  liable  to  get 
disarranged  ("  libri  perscripti  nondum  conglutinati  vel  emendati,"  "  membranae 
nondum  consutae,"  Ulpian) ;  vide.  Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  17-19, 


APPENDIX  691 

ment  for  an  inverted  order  is  fairly  decisive.  As  the  latter  points  out, 
the  reference  in  7^^  *•  to  the  healing  of  the  man  (5if)  requires  both  situa- 
tions to  be  neighbours  in  time,  whereas  upon  the  traditional  arrangement 
the  length  of  interval  makes  the  allusion  stiff  and  abrupt.  Also  the 
murderous  attitude  of  the  crowd  as  a  whole  (7^^-  -"•  23^  contradicts  the  state- 
ment in  7^-,  but  follows  more  naturally  upon  5^^-^^,  while  the  question  of  7-^ 
is  pointless  if — as  Bertling  argues  rightly — Jesus  had  just  spoken  these 
words  (7^^"^l)  ;  "W  /xe  CrfTelre  d-rr. — wird  23  durch  e^ol  xo^^are  nach  Mt. 
5-2  erklart  und  findet  seine  Bestatigung  sowohl  S^''-  i*  worauf  Jesus  hier 
zuriickgreif t,  als  auch  nachher  8'^'""'.  Auch  sachlich  gehort  das  Folgende 
zu  5^''"  (Holtzmann,  after  remarking  on  chap.  5,  "die  Anklage  auf 
Sabbatverletzung  16  nur  17  deutlich  gestreift,  alles  Weitere  aber,  was  zu 
sagen  ware,  auf  7^^-'*  verspart  wird  "). 

753_gii_ — rp-j^g  pericope,  an  early  fragment  of  tradition  ("  das  vor- 
nehmste  Agraphon,"  Jiilicher),  un-Johannine  in  tone  and  style,  which  first 
drifted  as  a  marginal  note  ^  into  the  MSS  (perhaps  as  an  illustration  intro- 
duced to  explain  7^^  or  8^^,  e'yw  ov  Kpivco  ov8eva),  and  came  to  be  inserted 
subsequently  in  the  text,  towards  the  end  of  the  fourth  (Westcott) 
or  even  the  third  (Jiilicher)  century.  There  is  little  or  no  evidence, 
internal  or  external,  to  determine  the  date  of  its  composition,  beyond 
the  fact  that  the  incident  seems  to  have  been  known  to  Papias,  if  not 
to  the  gospel  of  the  Hebrews.  Its  origin  has  been  variously  guessed, 
the  same  source  as  that  of  the  fragment  preserved  by  D,  etc.,  at  Lk  6^, 
the  Hebrew-Gospel,  the  gospel  of  Peter  (Volkmar),  the  original  Aramaic 
"  Matthew  "  (Resch),  the  original  synoptic  tradition  (Holtzmann),  or — as 
most  critics,  including  recently  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  557,  558),  prefer — the 
collected  materials  of  Papias.  A  like  uncertainty  besets  its  position  in 
the  ]\ISS.  As  it  stands  between  7^-  and  S^^,  it  breaks  the  narrative 
fatally.  But  it  occurs  elsewhere  in  John  (after  7^'^  <■*■*)  or  at  the  close  of 
the  book),  after  Lk  21  (cp.  opdpov  (Jn  8-)  =  apdpiCe  (ver.  38  of  Luke), 
also  ver.  37  and  the  mention  of  the  hill  of  Olives)  ^  ;  possiblv  it  lay 
between  Lk  202«  and  20"  (Holtzmann,  ThLz,  1898,  p.  536  f.),  or,  as 
Rendel  Harris  conjectures,  between  Jn  5  and  6,  adjacent  to  the  discussion 
on  the  Mosaic  law.  Wittichen,  like  Hitzig  and  Keim  ^  (v.  pp.  165-169), 
even  suggests  that  it  was  originallv  placed  between  Mk  12^"  and  12^^ 
{J2)Th,  1881,  p.  366  f.;  1891,  pp.  484,  509),  while  Spitta  supposes  (Urc. 
i.  pp.  194-199)  that,  as  a  leaf  or  two  of  the  gospel  of  John  went 
amissing  at   this  point,  the  fragment  (7^^-8^^)  was   inserted  *  by  some 

1  On  the  textual  evidence  and  internal  features,  which  are  decisive,  cp.  WH, 
ii.  pp.  82-88  ;  Nestle,  Jiinf.  pp.  232-234  ;  also  Schanz's  excursus,  Comm.  uber  d. 
Ecglm.  d.  heil.  Johannes,  ]ip.  327-330,  and  Warfield,  Text.  Grit,  of  NT, 
pp.  196-199.  The  retention  of  the  passage  as  an  integral  part  of  the  gospel,  by 
Thoma,  Jacobsen,  and  Pfleiderer,  after  Strauss  and  Hilgenfeld,  is  quite 
perverse. 

2  So,  following  the  Ferrar  group  of  MSS,  Westcott  and  Blass  (in  his  edition  of 
Luke,  p.  xlviii. ;  PG,  p.  155  f.).  The  latter  upholds  its  Lucan  character,  but  omits 
75^,  placing  the  section  after  ver.  36,  not  38.     Syr-Sin  entirely  omits. 

3  Who  depreciates  its  claim  to  historicity  and  regards  it  merely  as  "a  very 
transparent  clothing  of  an  idea,"  artificial  and  exaggerated  despite  its  affecting 
beauty.  Sir  John  Seeley  showed  truer  historical  sense  in  pointing  out  that  the 
passage  is  differentiated  from  the  ordinary  legendary  tales  by  "the  fact  that 
the  conduct  attributed  to  Christ  in  it  is  left  half-explained,  so  that,  as  it  stands,  it 
does  not  satisfy  the  impulses  which  lead  to  the  invention  and  reception  of  fictitious 
stories  "  (Ecce  Homo,  preface  to  5th  edition). 

•i  Hausrath  had  already  guessed  that  the  space  was  filled  by  an  account  of  some 
miraculous  gift  of  water  (7^^)  by  Jesus,  which  was  afterwards  omitted. 


G92  APPENDIX 

early  editors  to  fill  up  the  blank  space  thus  conveniently  left  un- 
occupied (cp.  Conybeare,  Exp.^  ii.  p.  405  f.). 

If,  in  the  absence  of  any  sure  jiosition  for  it,  the  passage  was 
originally  written  at  the  close  of  the  canonical  four  gospels,  as  there  is 
some  evidence  to  snifgest,  then  in  the  course  of  time  it  would  naturally 
be  supposed  to  Ijelong  to  the  last  of  tlie  four,  John,  although  its  contents 
quite  forbid  such  a  hypothesis. 

J2-1-4  so_ — i^  [ig^  common  position  after  ver.  43  and  at  the  close  of  the 
public  ministry  of  Jesus,  this  passage  forms  a  recapitulation  or  compact 
summary  of  his  preaching,  which  does  not  altogether  stand  out  of  con- 
nection with  the  preceding  historical  jDaragraph  (cji.  vers.  37,  42  with  44, 
40  with  46).  At  the  same  time  there  is  an  undoubted  awkwardness  in 
ver.  44  coming  after  36^  (the  cry  does  not  suit  the  secrecy),  and  indeed 
after  40 f.  The  section,  in  fact,  has  the  apjiearance  of  being  "quite 
isolated  and  introduced  without  locality,  without  one  fresh  idea  "  (Keim). 
Literary  workmanship  and  psj'chological  fitness  would  be  satisfied  were 
the  passage  restored  to  what  is  conjectured  to  have  been  its  oiiginal 
position,  i.e.  between  vers.  3Q^  and  36^  (so  Wendt,  LJ,  i.  p.  236  f.  ; 
Joh.  Evglvb.  pp.  90-93).  The  ideas  of  faith  and  light  thus  are  carried 
forward  without  any  indefiniteness  or  interruption.  Christ's  public 
utterances  close  with  a  sonorous  completeness,  and  this  section  of  the 
gospel  is  rounded  off'  by  a  historical  resume  (vers.  36^-43),  preparatory 
to  the  opening  of  the  new  section. 

13-16. — ^That  chap.  14  originally  followed  chaps.  15,  16  is  a  hypothesis 
which  depends  upon  purely  internal  evidence.  The  canonical  arrange- 
ment, however,  has  always  been  felt  to  leave  some  difficulties  for  which 
satisfactory  answers  are  not  easily  found,  e.g.  the  apparent  climax  and 
final  tone  of  chap.  14  (especially  the  iyeipeaOe,  ayu>ix€v  ivTtvdfv  of  ver.  31), 
followed  unexpectedly  by  chap.  15  and  by  the  long  sul)se((uent  discourse 
(in  contrast  to  what  Jesus  says^  in  14^"),  and  the  contradiction  between 
16^  and  IS^''  or  14^-  ^  (when  the  latter  occur  earlier).  To  obviate  this,  it 
has  been  plausibly  proposed  to  read  chaps.  15  and  16  at  one  or  other  of 
three  different  ])laces  in  chap.  13.  (i.)  Between  vers.  35  and  36  (Wendt, 
Joh.  Evglm.  pi3.  95-101).  This,  however,  breaks  up  the  evident  reference 
in  13^"  to  13'''',  and  reduces  16-''-^"  and  13'*"-^*^  to  mere  episodes  lying 
between  IB''^-  ^^  and  M^"^.  (ii.)  Between  vers.  20  and  21  (Bacon,  o-p.  cit.). 
This  again  breaks  the  dramatic  and  natural  juxtajDosition  of  vers.  1-11  and 
21-30  in  chap.  13,  the  intervening  passage  (vers.  12-20)  being  obviously  a 
transition,  (iii.)  Between  vers.  31:i'  and  31  ^  (Spitta,  Urc.  i.  pp.  168-193). 
Of  the  three  variants  of  the  hypothesis,  this  last  seems  ("  sehr  verlockend," 
A.  Meyer)  to  be  the  most  attractive  and  intelligible.  The  course  of 
development  then  runs  as  follows: — After  the  withdrawal  of  Judas, 
Jesus — d  fwpos  of  the  wine  at  table  (Lk  22^**,  Mk  142^,  Didachc  9-)— 
utters  the  parable  of  the  vine,  with  a  particular  reference  to  the  recent 
apostasy  of  his  friend  (IS^-  «  =  1327.  so)  .  cp.  also  ISi"-  ii  with  15='-  3,  13i'- '« 
with  15*- ^  13'«  with  15i«,  13^"  with  15-'".  The  stream  of  counsel  and 
warning  flows  on  till  16-^''^,  when  Jesus  closes  with  a  word  on  liis 
departure  and  triumph,  which  is  carried  -  (13^i'''''*)  to  its  climax  by  a 
renewed  appeal  for  mutual  love  among  his  followers  on  earth.  Then 
follows  Peter's  question  suggested  by  ver.  33,  with  Christ's  rejoinder  to 

1  In  the  subsequent  narrative  only  two  brief  words  are  spoken  to  disciples 
(18",  19=7). 

2  Exegetes  like  Ewald  and  0.  Holtzniann,  who  adhere  to  the  traditional  order, 
frankly  recognise  that  16'^  refers  to  the  passage  13''i'-, 


APPENDIX  693 

him,  and  the  general  disconrse  of  chap.  14,  which  contains  the  Master's 
(inal  words  (14")  to  his  followers.  The  gathering  then  broke  up.  What 
follows  (chap.  17)  is  a  prayer  spoken  in  presence  of  the  disciples  ; 
proljably  the  author  means  us  to  conceive  that  the  company  had  now 
risen  to  their  feet,  and  that  in  the  solemn  jjause  before  the  exit  (18^) — 
a  pause  too  short  for  such  a  discourse  as  chaps.  15,  16  contain — Jesus 
uttered  this  magnificent  rhapsody  of  faith,  which  could  not  be  followed 
by  anything  short  of  a  heroic  death.  Even  although  the  tone  of  chap. 
17  differs  naturally  from  that  of  chap.  14  (but  no  more  than  from  that 
of  chap.  16),  threads  of  connection  with  the  earlier  context  are  to  be 
traced  (cp.  M^o  with  17',  14".  (((o^)  with  17-%  141^  with  17^). 

]^5i3-28_ — ^pjjg  well-known  inconsistencies  of  this  narrative,  not  merely 
with  the  synoptic  account  but  also  with  itself  (who  was  high-itriest  ?  and 
where  did  Peter  deny  Jesus  ?)  are  to  be  explained  either  by  rather  forced 
interpretations  of  the  text  as  it  stands,  or  by  the  hypothesis  that  the 
narrative  has  become  dislocated  in  course  of  transmission.  The  former 
line  of  argument  is  variously  worked  out  by  the  editors,  chiefly 
Westcott,  Weiss,  and  Holtzmann.  The  latter  takes  several  forms,  of 
which  the  principal  are — 

(a)  13,     24,     14,  15,  19-23,  16-18,  25^-28 :  Syr-Siu,  Blass  {PG,  pp.  57-59). 

(b)  13,  19-24,  14,  15,  16-18,  25f-28  :  Spitta(<7rc.  i.  pp.  158-168),  ver.  25% 

a  copyist's  repetition  of  18**,  in- 
serted for  the  sake  of  the  narrative. 

(c)  13, 14,  24,  15-23,  25-28  :  J.  N.    Farquhar  {&q}.   Ti.  vi.  pp. 

284-288,  429-431),  ver.  24  omitted 
perhaps  by  a  copyist's  error  from 
its  true  place,  then  written  in  the 
margin  and  erroneously  inserted 
in  the  text. 
(fZ)  13,  14,  19-24,  15-18,  25'*-2S  :  G.  G.  Findlay  (Exp.  Ti.  vi.  pp.  335- 

336,  478-479),  agreeing  with 
Farquhar  that  vers.  13  and  14  are 
inseparable. 

The  slightest  change  would  be  to  suppose  that  ver.  24  is  either  to  be 
read  in  its  present  position  as  parenthetical,  an  intercalated  remark,  or 
to  be  placed  after  ver.  14.  The  former  method  has  found  good  support, 
from  Erasmus  to  Edersheim.  The  latter,  as  Professor  Findlay  points 
out,  is  a  solution  as  old  as  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  was  adopted  by 
Luther  ;  nor  is  it  quite  destitute  of  textual  support.  But  Spitta's  theory,  as 
modified  by  Findlay  {i.e.  placing  vers.  19-24  after  instead  of  before  ver. 
14),  seems,  upon  the  whole,  the  least  unsatisfactory  method  of  straighten- 
ing out  a  narrative  which  Blass  is  hardly  too  severe  in  attributing  to 
"  blundering  scribes."  It  gives  a  good  and  continuous  sense,^  requires 
little  textual  change,  and  comes  from  quite  a  credible  slip  on  the  part  of 
a  copyist  (see  Spitta's  clever  arguments  on  this  point).  The  man  who 
copied  out  the  exemj^lar  of  the  fourth  gospel  (vers.  12-14,  19-24,  15-18, 
25i'-28,  ex  hyi)othesi)  must  have  passed  from  ver.  14  to  15  by  a  slip,  only 
discovering  'it  afterwards  in  time  to  insert  the  passage  vers.  19-24  after 
ver.  18,  and  catching  up  the  last  words  of  that  verse  in  ver.  26^  to  ease 
the  transition  and  recover  the  thread  of  the  narrative.     There  is  no  reason 

1  The  uTov  of  ver.  25  gets  a  satisfactorv  snliject,  the  high  jnlest  is  Kaiaphas  (as 
throughout  John,  ll^-  si  182^),  the  narratives  of  Jesus  and  Peter  How  on  con- 
secutively, the  former  being  resumed  in  ver.  28  after  the  latter  has  been  rounded 
off,  and  tlie  despatch  of  Jesus  to  Kaiaphas  does  not  become  purposeless  (as  in  the 
traditional  order). 


694  APPENDIX 

to   suspect  that  the  similar   order  in  Syr-Sin  was  due  to  harmonising 
tendencies.     [See  C.  H.  Turner  in  JT8,  1900,  num.  5.] 

21. — An  appendix,  added  to  the  gospel  (which  naturally  closes 
with  20''"-  31).  Either  John  himself  added  the  passage  as  a  deliberate 
finale  (Westcott,  Lightfoot,  Plummer,  Godet,  Luthardt,  Schanz,  and 
Salmon),  or  the  author  of  the  gospel  thus  incorporated  fresh  materials 
in  a  work  which  he  had  already  finished  (Renan,  Hilgenfeld,  Thoma, 
Jacobsen,  Abbott,  Jiilicher,  Harnack  ^  {Chron.  pp.  676,  677),  Wendt, 
Joh.  Evglm.  pp.  228-233),  or  a  pupil  -  of  the  Johannine  school  wrote  it 
(Chastand,  Weiss,  Eberhardt,  Reuss,  etc.)  as  an  epilogue  for  the  work  of 
his  dead  master.  It  is  only  a  variation  of  the  last-named  hypothesis 
when  the  fourth  gospel,  as  a  whole,  is  regarded  as  a  posthumous  work 
edited  by  the  author's  friends.  The  piece  implies  {a)  the  death  of 
Peter,  his  mission  to  the  Gentiles,  and  a  certain  traditional  dignity 
assigned  to  him  in  the  Christian  circles  of  Asia  Minor  ;  {h)  a  prevalent 
belief  with  regard  to  John,  which  the  writer  is  anxious  to  prove  is  a 
misunderstanding  ;  (c)  an  attemj^t  to  conform  the  fourth  gospel  and 
the  synoptists  upon  the  Resurrection  appearances.  The  date  of  the  passage 
— if  appreciably  different  from  that  of  the  gospel—  must  have  been  early 
enough  to  allow  of  its  incorporation  into  the  archetype  of  all  existing 
texts.  Several  of  those  who  insist  that  it  formed  an  integral  part  ^  of 
the  gospel,  however,  use  this  conclusion  in  order  to  bring  the  whole 
work  down  pretty  far  into  the  second  century  (particularly  Thoma  and 
Jacobsen),  and  Keim  dates  its  composition  c.  160  a.d.,  previous  to  2  P  l^*, 
in  the  age  when  the  cult  of  John  was  rising  in  Asia  Minor.  But  probably 
it  is  to  be  dated  not  long  after  the  fourth  gospel  itself,  in  the  first  quarter 
of  the  second  century.  Although  composed  in  fairly  Johannine  style, 
and  obviously  intended  to  suj)plement  the  gospel  and  certify  it  as 
Johannine,  it  has  features  that  mark  it  oft'  with  a  certain  distinctive- 
ness. The  disciples  are  mentioned  with  quite  a  unique  definiteness  (the 
sons  of  Zebedee,  Peter  as  a  fisherman) ;  the  miracle  attaches  itself 
rather  to  the  synoptic  tradition,  the  fourth  gospel  having  its  own  cycle 
of  seven  signs ;  the  aj^pearance  of  Jesus  in  Galilee  contrasts  sti'angely 
with  chap.  20,  which  is  unconscious  of  any  appearances  save  those  in 
Jerusalem  ;  while  the  objective  standpoint  of  vers.  24,  25  in   reference 

'  Except  ver.  24,  a  marginal  gloss  which  "painfully  imitates"  the  style  of  the 
evangelist.  hooUvAiiO  (Die  Ax(fcr.strh)iv;i^hrr!rhf,-  u,i,l  ilir  Wert,  p.  31  f.)  detaches  this 
chapter  from  the  gosi)el ;  but  he  tnkcs  tin-  tii-l  |i;irl  (vers.  1-14)  as  liMsed  originally 
on  a  pre-Resurrection  story,  that  li;is  licm  misphici-il  and  comliined  with  a  post- 
Resurrection  appearance  of  Jesus  tn  I'ttn'  (\(is.  Ifr  ]'.•).  wliirli  hail  no  connection 
with  Galilee  in  the  tradition,  'i'liis  tlicoiy  lonns  jiail  nl'  llu'  dctcuce  which  he 
oilers  for  the  historicity  of  the  lU'su  licit  i.. II  ,i]i|i(araiHi -,  in  .liiu>alcin,  as  these  are 
narrated  in  the  third  and  fourth  gosp,  Is  (rp.  Il.scli,  7V,  x.   1,  pp.   17  f.,  1951'.). 

■''  Zalin  (in  an  exhaustive  discussion,  Khil.  ii,  pp.  483-498)  holds  that  the  i)os1  - 
script  was  written  after  Peter's  death  but  during  John's  lifetime,  not  by  tlie  ajiostle 
himself,  but  by  some  of  his  eircle  and  disciples  who  completed  the  gospel  with  his 
sanction  and  Irom  information  supplied  by  him.  One  can  readily  accept,  at  least, 
his  proof  that  the  chapter  was  not  written  by  John  the  apostle,  or  by  the  author 
of  the  gospel  (l-'20).  After  20'-^  any  further  incident  like  that  described  in  chap.  21 
would  be  superHuous,  and  would  break  the  symmetry  which  is  so  distinctive  a  feature 
of  the  whole  work. 

3  Especially  when  its  contents  are  interpreted  allegorically  as  representations  of 
the  latter  church  and  its  experiences,  as  e.g.  by  Keini  (vi.  pp.  313-318)  and 
Ptleiderer  ( 6Vc.  pp.  741,  742).  Chastand  {LApotrc.Imn,  pp.  98-104)  regards  it  as 
the  work  of  a  later  hand,  but  a  fruit  of  the  ajiostle's  oral  teaching:  "Nous  en 
faisons  commc  le  codicille  que  accomi)agne  le  testament  de  rajjotre."  Its  total 
historicity  is  defended  in  Ebcrliardt's  monograph,  Ki\  .Joh.  Cop.  21  (1897). 


APPENDIX  695 

to  the  writer,  and  the  obvious  motive  of  authentication  (for  though  the 
ravra  includes,  it  is  not  exhausted  by,  the  incidents  of  chap.  21),  are 
both  alien  to  the  spirit  of  chaps.  1-20.  In  fact,  on  the  presupposition 
that  chap.  21  is  a  unity,  to  make  it  an  integral  part  of  the  gospel 
seriously  discredits  the  Johannine  authorship,  and  necessitates  a  some- 
what advanced  date  for  the  whole  book.  An  escape  from  this  is 
generally  sought  on  the  line  of  vers.  24,  25,  or  on  a  quasi-collective  ^ 
theory  of  chap.  21  as  a  whole.  The  latter  has  some  basis  in  tradition, 
and  it  would  ease  many  difficulties  if  the  fourth  gospel  and  the  so-called 
first  epistle  of  John  could  be  regarded  as  manifestoes  of  a  school,  the 
collective  utterances  of  men  -  who  shared  the  same  tradition  and  trend 
of  thought.  The  "  begetter  "  of  the  tradition  would  then  be  the  apostle 
John,  whose  authority  is  naturally  claimed  for  the  writings.  This  seems  to 
give  a  feasible  solution  of  the  dilemma  with  which  modern  criticism  is 
confronted  over  this  book  ;  only,  it  is  becoming  more  and  more  impossible 
to  believe  that  John  the  apostle  actually  composed  it,  and  less  possible 
than  ever  to  deny  that  he  had  some  connection  with  its  inception  or  ideas. 

The  particular  ideas  underlying  the  appendix  are  the  unity,  the 
universality,  and  the  mission  of  the  church,  all  of  which  are  pictorially 
exjiressed  in  a  vivid  and  imjsressive  manner  (cp.  Klcipper's  study,  ZwTh, 
1899,  pp.  337-381),  together  with  tlie  rehabilitation  of  Peter. 

21^4. 25_ — These  are  often  taken  to  be  separate  notes  added  by  an  editor, 
less  probably  by  the  Ephesian  elders,  as  a  sort  of  ecclesiastical  stamp  or 
imprimatur.  A  later  generation  vouches  for  the  authenticity  not  for  the 
authorship  of  the  gospel,  u])holds  the  truth  of  the  writer's  treatment 
(Baldensperger,  Prolog,  pp.  110-112),  and  emphasises  the  largeness  of  his 
subject.  Thus  Weizsacker,  though  from  a  different  standpoint  {A A,  ii. 
pp.  209,  210),  treats  these  verses  as  the  work  of  one  who  was  a  critical 
successor  of  the  fourth  evangelist,  and  to  whom  19^^  is  iprobably^  due  as 

1  Zahn's  theory  (reproduced  in  part  by  Bartlet,  AA,  p.  437  f.)  that  some  friend 
or  friends  of  the  apostle  wrote  it  during  his  lifetime  and  Avith  his  knowledge  and 
approval,  is  incredibly  stiff.  It  clears  the  apostle,  indeed,  from  the  charge  of  self- 
praise  to  which  he  is  liable  as  he  drops  the  veil  of  anonymity  and  more  clearly 
indicates  his  personality.  But  why  could  he  not  have  spoken  for  himself?  Wliy 
adopt  this  round-about,  allusive  method  1  Surely  this  tender  and  delicate  experience 
would  be  best  told  by  the  man  himself,  especially  as  speech  about  oneself  and 
one's  religious  feelings  is  not  necessarily  incompatible  with  genuine  modesty. 
"What  need  of  an  editor"  or  of  a  coterie  "to  formulate  and  accredit  his  own 
deepest  personal  experiences  ?  "  (Martinean).  Besides,  if  this  co-operative  principle 
be  admitted  into  chap.  21,  it  is  impossible  to  exclude  it  from  the  preceding 
chapters.  In  this  case,  it  might  be  fairly  extended  to  cover  the  composition 
of  the  work  even  after  the  apostle's  death  by  one  who  believed  he  was  reproducing 
his  master's  spirit  and  memories,  so  that  the  substance  of  what  is  historical  would  then 
be  traced  back  to  a  Johannine  source  and  circle,  while  the  general  shape  and  colour 
remained  the  work  of  the  unknown  genius  who  composed  the  whole  (cp.  M.  Arnold, 
God  and  the  Bible,  chap.  v.). 

-  The  final  redaction  must  have  been  the  work  of  a  single  author,  possibly,  as 
M.  Arnold  suggests  [God  and  the  Bible,  pp.  145-147),  a  Greek  Christian  of  Ephesus 
who  possessed  literary  talent,  and  was  accustomed  to  theological  teaching,  "an 
earlier  and  a  nameless  Origen,"  but  "not  a  consummate  artist."  It  is  tempting  to 
think  that  the  author  of  chap.  21  had  some  connection  with  one  (Hausrath, 
1  John)  or  more  of  the  Johannine  epistles,  particularly  li.,  ill.,  or  that  he  preserves 
in  some  form  the  lost  ending  of  Mark's  gospel  (Rohrbach). 

3  Blass  (I'G,  p.  225  f.)  also  regards  this  verse  as  an  interpolation  in  the  gospel, 
the  comment  of  a  later  disciple.  Not  only,  however,  does  this  necessitate  the  change 
of  y«.p  into  hi  in  ver.  36,  but  it  leaves  unexplained  the  writer's  motive  for  inserting  the 
gloss  at  this  particular  point.  Besides,  the  authority  of  Nonnus(!!),  upon  which 
Blass  relies,  can  hardly  be  taken  with  nuich  seriousness  on  a  matter  of  this  kind. 


696  APPENDIX 

well.  Their  atniospliere  appears  to  be  the  local  patriotism  and  reverence 
felt  by  the  Asia  Minor  communities  for  the  memory  of  their  aijostolic 
head.  (Ver.  25  "seems  an  inflated  version  of  20''"'":  Dods,  ExGT,  i. 
p.  867.  The  same  idea  is  more  moderately  put  in  1  Mace  9--).  An 
instance  of  this  habit  of  adding  notes  to  a  volume  is  aft'orded  by  Eccles 
139(13)14^  although  the  spirit  of  that  epilogue  is  corrective  rather  than 
confirmatory.  Thonia,  who  attrilnites  211-^  to  the  author  of  the 
gospel  {i.e.  the  Presbyter,  of  2,  3  John),  gives  2V*-^^  to  the  author  of 
1  John  as  being  a  later  insertion  ;  while  Chastand  attributes  chap.  21, 
like  7^^-8'^  V'^-  ^^'■'^^,  to  a  pupil  of  John  who  wrote  after  his  death. 

But  when  the  whole  chapter  is  taken  as  a  unity,  it  falls  into  the  age 
and  spirit  (Klopper)  of  vers.  24,  25,  so  that  there  is  hardly  any  need  of 
separating  these.  The  gospel  could  not  have  ended  with  21^^,  and 
consequently  it  seems  rather  artificial  to  take  vers.  24,  25  as  notes 
added  l)efore  publication  (0.  Holtzmann).  Wetzel  (Echtheit  u.  Glaub- 
wiirdiykeit  des  Ev.  J  oh.  p.  15  f.)  keeps  24=^  for  John,  but  even  he  has  to 
relegate  24^  to  another  hand.  At  the  same  time,  it  must  be  allowed 
that  ver.  25  stands  on  a  slightly  separate  footing,  owing  to  its  omission 
in  ^<*.  Against  Tischendorf's  consequent  rejection  of  the  verse,  cp., 
however,  Zahn,  Einl.  ii.  pp.  495,  496.^  A  few  MSS  contain  a  scholion 
iipon  it,  according  to  Avhich  it  was  inserted  {irpoa-BriKri)  by  •rti'6$'  rmv 
(jyiKoTTovoiv  upon  the  margin,  and  afterwards  brought  into  the  text  by 
ignorance  and  accident  {dyvola  rvxov)-  Tlie  appendix  may  have  probably 
ended  with  ver.  24,  to  which  ver.  25  was  added  as  a  natural  and  somewhat 
rhetorical  flourish,  in  keeping  not  merely  with  the  close  of  this  gospel, 
but  with  its  position  at  the  close  of  the  four  gospels.  How  apt  a  remark 
for  a  scribe  or  editor  to  make  as  the  finale  of  a  volume  containing  the 
evangelic  narratives ! 

Apart  from  these  more  or  less  obvious  interpolations  (to  which  Scholten 
adds  22'-  22  739  123-  18"'  2V^,  as  added  by  the  authorof  the  epistles),  the  book 
appears  to  be  essentially  and  thoroughly  of  one  piece,  narratives  and  dis- 
courses inseparably  woven  together,  the  style  fairly  homogeneous,  form  and 
substance  equally  pointing  to  a  conijmct  unity.  Practically  this  has  been 
and  remains  a  postulate  of  the  best  Johannine  criticism.  By  liberal  and 
conservative  scholars  alike,  up  till  lately,  it  has  been  almost  unfalteringly 
held  that  the  fourth  gospel,  whatever  be  its  date,  character,  and  author, 
is  an  organic  whole  (the  few  and  uninfluential  exceptions  are  noted  by 
Holtzmann,  Einl.  pp.  435,  437  ;  Watkins,  IhmnjiUm  Lectures  (1890),  pp. 
246  f.  ;  and  Weiss,  INT,  ii.  pp.  396-398). 

Two  recent  theories,  however,  fall  to  be  seriously  noticed.  Both 
use  the  partition-method  in  order  to  reach  back  to  the  document  of  an 
original  eye-witness,  pretty  much  as  Matthew  and  Luke  go  back  to  the 
Logia,  and  both  favour  the  excision  of  the  Galilean  episodes.  One  is 
Wendfc's,  explained  in  his  Die  Lchre  Jesu  (1886),  i.  p.  215  f.;  ii.  (Eng.  tr.  i.) 

1  On  its  textual  authenticity  cp.  117/,  ii.  pp.  00,  91,  also  Weiss  (-Meyer)  ad  Joe. 
Both  venses,  1935  ^,,,1  ^O'-i'i,  arc  explicit  instances,  with  many  others  throughout  the 
gospel,  that  the  writer  expected  a  not  unnatural  scepticism  in  regard  to  his  concep- 
tion of  Jesus.  Tliese  verses  really  indicate  and  anticipate  a  charge  of  novelty  and 
untrustworthiness,  which  would  arise  from  tlic  Clnislian  consciousness  having  liccn 
liitlierto  nourished  nuiinly  ui)on  the  synoplir  tradition;  hence  author  and  editors 
alilie  do  their  best  to  remove  the  grounds  Ibr  tliis  o])position.  Hut  it  is  a  sign  of 
late  development.  Mark,  e.g.,  does  not  insist  that  his  ])icture  of  Jesus  is  lifelike. 
He  lets  it  apeak  for  itself.  Its  humanity  constitutes  its  evidence  of  genuineness, 
and  forms  its  aj)peal  to  the  conscience  ami  nund.  The  fourth  evangelist  asserts, 
and  the  very  assertion  speaks  of  a  later  and  more  comjilex  situation. 


APPENDIX  697 

pp.  22-28,  and,  witli  a  detailed  account,  in  his  Joh.  Ev(jlm.  (1900) ;  cp. 
reviews  by  Holtzniann  (T/iXs;,  1886,  pp.  197-200),  Haupt(^X,  1893,  ii.  pp. 
217-250),"  Beysclilag  {GGA,  1886,  15),  Iverach  {ExpA  iv.  pp.  161-178). 
The  other  is"^  by  Dr.  H.  Delff  in  Das  vierte  Evangdium  (1890),  Ncuc 
Beitrdgc  zur  Kritik  u.  ErUdrung  d.  vierten  Evangelium  (1890),  and  SK 
(1892),  I.  pp.  72-104,  "Noch  einnial  das  vierte  Evangelium  und  seine 
Authenticitat,"  although  Wendt  prefers  to  class  this  and  the  earlier  attempt 
by  Sclnveizer  as  theories  of  interpolation  rather  than  as  source-hypotheses. 
Cp.  reviews  of  Delft"  l)y  Sanday  in  his  series  of  articles  on  "  The  Present 
Position  of  the  Johannine  Question  "  {Exf.^  iv.  v.,  especially  iv.,  p.  328  f., 
V.  375  f.),  A.  Mever  {Til,  1899,  pp.  255  f.,  295  f.,  333  f.),  in  his  similar 
survey,  Holtzmann(i;zur;i,  1893,  pp.  503-506  ;  also  ThLz,  1890,  pp.  588  f.), 
and  Zahn  {Einl.  ii.  pp.  482,  483). 

Wendt's  aim  (anticipated  a  century  ago  by  C.  K.  Eckevmann)  is  to 
disentangle  a  written  source,  from  the  same  apostolic  hand  as  the  first 
epistle  of  John.  This,  he  considers,  is  often  interrupted  {e.g.  V^  13^®-  ^'■*) 
in  its  flow  of  discourses,  and  consefjuently  points  to  another  series  of 
narrative-interpolations  apparently  introduced  to  provide  a  setting  for 
the  dialogues  and  discourses  of  Jesus.  Remove  these  intrusive  additions, 
and  then  materials  are  presented  for  discovering  genuine  Logia  of  Jesus, 
especially  as  they  now  are  seen  to  fall  naturally  at  the  close  of  Christ's  life 
and  into  his  Juclaean  ministry.  By  the  sacrifice  of  some  of  the  historical 
interludes  and  connections,  Wendt  thus  finds  himself  free  to  seek 
valuable  apostolic  tradition  for  the  teaching  of  Jesus  in  the  Johannine 
discourses.  These  even  in  their  extant  form,  however,  have  been  worked 
over  by  the"  author  :  they  demand  sifting  and  rearrangement  in  order  that 
their  witness  to  the  mind  of  Christ  may  1)6  accurately  ascertained,  and 
their  imislicit  harmony  with  the  synoptic  type  of  tradition  unfolded. 
While  the  fourth  gospel  thus  is  a  post-apostolic  composition,  especially  in 
its  historical  framework,  upon  the  otlier  hand  it  contains  an  apostolic 
tradition  of  Jesus  which  represents  with  essential  trustworthiness  the 
spirit  and  substance  of  his  teaching.  These  Johannine  "logia"  are 
related  to  the  extant  gospel  of  John  somewhat  as  the  Aramaic  logia  of 
Matthew  to  the  (canonical)  first  gospel.  The  two  main  clues  followed 
with  much  ingenuity  by  Wendt  in  his  work  of  disentangling  the 
sources  are  {a)  the  interruptions  and  lack  of  connection  at  various 
points,  e.g.  \'i^^-  ^'^ ;  and  (/))  the  existence  side  h\  side  of  different  con- 
ceptions of  Christ's  work  and  person,  e.g.  the  2)rominence  of  epya 
(synonymous  with  p-qfiaTa)  in  the  discourses,  and  of  arjufla  (  =  miraculous 
acts)  in  the  narratives ;  also  the  idea  of  faith  in  the  former  as  the 
practical  confession  of  Christ  the  divine  Saviour,  in  the  latter  as  the 
theoretical  conviction  produced  by  Christ  who  is  the  divine  worker  of 
miracles  {Lehre  Jesu,  i.  pp.  215-342  ;  Da.^  Johaymes-Evangeliam,  1900, 
p.  54  f.).     See  Bahnsen's  review,  PM.  (1900),  pp.  377-382. 

Deltf  with  papal  confidence  ("  Meine  Auffassung  ist  also  keine 
Hypothese  .  .  .  sondern  ein  historischer  Fund")  attributes  the  gospel 
to  a  Jewish-Christian  author,  "  the  high  priest  John  "  {HE,  v.  24,  iii.  31,  os 
€yev>]dr]  Upevs  to  TriroKov  irecpopencos),  afterwards  known  as  "the  presbyter."^ 

1  Bousset  (-Meyer,  Offenbar.  Joh.  pp.  41-48;  TR,  1897,  p.  12  f.)  similarly  con- 
jectures that  the  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved  was  not  the  sou  of  Zebedee.  but  the 
presbyter  Jolni,  a  member  of  the  inner  circle  of  Christ's  adherents  at  Jerusalem,  who 
Avas  of  priestly  lineage,  and  who  preserved  a  particular  tradition  of  the  Master's  work 
and  experiences  in  the  capital.  Founding  on  not  very  stable  evidence  from  Philippus 
Sidetes  (t430)  and  Georgios  Hamartolos,  a  chronicler  of  the  ninth  century,  he  further 

\C<mtinvM  on  page  699. 


698 


APPENDIX 


The  Discourses,  containing  a  written, 

Chiefly  narratives  interpolated. 

Wendt. 

apostolic,  source — the  Johannine 

Logia — redacted  by  the  author 

of  the  gospel. 

6-8,  15,   19-34  (witness  of  John), 
35-52 

Chap, 
i. 

1-5  (jirologue),  9-14  (ibid.),  16-18 
(ibid.). 

1-12    (miracle   at  Kana), 
17,  21  (comment) 

ii. 

13-16  (substance),  18-20  (Jesus  in 
Jerusalem). 

2''    [cihu;    .    .    .    ccurcl)    5    (i'^aro;    y.oc}) 

:       22-36  (witness  of  .lohn) 

iii. 

1-2-',  3-21  (Jesus  and  Nikodemus). 

1-3  (John's   ministry),  10,  U,  IS- 
IS,  (25),  26,  27^-30,  35^  39-42, 
43-54 

iv. 

4-9,  12-14,  19-25  (Jesus  ;ui.l 
Samaritan  woman),  27°,  31-35", 
36-38. 

1-16  (modified   from    original    and 
xMk  210  f.)^  28,  29  (resurrection  of 
body),  33,  34"  (embassy  to  John) 

V. 

17-27,  30-32,  34%  35-47  (discourse 
on  work  and  witness  of  Son),  1-3 
and  5-7  (substance). 

1-26  (miracle  of  loaves),  39,  40,  44, 
54  («v«<rTvi»-^  .  .  ii!JLip«.),  59  (Kaph- 
arnahnm),    62    (ascension),    64", 
70,  71  (Judas) 

vi. 

27-69  (discourse  on  Ijread  of  life, 
etc.)  [except  passages  noted  on 
other  side]. 

8-14    [expanded],    20,    21",   30-32, 
35-37%  39,  44-52,  53 

vii. 

1,  2  (?),  3-7,  15-19,  21"-29,  33-34, 
35  (?),  37"-38,  40-43. 

1-11  (pericopc),  20"                  30-3P 
(belief  of  Jews) 

viii. 

12-20"  (discourse),  21-29,  31"-59 
(discourse). 

2,  3,  6-38  (narrative  of  blind  man) 

ix. 

1,  4-5,  39-41. 

2V'-2'2,  39-42  (paragraph  on  John) 

X. 

1-18  (discourse),  19-21"  (sub- 
stance), 23,  24-38  (discourse),  40 
(substance). 

1-7%  11-15,  17-20,  24,  28-46  (nar- 
lative  of  Lazarns).  47-57  (plot  of 
Pharisees,  etc.) 

xi. 

7"-10,  16,  21-23,  25-27  (1,  3,  5,  6, 
substance). 

1-19   (Bethany,    entry    into    Jeru- 
salem),   28"-30  (heavenly   voice), 
33,  37,  39-43,  47",  48(;vT.  £.  V.) 

xii. 

20-28"  (visit  of  Greeks),  31-36,  44- 
47»,  48,  49,  50. 

11,    18,    19,    21-31"    (narrative    of 
Judas)  36 

xiii. 
xiv. 

1-10,  12-17,  20,  3P-35,  37-38. 
whole. 

XV. 

whole. 

13  (xa,  Tic  IpxilJ-i^y.  kv«.7;O.U  Cf^'n) 

xvi. 

whole. 

xvii. 

whole. 

whole 

xviii. 

33-38°  (the  King  and  the  kingdom). 

whole 

xix. 

9-11  (Pilate  and  Jesus). 

whole 

XX. 

xxi. 

APPENDIX 


699 


Interpolated  and  later  passages. 

Delff. 

The  original  and  earlier 

gospel. 

1-5  (prologue  on  Logos),  9-18 

Chap. 

6-8,  19-end. 

1-11  (miracle  at  Kana),  17,   21,  22 
(comments) 

u. 

12-16,  18-20,  23-25. 

whole. 

44,  46-54  (miracle  at  Kana)  . 

iv. 

1-43,  45. 

(4)  17-29  (judgment  and  resurrection) 

V. 

1-16,  30-47. 

1-29    (miracle    of    loaves),     37-40 
(judgment  and  resurrection),  44, 

54        {a.vxrTr,(riii    .     .     ,    r,fjt,ipa),      59 

(Kapharnahum) 

vi. 

30-36,  41-58,  60-71. 

39  (comment),  53 

vii. 

whole. 

1-11  (pericopc)       .... 

viii. 

12-end. 

ix. 

whole. 

X. 

whole. 

xi. 

whole. 

16     (comment),     25-30     (heavenly 
voice),      33     (comment),      38-41 
(Isaianic  prophecy) 

xii. 

1-15,  17-24,  31,  32,  34-37 

42-50. 

20        ...        . 

xiii. 

1-19,  21-38. 

xiv. 

whole. 

XV. 

whole. 

xvi. 

whole. 

xvii. 

whole. 

19? 

xviii. 

whole. 

(20),  35-  38 

xix. 

1-34,  39-eud. 

9-10,  11-18  (Mary  at  grave)  . 

XX. 

1-8,  19-eud. 

whole 

xxi. 

This  connection  with  the  ecclesiastical  society  of  the  capital  illustrates 
passages  like  31 1  7*5*2  1147-531242.43  igis  1939 f.^  ^^t  necessitates— upon 

])resupposes  (like  Keville,  I.  394,  II.  147)  that  both  the  sons  of  Zebedee  suffered  a 
martyr's  death  in  Palestine  (Mk  lO''^,  Mt  20"-3).  Consequently  the  only  John  in  Asia 
Minor  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  was  John  the  Presbyter.  However,  even 
though  the  fourth  gospel  were  given  up  as  anonymous,  no  reasonable  objection  could  be 
taken  to  the  critical  position.  The  anonymity  of  treatises  so  difl'erent  and  weighty  as 
Matthew  and  Hebrews  helps  materially  to  illustrate  the  possibility  that  a  writer  of 
such  genius  in  the  philosophy  of  religion  as  the  fourth  evangelist  miglit  have  passed 
away  without  leaving  any  trace  of  his  name  or  of  his  character. 


700  APPENDIX 

Delff's  hypothesis,  parlially  followed  by  Fries  ^ — the  excision  of  a  series  of 
passages  (including  those  upon  the  Logos,  the  Galilean  ministry,  and  the 
eschatology)  which  were  interpolated  ("by  Cerinthus,"  Fries)  in  the 
original  document,  in  order  to  harmonise  it  with  the  Alexandrian 
philosoph}^  of  religion,  the  prevailing  synoptic  tradition,  and  the  chiliastic 
tendencies  current  toward  the  close  of  the  first  century.  The  original 
document  itself  was  written  by  a  Jewish  Christian  named  John,  for  the 
benefit  of  Jewish  priests  ;  its  locus  was  Jerusalem,  its  date  the  years 
immediately  preceding  70  a.d. 

The  Pastoral  Epistles. — It  has  been  already  pointed  out  that  the 
most  reasonable  criticism  assigns  these  writings  to  a  post-Pauline  date, 
and  at  the  same  time  recognises  that  a  genuine  element  of  the  apostle's 
mind  and  spirit  exists  in  their  pages.  The  solution  of  the  problem  offered 
by  this  dual  characteristic  is  probably  -  to  be  found  in  a  modified  appli- 
cation of  the  interpolation-  and  compilation-  theories.  The  author,  a 
devoted  Paulinist,  not  only  possessed  some  knowledge  of  the  apostle's 
life  and  ideas,  but  also  in  all  likelihood  notes  from  his  hand  or  fragments 
of  his  letters.  These  had  been  originally  addressed  to  Timotheus  and 
Titus.  Subsequently  they  came  to  be  incorporated  in  the  substance  of 
the  extant  pastorals,  and  attempts  have  been  made  by  several  critics  to 
extricate  them  from  their  matrix.  This  may  no  longer  be  possible,  with 
any  degree  of  certainty.  But  the  abrupt  connections  and  apparent  incon- 
sistencies give  some  aid  ;  and  it  is  interesting  to  notice  that  the  various 
attempts  agree  in  one  or  two  passages  at  least  with  a  fair  measure  of 
unanimity.  The  following  sections  may  be  taken,  roughly  speaking, 
as  containing  considerable  Pauline  fragments  according  to  the  interpola- 
tion-theories :  they  are  to  be  classified  as  (c)  certain,  and  (2^)  probable. 

(c)  2  Ti  115-1^  40(0)-22  (practically  the  whole,  except  vers.  3,  4,  and 
minor  additions). 

Tit  312.  13(15) 

(2O  2  Ti  2113  3^"i2 

Tit  l'-6 

(1  Ti  li^i')- 
Special  examples  of  this  criticism  are  apjiended,  chiefly  as  they  bear 
upon  the  question  of  the  date  at  which  either  the  fragments  or  the 
main  writings  were  composed.  The  comi^osite  character,  especially  of  2 
Timotheus,  and  i^artly  even  of  Titus,  is  widely  felt,  but  the  schemes  of 
reconstruction  vary  in  many  details. 

Hilgenfeld  (ZwTk,  1897,  pp.  1-86),  e.fj.,  working  along  the  line  of  Hesse, 
detects  in  1  Timotheus  a  coherent  letter,  "  Fine  wohl  zusammenhiingende 
und  abgeschlossene  Empfehlung  der  neuen  Gestaltung  christlicher  Ge- 

1  DrI /jru;l,-  r.i;,,i,ielid.  och  Hehr,;'rn;i nurlirf  (Storldiollll,  1898). 

2  So  itciiaii,  S,ili:itier,  Menegoz,  lirysrlila.L^.  Siiitla.  lluville,  Kriigtr,  and,  besides 
Cleniuu  (/•;//(  A'(7.  IS'.U,  pp.  142-175),  who  subjects  the  letters  to  a  detailed  discussion, 
McGiffert  {.1.1,  pp.  404-413).  Holtzniann  (PoM.  pp.  119-126)  rigorously  objects  to 
all  such  analyses,  and  0.  Holtzniann  also  treats  this  line  of  criticism  too  unfavour- 
ably (in  a  review  of  bcniine's  work,  ZadTIi,  1883,  i)p.  45-72).  The  eliief  special 
works  are  by  Lenune  ( /^r,,.  ..-hU  Kmwh  ,nf  nqsrlirrlhni  ,/r.  .\j,osfr!s  I'ouhis  ,>n  Tiiiw- 
tlmis,  1882),  Ilesse  (/>/-:  E„lslrlnn<n  ,ln-  nmlrsh, ,i,nitl irli,-,i  II i rtmlui.Uf,  ]SS9),  and 
Knoke  (Pra/ctisrh-On'o/,,,/is,/,,-r  ('o„iwr„/or  :„  ,1,-n  rastnrolhn,-/,).  TJie  last-named 
finds  Titus  genuine,  except  l""- 1-'- '-.  In  1  Timotheus  he  disentangles  a  Pauline  letter 
{Txpa.yyixi«.)  to  Timotlicus,  dating  from  Corinth  =  13'»' 18-20  2i-i»  412  51-6.  n-i5.^]9-23 ; 
anotlier,  written  from  his  imprisonment  in  Caesarea  =  li2-i7  3i^i'Mi-ii- i-'i"  212-1-'' 5"  ^ 
(ji-H!  p-n  (;2-i(i  ;  and  finally  another  chnrch-docunient  M'ritten  in  the  Pauline  spirit, 
3M0.  VI.  1:;  on  .5!'-  1"-  i«  1'  <)i- •-.     All  .oiniiihMl  by  a  Inter  editor  I 


APPENDIX  701 

meiudeverfassung,  deren  Kern  der  mouarchische  Episkopat  mit  dem  zu 
ilini  gehorenden  Diakonate,  die  Zurticksetzung  des  Presbyteriums  als 
der  leitenden  Behorde  ist."  This  consists  of  V-  '^-  i2-ir  2^-&^-  ^^s  3116  49-11 
4i2_5i8a  519-22.  24. 25_  The  rest  of  the  canonical  epistle  consists  of  additions 
made  by  another  editor  (p.  32  f.)  who  had  a  slightly  different  conception 
of  Paul,  and  who  (after  136  a.d.)  may  haA'e  changed  an  original  (iaa-iKfmg 
(2-)  into  (iacriKicov  (!).  Titus  has  Ijeen  only  slightly  re-edited  (1^-  -•  ^--  ^^a 
213  310.  11  jj^  parts),  under  a  similar  tendency  to  emphasise  soundness  and 
sureness  of  doctrine.  2  Timotheus  again  represents  an  interpolated  letter, 
in  which  the  respective  limits  of  the  original  and  the  additions  are  worked 
out  in  most  elaborate  and  unconvincing  detail,  the  redactor,  according 
to  Hilgenfeld,  being  responsible  for  passages  reflecting  the  view  that  the 
battle  of  the  faith  is  against  erroneous  doctrine,  not  (as  in  the  original) 
against  the  lieathen  world  :  "  Der  Bearbeiter  steht  in  der  Hitze  der 
gnostischen  Bewegung  und  kiimi^ft  namentlich  gegen  jene  Antithese  des 
Christentums  und  der  alttestamentlichen  Religion,  welche  Marcion 
vertrat."     See  below,  p.  708,  for  Prof.  Bacon's  reconstrustion. 

[Reuss  (pp.  120-129)  dates  2  Tim  wholly  from  the  Roman  imprison- 
ment.] 

2  Ti  V''  4131"  42n-22a_ — A  genuine  letter  of  Paul,  written  in  58  a.d.  from 
Caesarea  (Hitzig,  Ueber  Joh.  Marcus,  1843,  p.  154  f.).  At  any  rate,  as  4-'' 
stands  in  its  extant  setting,  it  is  very  plainly  an  isolated  fragment  of 
alien  origin. 

46-12  419  110-18  422b_ — ^ Another  genuine  letter,  written  from  Rome  in 
63  A.D.  (Hitzig).  As  4^^''^  contradicts  4-^,  and  4-^--^  is  apparently  a 
doublet  of  4'^i^,  Jiilicher  {Einl.  p.  127)  also  suggests  that  in  this  chapter 
passages  from  two  separate  letters  to  Timothy  have  been  combined,  which 
the  editor  only  possessed  in  fragmentary  shape.  This  is  at  least  better 
than  Holtzmann's  solution  of  "tendenzicise  Wiederholung." 

Krenkel  (Beitrcige  zur  Anfhellung  der  Geschichte  und  der  Briefe  des 
Afostels  Paulus,  1890,  pp.  395-468)  finds  genuinely  Pauline  fragments 
in  three  letters  : — 

Tit  312^  2  Ti  4-0,  Tit  3^"\—(a)  Written  during  Paul's  second  journey 
(Ac  201'^)  to  Corinth  (from  Illyricum  ?) ;  addressed  to  Titus  at  Crete. 

[Reuss  (pp.  80,  81)  with  great  hesitation  suggests  that  the  whole  epistle 
to  Titus  may  have  been  written  at  Corinth,  57-59  a.d.,  and  then  taken  by 
Apollos  to  Crete.  This  hazardous  scheme  he  regards  as  the  only  possible 
alternative  to  abandoning  the  epistle  as  non-genuine.  Bartlet  (AA,  jsp. 
182  f.)  also  fixes  it  in  59  (60),  addressed  to  Titus,  whom  Paul  had  left  at 
Lasea  (Ac  27**).] 

2  Ti  49-i8__('5)  Written  during  his  Caesarean  captivity,  later  than 
Coloss- Philemon ;  addressed  to  Timothy  at  Troas. 

2  Ti  419  li«-i''  l^sb  4-1.— (c)  Written  from  Rome  during  his  im- 
prisonment ;  addressed  to  Ephesus. 

[Bartlet  (^.4,  pp.  192  f.,  198  f.)  places  2  Ti  4^-^--  2i-  22a  between  Col-Eph 
and  Philippians,  and  the  rest  of  2  Timothy  later  than  Philipjiians,  as  Paul's 
very  last  word  ;  while  Spitta  ( Urc.  i.  pp.  39-46)  labours  hard  to  prove  that 
2  Ti  4^*''^'^  cannot  spring  from  the  first  imprisonment  of  the  apostle.] 

2  Tili2i-t.-_Later  than  Paul,  with^  McGifFert  {AA,  p.  404  f.); 
6^.  though  "itis  impossible  to  decide 

2i4_3i7^  etc. — Most  un- Pauline  part  I  with  any  degree  of  accuracy." 
of  the  epistle,  in  great  part  f rom  f  Lemme  also  takes  2' ^-4^  as  an 
another  hand.  insertion,  li-2^"  4''"^  as  interpol- 

4^^  ■*  .  .  . — An  interpolation,  j  ations. 


702  APPENDIX 

ji5-i8_ — ^j^  original  Pauline  frag-  Hausratli  and  Pfleiderer  (?7?-c. 
ment.  p.  822  n.).     Clemen  dates  it  61, 

from  Eome  ;  McGiffert  (adding 

pi^),    at    the    close   of    Paul's 

Roman  imprisonment.  Similarly 

4  represents  or  contains  a  Pauline     von  Soden  (ad  loc.)  dates  li^is 

fragment.        [Hase,        verses      6-22  ;     4''--   shortly  after   Pliilippians, 

Ewald,  9-15,  19-22;  Pfleiderer,  9-18;     and   (like   that  epistle)  written 

Iminer,  9-21  ;  Lemme,  9-22.]  from     Rome,      except     20-21^, 

which  are  unauthentic.    Clemen 
puts     413-^     into    c.    56     a.d., 
before   Paul's   imprisonment  in 
Jerusalem ;    4^-1^    he  regards  as 
composed  a  year  or  two  later. 
2  Ti  11 12  21 13    41-'.  5s.  10-11).  21b.  10         Hausrath's  (iv.   pp.   160-163) 
ji5i8_ — j^  letter    written   from    Rome     letter  to  Timotheus, which  he  dis- 
to  Timotheus  after  the  extant  epistles,     covers  in  the  extant  2  Timotheus, 
as     the     apostle's     dving     testament     is  composed  of  1^- -•  ^^'^^  4^1*. 
(McGiffert). 

49.  11-18.  2o-2ia_ — Another  note  writ-  For  an  elaborate  note  on 
ten  shortly  before  2  Corinthians  (Mc-  2  Ti  4^^  and  the  papyrus-rolls 
Giffert) ;  in  response  to  it,  Timotheus  of  Paul,  cp.  Zahn,  GK,  ii. 
joined  him  soon  (2  Co  1^).  pp.  938-942. 

Tit  V'->  .  .  .  V'^'^  mostly,  2  mostly,  3»-"- 1*  unauthentic  (McGiffert). 
1  ^"^  is  clearly  an  interpolation  interrupting  the  thought  .  .  .  fj  awTriWaKra 
(6)  .  .  .  fla-lv  yap  ttoXXoI  dvvrroTaKToi  (10),  and  partly  a  reproduction  of 
6=^  (Harnack,  Chron.  pp.  710,  711). 

31.7.  i2i3__Undoubtedly  Pauline  (:\IcGifrert)  ;  a  note  written  to  Titus, 
before  Paul  wintered  for  three  months  at  Corinth  (Ac  20-^). 

3i2-i5_ — Genuine  Pauline  fragment.         Weisse   {Philos.    Dogmatik,   i. 

p.  146)  (adding  2  Ti  4'J-22).     Cp. 
Julicher  (p.  127).     Clemen  dates 
312-14    in    52,    53   A.D.,    during 
Paul's  winter  residence  at  Niko- 
polis  ;  while  von  Soden  (EBi,  i. 
p.    812)  admits  that  this  "un- 
doubtedly      authentic "       note 
(3'-'^)  may  have  been  addressed 
to  Titus  about  the  year  54  (58), 
although     the     jjlan    was     not 
carried  out. 
1  Ti  3113  5i"-2",  with  Tit  1'  »,  later  fragments  added  after  138  a.d. 
(Harnack,   Chron.   pp.    482-484),  betraying  their  origin  in   the   regula- 
tions for  ecclesiastical  offices  and  the  (quotation  of  an  evangelic  word  as 
ypa(f»'].      Indeed,   the   whole   passage  5^--*  is   out    of   connection  {ibid. 
pp.  710,  711)  with  the  context,  which  reads  much  more  smoothly  when 
it  is  omitted.     [Reuss,  pp.    82-85,   again,   conjectures   that  I    Tim   as  a 
whole   may  have   arisen  out  of  the  same   situation  as  that  which   gave 
rise   to   Titus;   and    Bartlet  (A A,  p.  180 f.)  fixes  it  in  55(56),  written 
on  board  ship  by  Paul  after  leaving   ^Miletus.      But  how   could    Paul 
hope  to   rejoin   Timotheus    at   Ephesus  (1  Ti  3'''  4^2)  in  face  of  what 
he  had  just  told   the    Ephesians  (Ac   202^-38)?     The   same   critic   finds 
in  2  Ti  4-"  a  private  postscript  originally  attached  to  this  epistle.] 
Qi7-2i_ — The  references  to  riches,  as  in  Hernias  and  James,  in  vers.  17-19, 


APPENDIX  703 

and  to  heresies  in.  vers.  20-21  (Marcion's  avridea-ecs),  standing  at  the  close 
and  out  of  connection,  (von  Soden)  with  the  rest  of  a  letter  which  ends 
naturally  with  ver.  16,  suggest  to  Harnack  (Chron.  pp.  481  f.,  711)  a  date 
for  this  passage  not  earlier  than  the  fifth  decade  of  the  second  century 
(HD,  i.  p.  270  n.).  On  the  other  hand,  Hort  (Judaistic  Christianity, 
p.  139  f.)  finds  that  the  Marcionite  reference  of  the  dyrt^eVets' is  "  merely  a 
seductive  verbal  coincidence,"  and  interprets  the  word  as  an  allusion,  to 
frivolous  and  casuistical  discussions  which  correspond  to  the  Halacha 
as  do  ^vdoi  and  yeveaXoyiai  to  the  Haggada. 

Harnack  sums  up  the  postulates  of  criticism  upon  the  pastorals  in 
four  points — (1)  They  contain  a  genuinely  Pauline  element ;  (2)  as  they 
stand,  they  cannot  have  been  written  by  Paul ;  (3)  the  substantial  part 
of  them  was  known  to  Polykarp  {c.  115  a.d.);  (4)  the  letters  reveal  one 
or  two  sections  which  can  hardly  have  been  written  before  the  middle 
of  the  second  century.  Upon  the  first  two  of  these  points  there  is 
practical  unanimity,  and  (3)  is  largely  accepted.  On  the  other  hand,  (4) 
is  less  certain.  If  admitted,  it  either  contradicts  (3)  or  else  involves  the 
application  of  the  interpolation-theory  (as  with  Harnack).^  Certainly, 
when  each  is  taken  as  a  literary  whole,  the  three  documents  lie  close 
together.  They  cannot  be  separated,  as  they  stand,  by  any  considerable 
length  of  time — a  fact  which,  together  with  the  utterly  different  tone  of 
2  Corinthians  and  Romans,  wrecks  any  attempt  to  convey  them  back  into 
the  apostle's  life  previous  to  60  a.d. 

In  the  printed  text,  clarendon  type  indicates  those  passages  which 
appear  to  the  present  editor  to  rest  upon  genuinely  Pauline  tradition, 
although  in  their  extant  form  they  must  have  been  edited  with  more  or 
less  freedom.  2  Ti  lis-is  parts  easily  from  its  context,  but  neither  in 
the  earlier  part  of  this  chapter  nor  in  the  second  is  it  possible  to 
distinguish  with  any  literary  precision  the  Pauline  and  sub-Pauline 
strata.  In  the  fourth  chapter,  vers.  9-22='  reproduce  with  great  exact- 
ness personal  details  and  motives  of  the  apostle  which  point  to  their 
authenticity  (as  against  Holtzmann,  "  In  Wahrheit  ist  gerade  hier  Alles 
Copie  ") ;  but  the  section  is  not  homogeneous,  and  must  include  notes 
of  various  dates  and  moods.  In  Tit  \^^  a  Pauline  note  has  been 
embedded,  but  the  clearest  fragment  occurs  in  S^^-  ^^  <!■*•  ^^K  Upon  the 
other  hand,  whatever  sources  may  have  been  still  at  the  disposal  of 
the  author  in  1  Ti  have  been  used  in  such  a  free  fashion  that 
their  original  form  cannot  be  made  out.  Hesse's  analysis  is  by  far  the 
most  plausible,  but  tlie  details  cannot  be  pressed. 

As  to  the  dates  of  the  above  pieces,  one  can  only  offer  a  conjecture, 
partly  owing  to  the  fragmentary  condition  in  which  they  have  been 
•  preserved,  partly  owing  to  the  inadequate  information  which  we  possess 
upon  large   spaces   of    Paul's  life   {e.g.  2   Co    11^3 f).      But  2    Ti  psis 

^  Dr.  Hort's  remark  that  "the  theory  of  large  early  interpolations  iloe.s  not 
work  out  at  all  well  in  detail"  {Judaistic  Christianity,  p.  130),  sounds  like  a 
colloquial  expression  of  opinion  rather  than  a  conclusion  based  upon  investigation 
of  the  facts  in  question  ;  at  any  rate,  it  represents  an  attitude  prior  to  recent 
movements  of  thought  upon  the  whole  subject.  It  is  surprising,  however,  to  find  this 
obiter  dictum  echoed  by  writers  upon  all  sides,  as  if  its  repetition  absolved  them 
from  any  fresh  investigation  into  tlie  evidence  upon  which  it  rests. 

Bartlet  (^4^1,  pp.  511-515),  who  follows  Zahn  in  the  main,  candidly  admits, 
however,  that  a  large  Pauline  basis,  consisting  of  all  the  personal  matter  and  much 
else,  underlies  the  epistles  ;  he  also  agrees  that  the  possibility  of  interpolation  "is 
a  real  one  with  letters  so  inorganic  as  those  made  up  of  counsels  and  exhortations. 
Such  may  easily  grow  by  an  almost  insensible  process  of  accretion." 


704  APPENDIX 

4C.12.  ic  19  are  probably  from  a  late  note,  written  after  Phili]:)pians,  when 
Tycliicus  had  gone  (Eph  G-^)  to  Asia  Minor.  Timotheus,  who  had  been 
with  him  at  an  earlier  stage  (Col  1^,  Ph  P),  is  now  absent,  and  Demas 
has  relapsed.  The  sky  is  overcast  and  threatening ;  and  Paul  in 
loneliness  wearies  for  his  younger  comrade.  So  mucli  is  clear.  2  Ti 
41315. 21. 22a  again  are  earlier,  and  cannot  l)e  dated  very  much  later 
than  Paul's  journey  from  Troas.  They  may  have  been  written  from 
Caesarea  during  his  imprisonment.  420  cannot  (Ac  21-'*)  belong  to  this 
period,  as  Trophiinus  seems  to  have  accompanied  Paul  to  Jerusalem  ;  its 
origin  therefore  must  be  earlier,  possibly  in  the  jieriod  Ac  IS^**  '•).  Of  these 
passages  at  least  one  may  say  with  Mr.  G.  A.  Simcox  (Exjh  Ti.  x.  p.  431), 
"  all  these  commissions  and  cautions  are  unlike  a  dying  man  ;  the  writer  is 
in  a  hurry  for  Timothy  to  come,  simply  because  he  is  old  and  lonely." 
Finally,  the  fragment  Tit  3'--  ^^  falls  somewhere  in  Paul's  second  mission- 
tour,  written  from  Corinth  or  on  his  way  to  that  city  (Ac  20^  f).  Tlie 
plan  of  wintering  at  Nikopolis  seems  to  have  been  abandoned,  but  Titus 
afterwards  (2  Ti  4^")  appears  in  connection  with  the  neighbouring  district. 

This  attempt  at  reconstruction,  however,  is  quite  provisional  and 
hypothetic,  for  it  is  easier  to  feel  the  presence  of  Pauline  fragments 
than  to  trace  them  to  their  birth  and  native  soil.  But  no  analytic 
theory  of  this  kind  works  out  so  badly  in  details,  or  inflicts  such  a 
strain  upon  the  general  evidence,  as  the  traditional  hypothesis  which 
compresses  the  three  letters,  as  they  stand,  into  the  lifetime  of  the  apostle 
Paul. 

James. — An  attempt  to  find  a  pre-Christian  origin  for  James  has 
been  independently  made  by  Spitta  (Urc.  ii.  pp.  1-239)  and  M.  L. 
Massebieau  (''  L'epitre  de  Jacques,  est-elle  Poeuvre  d'un  Chretien  ? "  Revue 
de  Vhistoire  des  relvjions,  1896,  pp.  249-283).  On  this  theory  1  James 
becomes  almost  like  the  Test,  xii  Patr.,  4th  Esdras,  or  the  Didache, 
an  originally  Jewish  work  written  by  a  Jewish  scholar  and  then  revised 
by  a  Christian  editor,  who  made  certain  additions  in  order  to  adopt  the 
book  to  his  later  audience.  The  strength  of  this  hypothesis  lies  in  the 
obviously  meagre  Christianity  of  James,  as  well  as  in  the  rich  series 
of  parallels  between  it  and  the  older  Jewish  literature  of  the  day.^ 
These,  it  is  held,  point  to  a  purely  Jewish  environment  for  the  author 
and  his  readers.  The  interpolations  necessitated  l)y  this  theory  are  as 
follows : — 

P. — KOL  KvpUw  'Irjaov  XpiCTTov  ^  interpolations  by  a  Christian,  in  a 
(Spitta)  I         writing,  originally  Jewish,   which 

2^. — rjpcbv  'Irjcrov  XpiaTou  .  i'  became  a  favourite  with  the  early 
j        Christian  writers  of  the  NT. 

But,  even  apart  from  the  absence  of  allusions,  natural  in  Jewish  writ- 
ing, to  ritual  or  legal  usages,  the  genuinely  Christian  elements  elsewhere 
(l^'^  irarpi,  2'^  3",  perhaps  1'**),  the  resemblance  to  the  gosj)els,   and   the 

1  Spitta  goes  on  to  apply  it  also  to  Hernias  (Urc.  ii.  pp.  240-347),  where, 
however,  he  had  been  anticipated  (as  Kriiger  points  out)  Ly  Schwegler  (Xach- 
ajjostolische  Zcitaller,  i.  p.  333 f.).  Massebieau  finds  its  origin  in  Essene  influences 
[op.  cit.  p.  270  f.):  "  I'auteur  de  I'epltre  est  unjuif  lielleuiste,  lettre,  atteiut  par  la 
pliilosopliie  grecqne,  universaliste,  connaissant  le  milieu  theologique  de  la  Dis- 
persion."   Admittedly  the  letter  often  seems  a  Jewish  i.sland  in  tlie  Christian  stream. 

2  But  this  dependence  u]30u  the  Wisdom-conceptions  and  the  Wisdom-literature 
had  always  been  mai'ketl  in  early  Christianity.  Apart  fnmi  the  cpistk'  to  the  Hebrews 
and  Paul's  letters,  the  synoptic  gos].>els  oceasionallv  use  the  Wisdom-idea  to  present 
the  very  tradition  of  Jesus  himself  (c.y.  Mt  ipy '-«:"',  Lk  7"  11^-',  O.xyrhynchite 
Logia,  No.  3). 


APPENDIX  705 

un- Jewish  ideas  of  tlie  writing  {e.g.  ttlo-tls  in  1*,  the  l3\a(Tcf)r]fiflv  2*^-  '',  and  the 
passage  5'^  ^-^  it  may  be  argued  that  the  attempt  to  transform  a  Judaistic 
writing  into  a  Christian  document  would  certainly  have  gone  further. 
The  two  phrases  ^  do  not  suffice  even  yet  to  give  a  distinctive,  specific, 
Christian  character  to  the  book  (in  Luther's  phrase,  it  does  not  preach 
and  urge  Christ),  and,  as  McGiftert  urges,  it  is  hard  to  understand  how  the 
editor  could  have  contented  himself  with  their  addition,  instead  of  insert- 
ing further  references  to  Christ's  life  and  death  (p.  583  n.).  The  latter 
course  would  have  been  perfectly  easy  and — from  a  modern  standpoint — 
natural.  Besides,  as  Zahn  hints,  the  cases  adduced  by  Spitta — Sibyllines, 
etc. — are  no  true  parallels,  for  in  these  cases  interpolations  were  made,  not 
to  give  the  writings  a  Christian  apj^earance  and  colour,  but  to  transpose 
them  into  prophecies  or  corroborations  of  Christian  truth.  For  these  and 
other  reasons,  S])itta's  view  is  rejected  by  Mayor  {Exp.^  vi.  pp.  1-14,  321- 
338,  and  in  2nd  ed.  of  his  James,  pp.  cliv-clxxviii),  Harnack  (Ckron. 
pp.  489,  490  n.),  Zahn  {Einl.  i.  pp.  101  f.,  107  f.),  von  Soden  {EG,  ad  loc. 
3rd  ed.  1899  ;  also  in  ThLz,  1897,  pp.  581-584),  Adeney  {CR,  1896,  pp. 
277-283),  Wrede  {LG,  1896,  pp.  450,  451),  and  by  Haupt  in  an  appreci- 
ative but  adverse  review  {BK,  1896,  iv.  pji.  747-777).  The  last-named 
attaches  cardinal  imjjortance  to  the  linguistic  features  of  the  epistle,  its 
Grecisms,  use  of  the  LXX,  etc.  These  suggest  to  him  a  Christian  author, 
familiar  with  the  older  Jewish  literature,  and  resident  in  the  Diaspora. 

Harnack  {Chron.  pp.  485-491)  once  threw  out  the  suggestion  that 
"  James,"  like  2  Clem,  consisted  originally  of  a  collection  of  anonymous 
addresses  bv  some  early  Christian  prophet,  afterwards  published  under 
the  name  and  title  of  "  James  "  {Til,  ii.  ii.  pp.  106-109  ;  above,  pp.  618  f.). 
Following  out  this  suggestion,  McGiffert  regards  it  as  jiossible  that 
'laKcojSo?  Qeov  Km  Kvplov  'irjaov  Xpiarov  (P)  were  added  in  the  second 
century  to  an  anonymous  epistle  composed  by  some  Hellenistic  Jew  before 
the  close  of  the  first  century.  The  argument  is  ingenious  but  of  very 
moderate  size.  Upon  Harnack's  hypothesis,  the  xat'pfn'  and  x^pav  of  vers. 
1  and  2  would  be  torn  apart,  whereas  they  are  evidently  linked  together. 
Besides,  if,  as  is  i;rged,  the  general  contents  of  the  epistle  have  no  affinity 
to  the  character  and  position  of  James,  it  is  not  easy  to  imagine  how  his 
name  should  have  been  affixed  at  all  to  this  particular  document,  which 
fails  to  correspond  with  his  traditional  portrait.  Here,  as  in  the  case  of 
1  Peter,  the  address  seems  isolated  ;  in  fact,  it  may  be  fairly  held  that, 
were  it  removed,  the  contents  of  neither  writing  would  suggest  James 
or  Peter  respectively  as  their  authors.  But  the  argument  cuts  l)oth  ways, 
and  makes  it  improbable  that  any  scribe  or  later  editor  would  add  so  incon- 
gruous a  title.  Deissmann  {Bibel-Studien,  pp.  245-247)  explains  the  lack  of 
personal  touches  throughout  the  epistle  by  emphasising  its  oecumenical 
character.  It  is  a  letter  only  in  form,  he  thinks  :  "  Aber  so  wenig  Dias- 
2}ora  ein  geographischer  Einzelbegriff  ist,  so  wenig  schreibt  'Jacobus' 
eineu  Brief.  ...  In  der  Jakobusepistel  redet  weniger  ein  bedeutender 
Mann  als  eine  bedeutende  Sache,  mehr  das  Christentum  als  ein  Christen- 
mensch."  This  ideal  and  general  character  of  the  epistle,  he  argues,  is 
preferable  to   the   conception  (Feine,^  Der  Jacobusbrief  untersucht)  of  a 

1  As  Zahn  correctly  points  out,  tlie  very  difficulty  of  2i  is  a  proof  of  its  originality. 
An  interpolator  would  have  taken  pains  to  make  his  meaning  clear  and  distinct. 

2  Who  regards  the  homily  as  originally  addressed  to  the  Palestinian  church,  and 
afterwards  issued  in  letter-form  to  ChristianJewsof  the  Dispersion  (pp.  68-lCO),  This 
is  a  plausible  theory,  but  it  becomes  unnecessary  so  soon  as  the  early  date  is  aban- 
doned.    Bacon  [Journ.  Bill.  Lit.,  1900,  p.  12  f.)  dates  it  75-95  a.d.,  not  later. 

45 


706  APPENDIX 

liomilj-.  But  the  writing  is  more  than  formally  a  letter.  It  presupposes 
some  personal  ac(|uaintance  on  the  author's  part  with  some  circle  which 
he  is  primarily  addressing.  The  loose  connection  of  the  various  para- 
graphs, which  often  resemble  groups  of  aphorisms  with  as  little  cohesion 
as  a  handful  of  j)earl8,  is  due  here  as  in  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  to  the 
writer's  gnomic  .style,^  although  at  the  same  time  it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  cognate  and  much  more  elaborate  "  Shepherd  "  of  Hermas  bears,  in  its 
extant  form,  some  traces  of  having  been  put  together  from  previous  fly- 
leaves of  prophetic  addresses.  The  analogous  abruptness  with  which 
Ecclus  (51-^-  ^")  and  Wisd  Sol  (19--)  close,  is  rather  unfa^■ourable  to  the 
allied  conjecture  that  the  original  conclusion  of  James  has  been  lost  ; 
especially  as  the  letter  itself  gives  but  little  evidence  of  close  or  continu- 
ous intercourse  between  the  writer  and  his  readers  at  the  time  of  writing. 
At  the  same  time,  while  unable  to  accept  Spitta's  theory  in  its 
entirety,  I  strongly  susj^ect  that  in  2^  the  words  j'jfMav  'irjcroi  Xpicrrov 
represent  a  gloss  originally  written  on  the  margin  by  a  later  editor  or 
copyist,  and  subsequently  incoriDorated  in  the  text.  The  grammatical  ex- 
planations of  the  text  as  it  stands  (for  which  cp.  ]\Iayor  and  Beyschlag) 
are  more  or  less  strained  :  rrjs  do^ijs  does  not  go  satisfactorily  with  either 
TTia-Ttv  or  Kvpiov,  and  the  most  simple  view,  which  regards  it  as  in  apposi- 
tion to  'I.  X.,  has  little  in  its  favour.  On  the  other  hand,  6  Kvpws  ttjs 
86^T]s  is  not  merely  a  phrase  for  God  in  Enoch  (cp.  Spitta,  pp.  iv,  4,  60  f.), 
but  ajsplied  by  Paul  to  Christ  (1  Co  2'*,  ovk  av  tov  Kvpiov  rrjs  do^rjs 
earavpcoa-av).  \Yhether  the  author  of  James  intended  it  for  God  (as - 
1^7  2^  suggest)  or  Christ,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  deteimine.  But  as 
the  book  came  to  be  used,  it  would  be  natural  for  some  editor  or  reader, 
who  had  1  Pet  li''-'i  before  him,  to  append  the  gloss  rjp.  'I.  X.,  either  to 
explain  the  ambiguous  phrase  or  to  definitely  bring  it  into  line  with  1  Co  2^. 

The  linguistic  coincidences  between  Judas  and  2  Peter  cannot,  any  more 
than  those  between  Colossians  and  Ephesians,  be  indicated  in  print.  But  a 
tabular  resume,^  such  as  is  given  e.g.  by  Spitta,  brings  out  with  sufhcient 
clearness  the  fact  that  the  similarities  of  expression  in  the  two  writings 
are  not  coincidences,  nor  due  to  the  use  of  a  common  source,  but  remin- 
iscences and  adaptations.  One  writing  depends  upon  the  other.  Now 
this  involves  undoubtedly  the  priority  of  Judas,  chiefly  on  the  following 
grounds,  (o)  The  style  of  Judas  is  pregnant,  original,  and  energetic  ; 
1  Like  Wordsworth's  poems  of  1831,  the  various  paragraphs  of  James  are  semi- 
detached and  end  ahrujjtly  ;  yet  they  too 

"Have  moved  in  order,  to  each  other  hound 

By  a  continuous  and  acliuowledged  tie. 

Though  unapparent." 
It  is  not,  as  I  think,  necessary  to  regard  even  the  comparatively  isolated  passages 
41'**  and  5'-''  as  interpolated  "fragments  of  polemic  against  the  unbelieving  Jews 
(Jacoby,  A'T  Etliik,  pp.  170  f.).  In  this  class  of  literature  a  certain  detachment 
inevitably  belongs  to  many  sections.  The  Wisdom  of  Seirach  is  an  example  itself, 
though  there  also  compilation  and  interpolation  have  been  occasionally  suggested. 

"  The  parallel  in  Ecclus  35i-i5  is  most  remarkable:  there,  however,  as  in  Ps  Sl'-^ 
(«  0=0;  iv  irvvxyuy-^)  the  Order  is  reversed  ;  charity  to  widows  and  the  fatherless  is  a  proof 
of  genuine  religion,  but  it  follows  the  conception  of  God's  impartiality.  The  writer's 
devotion  to  the  Wi.sdom-literature  and  the  OT  generally,  carries  him  past  not  only 
Jesus  (Heb  121-3)  but  Paul,  in  his  search  for  examples  of  iToftovsi  (5i"'),  althougli  even 
Clem.  Rom.  (^))  had  already  found  an  illustration  of  that  virtue  in  the  apostle  of  the 

Gentiles  (llauP.o?  UTO/junr.f  fipafii'itv    UTliullt  .  ,  .  iU  ■'■iv  itytoti  TOTOt  iiripiudr,,  urroiMiyY,!  yitifj,n»; 
//.iyirrei  iiTdyp«,u,fj,is). 

3  Had  Judas  used  2  Peter,  it  is  incredible  that  he  should  have  selected  one  or  two 
passages— and  these  not  the  most  characteristic— besides  passing  over  much  of  equal 


APPENDIX  707 

that  of  2  Peter  is  looser  in  exiiression,  and  occasionally  indistinct  for  all 
its  diffuseness.  2  Peter  has  "  echoes "  in  it.  The  special  and  concrete 
examples  of  Judas  are  present  to  the  writer,  but  are  sometimes  dropped, 
sometimes  abbreviated,  sometimes  flattened  out  into  fairly  general  descri])- 
tions.  The  words  of  Judas  become  now  and  again  consciously  modified 
(o-TTiAaSfr,  a-TTiXoi,  e.g.)  :  his  threefold  rhythm  is  lost ;  his  images  are  used 
for  different  ends.  (6)  Judas,  toii,  is  a  unity  ;  from  first  to  last  it  throbs 
with  a  single  spirit.  On  the  other  hand,  the  section  in  2  Peter  which 
incorporates  it  stands  in  a  peculiar  relation  to  the  calmer  and  less  passion- 
ate portions  of  the  epistle  ;  here  the  polemic  is  more  of  an  interlude, 
(c)  Further,  the  author  of  2  Peter  has  borrowed  and  used  his  materials  in 
such  a  way  that  the  later  reproduction  would  be  in  parts  almost  unintelli- 
gible, unless  the  original  were  extant  {e.g.  2  P  2i'  =  Jud  12.  is^  2  P  2^^  = 
Jud  ^,  2  P  2* = Jud  ^).  Features  like  these  point  to  one  conclusion,  that  the 
more  compact  and  original  writing  has  been  obviously  worked  over  by 
another  writer,  who  has  in  the  process  toned  down,  omitted,  and  expanded  : 
no  other  theory  does  anything  like  justice  to  the  literary  characteristics 
of  both  letters.  It  is  of  course  no  objection  to  this  position  that  2  Peter 
speaks  of  the  errorists  in  the  future  tense,  while  in  Judas  they  are  present 
actually  to  the  writer.  Judas  is  thus  true  to  the  immediate  situation, 
while  the  author  of  2  Peter,  though  living  in  a  similar  set  of  conditions, 
desires  to  represent  his  polemic  as  a  prophecy  of  Peter,  and  consequently 
speaks  of  the  libertines  as  a  future  danger — though  even  this  attitude  is 
not  kept  up  consistently  (e.g.  2^**  *•  2-'^).  While  the  data  thus  prove  the 
priority  of  Judas,  and  indirectly  the  pseudonymity  of  the  later  epistle,^ 
they  do  not,  however,  afford  any  reliable  clue  to  the  interval  which  elapsed 
between  the  former's  composition  and  its  subsequent  use  by  the  author  of 
2  Peter. 

Judas  i.--aSeX0o?  de  'laKwjSov,  an  inter^jolation  inserted  during  the 
second  century  before  170  a.d.,  by  an  editor  who  supjDOsed  the  author  to 
be  a  brother  of  the  great  James.  So  McGifl'ert  (p.  588),  along  with  Har- 
nack  {Chron.  p.  465  f.),  who  suggests  that  the  whole  phrase,  'irjaov  Xpia-rov 
8ovXos,  dSfX0o?  8e  'laKajSov  was  added  between  150  and  180  a.d.,  for  the 
sake  of  increasing  its  authority. 

2  Peter. — Grotius,  besides  attributing  the  epistle  to  Symeon,  the  suc- 
cessor of  James  in  the  bishopric  of  Jerusalem,  held  the  composite  -  nature 
of  the  writing ;  chaps.  1,  2,  and  3  being  different  letters  by  the  same 
author.  Doubts  upon  the  second  chapter  as  an  integral  part  of  the  writing 
have  been  more  than  once  expressed,  but  without  leading  to  any  decisive 
conclusions    (Bertholdt,   Lange,    and    Iviibel).^     Matthew    Arnold    (God 

weight.  Also,  if  he  had  intended  to  remind  the  reader  of  2  Peter,  it  is  strange  how 
lie  never  alludes  explicitly  to  it  or  to  its  writer. 

1  As  Prof.  Adeuey  insists,  comparing  1  Peter  and  2  Peter  on  the  score  of  literary 
dependence,  "it  is  one  thing  to  lean  upon  Paul  and  even  James,  and  another  thing 
to  absorb  and  utilise  virtually  the  whole  of  the  short  epislle  of  so  obscure  a  writer  as 
Jude"(Z>'7,  p.  449). 

-  He   finally   conjectured    that   Xlirpo;     xa.)    .    .    a^oa-roXo;    (l^),    i   kyaT.     r,fx.'^t     «.o0.fo; 

(.315),  and  1  7  were  interpolations.  Bartlet  (AA,  pp.  518-521)  similarly  tries  to 
detach  21-3^(13)  as  an  apocalyptic  section  added  to  an  originally  Petrine  note  of 
62-63  A.D. 

3  In  this  way,  if  l^O-S^  could  be  taken  as  an  interpolation,  some  part  of  the 
epistle  might  be  saved  as  genuinely  Petrine.  But  the  hypothesis  is  an  untenable 
compromise,  and  has  rightly  met  with  scant  acceptance  (cp.  Usteri's  ed.  of  1  Peter, 
p.  315  f.),  though  Gess  {Das  Almost.  Zeugniss  von  Christi  Person,  li.  2.  p.  414  f.) 
holds  that  l-0b_33a  certainly  forms  an  unauthentic  insertion. 


708  APPENDIX 

and  the  Bible,  p^D.  227,  228)  suggested  tliat  phrases  like  P"  {(nrovMa-aTe 
Be^aiav  vfiwv  rrjv  KXijaiv  kol  eKXoyfjv  Troifla-dai)  and  3**"'^  may  have  really 
been  Petrine  phrases  which  survived  and  tioated  in  men's  memories, 
though  the  context  had  been  lost.  But  this  is  highly  improbable.  The 
phrases  are  perfectly  natural  and  can  be  paralleled  elsewhere  ;  the  words 
of  2if- follow  P^  without  serious  jolting;  and  a  pseudonymous  writer 
required  no  hint  or  occasion,  beyond  the  existence  of  a  genuine  1  Peter 
and  a  Petrine  tradition,  to  speak  in  the  apostle's  name.  Besides,  as  Chase 
{DB,  in.  p.  814  f.)  shows,  the  coincidences  with  Apoc.  Pet.  extend  over 
chap.  1  as  well  as  over  chap.  2.  Kiihl  (-Meyer),  however,  still  holds  to 
his  hypothesis  that  a  genuine  Petrine  letter  is  preserved  in  this  epistle, 
less  2^-3-  which  represents  a  later  interpolation. 


iV.JE.'.— In  connection  with  the  survey  of  constructions  and  analyses 
on  pp.  700-704,  it  ought  to  have  been  observed  that  Professor  B.  W. 
Bacon,  in  his  acute  and  trustworthy  summary  of  Pauline  chronology 
(Exp.^  X.  pp.  351  f.,  412-430),  already  referred  to  on  page  133,  approximates 
in  part  to  Dr.  McGiffert,  regarding  2  Tim  4'^-  i^-^^-  -"•  -'i  =mv)^  with  fragments 
of  1  Tim  as  genuinely  Pauline  material  which  dated  from  the  period  of 
2  Corinthians  (end  of  54  a.d.)  and  originated  in  Macedonia  ;  the  rest  of 
2  Tim  (less  l^^.  i4  2i4_3i7  43-4^  which  are  interpolations)  must  fall  into 
the  period  of  Philippians,  which  is  the  latest  of  the  Captivity-epistles. 
Fragments  from  Titus  are  to  be  placed,  with  some  hesitation,  along  with 
2  Co  10'-13i",  which  Professor  Bacon  identifies  with  the  intermediate 
letter  to  Corinth  (as  above,  p.  177),  written  in  54  a.d.,  perhaps  after  a 
visit  to  Crete  (1),  but  certainly  subsequent  to  the  fragment  2  Co  Q^'^-l'^ 
(as  above,  pp.  628,  629).  On  this  scheme  Galatians  is  also  placed,  as  in 
the  present  edition,  between  Thessalonians  and  1  Corinthians.  In  regard 
to  the  general  chronology,  however.  Professor  Bacon  proceeds  upon  rather 
an  independent  road  {vide  above,  pp.  134-136).  He  fixes  the  conversion 
of  Paul,  31  (34  ?)  A.D. ;  his  first  visit  to  Jerusalem,  33  (36  ?) ;  his  first 
mission  tour,  44-46  ;  his  arrival  at  Corinth,  50  (early  spring) ;  his  flight 
from  Ephesus,  54  (July- Aug.)  ;  his  arrest  in  Jerusalem,  65  (May) ;  his 
arrival  at  Rome,  58  (February) ;  and  his  defence  before  Nero,  60.  Such 
an  outline  of  events  olaviously  involves  some  important  modifications  of 
the  "new"  chronology  as  well  as  of  the  traditional  scheme. 


ADDENDA 


Page  28  ii. — On  the  relation  of  this  colophon  in  Matthew  to  the  work 
of  Papias,  which  also  had  a  five-fold  division  (crvyypdii^aTa  rrevre, 
Euseb.  HE,  III.  38),  see  Nestle,  ZNIV,  1900,  pp.  252-254. 

Page  44  n. — An  excellent  popular  statement  of  this  familiar  law  may  be 
found  in  Dr.  E.  B.  Tylor's  Anthropology,  chap.  xv.  ("  History  and 
Mythology ").  As  he  correctly  points  out,  "  it  is  often  possible  to 
satisfy  oneself  that  some  story  is  not  really  history,  by  knowing  the 
causes  which  led  to  its  being  invented."  This  principle,  of  course,  is 
the  supreme  organon  of  tendency-criticism. 

Page  51  n.  1. — Was  the  public  for  which  the  early  Christian  literature 
was  intended,  exclusively  Christian?  Or  did  it  embrace  an  audience 
such  as  that  contemplated  by  the  author  of  2  Mace  (2^*-  ^^),  number- 
ing some  who  wei'e  merely  interested,  possibly  sympathetic — like  the 
father  of  Maitland  of  Lethington,  "  civil,  albeit  not  persuaded  in 
religion  "  ?  This  legitimate  question  has  been  recently  raised  in 
several  quarters  ;  by  J.  Weiss  (Ueber  die  Absicht  der  Apgeschichte, 
p.  56),  a  propos  of  Acts  and  Romans  ;  by  Zahn  (Eiyil.  ii.  pp.  359  f .), 
who  conjectures  that  Theophilus  was  a  pagan,  first  converted  by 
reading  the  third  gospel ;  and  by  Wernle  {ZNW,  1900,  pp.  42-65), 
who  brings  out  a  distinct  "  ajiologetic  "  element  in  the  composition 
of  all  the  gospels.  With  the  scanty  data  at  our  command,  it  is  not 
easy  to  determine  whether  such  an  outside  reference  existed  in  all 
or  any  of  these  cases,  and  if  so,  to  what  extent.  Early  Christianity, 
as  a  whole,  was  neither  the  life  of  a  sequestered  ghetto  nor  a 
crusade  appealing  to  the  public  mind. 

Page  242. — In  the  recently  discovered  (Greek)  fragment  of  the  Ascensio 
Isaiae,  the  death  of  Peter  is  connected  closely  with  the  Neronic 
persecution.  As  restored  by  Messrs.  Grenfell  and  Hunt,  the 
runs  :  6  jSatrtXeur  ovtos  rrju  (pvreiav  rjv  (pvTfvcrovatv  o'l  8a>8e 
dnoaToKoi  tov  dyanrjTov  8ia>^€i,  Kai  tcov  ScoSe/ca  els  tols  X^P*^' 
TrapaSodrjo-fTai  {Amlierd  Papyri,  pt.  I.  1900).  For  a  discussion  of 
this,  and  of  the  conjectural  Testament  embedded  in  the  larger 
document,  see  Dr.  R.  H.  Charles'  new  edition  {The  Ascension  of 
Isaiah),  which  supersedes  most  previous  work  upon  the  subject. 

Page  258. — It  was  no  imaginary  clanger  which  the  rise  of  evangelic  stories 
averted  from  the  Christian  consciousness,  from  c.  60  a.d.  and  onwards. 
In  the  flush  and  rush  of  spiritual  phenomena  there  was  always  an 
ecstatic  enthusiasm  which  tended  to  swamp  the  historical  tradition 
of  Jesus.  "  That  the  church  surmounted  this  peril  is  one  of  the 
jreat  deeds  of  the  Providence  of  God.  And  what  saved  the  church  ? 
fot  spiritual  speculation  like  that  of  Paul,  which  could  not  afford 
any  guarantee  that  it  would  keep  by  the  track  of  the  gospel  as 
given  in  history.  It  was  simply  owing  to  the  infinite  impression  made 
by  the  historical  Jesus,  that  the  historical  character  of  Christianity  did 
not  suffer  loss.  In  this  respect,  the  memory  of  Jesus  paralysed  the 
spiritual  phenomena  of  the  apostolic  age  and  survived  them  for 
more  than  a  thousand  years  "  (Gunkel,  Die  Wirknngen  des  heiligen 
Geistes,  nach  der  jMjnddren  Anschauung  der  apostolischen  Zeit  und 
der  Lehre  des  Aposfels  Paiilus,^  p.  56). 


IV  avTov 


grc 

Nc 


710  ADDENDA 

Page  260  f. — A  similar  practical  motive  for  authorship  is  plainly  avowed 
in  the  well-known  prologue  to  Ecclesiasticus  (also  2  Esdras  14^2_i52^ 
Baruch  V^). 
Page  268. — "  Non  fuit  Matthaeo  curae  historian!  \\t  gesta  erat  texere  sed 
Christi  doctrinam  expriniere  "  (Maldonatus,  a  Jesuit  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  quoted  by  Jiilicher,  Glnchwisreden  Jesu,  i.  p.  3). 
Page  273. — Baljon,  in  his  recent  edition  (Commentaar  op  het  Evangelie  van 
Matthaeus,    1900),   places   Matthew's  gospel   shortly    after   70  a.d., 
written  by  a  Jew  of  the  Dispersion,  who  naturally  inclined  to  semi- 
Jewish  forms  in  exhibiting  the  gospel-story. 
Page   416. — In  an  elaborate  textual  study  (JJer  ahsndlandische  Text  der 
Apgeschichte  u.  die  IVir -Quelle,  1900),'  A.  Pott  attributes  Acts  to  an 
editor  who  worked  up,  with   other   materials,  a  Lucan  account  of 
Paul  which  included  the  we-journal.     Much  of  the  Western  text  he 
explains  as  due  to  glosses,  existing  in  two  se2)arate  textual  forms. 
Page  416  n.  1. — It  is  not  improbable,  as  Mr.  Cross  suggests,  that  simil- 
arities such  as  those  referred  to  on  p.  272  are  due  to  the  fact  that 
these  writers  all  followed  a  conventional  literary  form  in  composing 
their  prefaces  and  dedications. 
Pages  143,  461. — Willrich  does  his  best  to  till  up  these  years  after  30  a.d. 
by   assigning    to    them   quite   a   number    of    Alexandrian   Jewish 
productions,   chiefly  pseudepigrapha  ;  he  puts  Jason  of  Cyrene  not 
earlier  than  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and  2  Maccabees  actually  after 
70  A.D.  {Judaica,  1900,  j^p.  40-130). 
Page  463. — I  am  glad  to  find  these  two  points  (the  dual  authorship  of 
the  Apocalypse  and  the  fourth  gospel,  and  the  literary  function  of 
the  early  Christian  prophets)  now  thrown  into  sharp  relief  by  Dr.  E. 
C.  Selwyn  in  his  stimulating  study  of  The  Christian  Prophets  (1900). 
Pages  132,  559.— A  diverting  example  of  reconstruction  in  this  depart- 
ment is  furnished  by  Lisco  in  his  new  volume  (Vincula  Sanctorum, 
"  Ein   Beitrag   zur   Erkliirung    der   Gefangenschaftsbriefe   des   Ap. 
Paulus,"  1900).     For  reasons  as  precarious  in  exegesis  as  in  tradi- 
tion, he  places  the  jirison-epistles  in  an  Ephesian  crisis  and  captivity 
of  Paul  ;  after  2  Co  A  (see  j^age  178,  above),  Titus  and  Col-Ephes 
come,  previous  to  the  trial  ;  thereafter  2  Tun  and  Philippians,  fol- 
lowed In-  BC  (with  1  Co  15)  written  after  his  release. 
Page  606.— Recently,  in  his  latest  volume  Clue  (1900),  Dr.  E.  A.  Abbott 
attempts  to  exhibit  a  biblical  Hebrew  original  underlying  portions 
of  the  synoptic  gospels. 
I'ages  145,  626. — The  partition-theories  applied,  esjjecially  by  8j)itta,  to 
2  Thessalonians  are  reviewed  bv  Professor  G.  G.  Findlay  in  Exp.^ 
(October  1900),  pp.  251-261. 
Pages  259,   645.— This   slowness  and   reluctance   to  adopt   writing  for 
religious  purposes  may  be  illustrated  by  the  remarkable  legend  of 
Numa's  burial  [(Plutarch,  Vit.  Num.  22).      Of  the  two  stone  cotlins, 
one  contained  the  Eni])eror's  sacred  books,  whicli  were  composed  by 
him   and   then   buried   at  his   request,   in   order  that  the    sacred 
mysteries  might  duly  be  j) reserved   in   their   proper   home,  i.e.  in 
the  minds   of  living  men,  not  in  books  without  a  soul.      He  had 
already  taught  their  contents  to  the  priests  as  an  oral  tradition. 
Page  691  f.— Another  rearrangement  (10-  before  8'^)  in  JTS  (1900),  v. 
Pages  30,  694,  695.— The  "  I "  and  "  we  "  of  authorship  actually  occur  in 
the  gospel  of  Peter,  where  they  are  plainly  introduced  to  heighten 
the  claim  to  apostolic  authorship  and  dignity. 


IN^DICES 


Index  («)  Subjects  and  Contents. 
,,       (b)  References  and  AuTHoraTiES. 
,,       (f)  Passages  cited  from  OT  and  NT. 
,,       {d)  Jewish,  Early  Christian,  and  Classical  Citations 


(ff)  SUBJECTS  AND  CONTENTS 


Acts:  tendency  of,  19f.,  48  f.  ;  date 
and  function,  412-419  ;  structure, 
615  f.  ;  analyses  and  historicity  of, 
655-677. 

Advent,  second,  144,  268,  597-599. 

Agabus,  670,  675. 

Ahikar,  419,  686. 

Alexandrianism,  351,  492  f. 

Amos,  460. 

Antichrist,  in  2  Thess.,  142 f.;  in 
other  NT  literature,  537,  683  f.,  687  f. 

Apion,  626. 

Apocalypse  of  John,  date,  contents, 
and  aim,  459-465 ;  analytic  criti- 
cism of,  461,  677-689. 

(synoptic),  268,  637  f. 

Apollos,  673  f. 

Aramaic,  605  f. 

Aretas,  629. 

Aristeas,  epistle  of,  64,  621. 

Ariston  (Aristion),  550  f.,  647, 

Asia  Minor,  early  Christianity  in, 
132,  243  f.,  463  f.,  538,  694  f. 

Asmoneans,  95-97. 

Assumptio  Mosis,  590. 

"Baboo  Greek,"  598. 

Ballads,  Scots,  643,  650. 

Baptism,  535,  647  f. 

Bar-kokhba,  495,  688. 

Baruch,  apocalypse  of,   618  ;  book  of, 

615  ;  epistle  of,  64. 
Bezae,    Codex :    order   of    gospels   in, 

108  ;  Blass'  theory  of,  416,  610-612. 
Buddhism,  689. 


Caesar,  Julius,  79,  681. 
Caesarea,  132,  348,  700  f. 
Caligula,  143,  626,  680  f.,  687. 
Canon,  varying  order  of  NT  books  in, 

53  f.,  107-117. 
"Catholicism"     of     early     churches, 

412  f.,  466,  695. 
Cerinthus,  575,  700. 
Christianity,  primitive,  668  f.,  709. 
Chroniclers,  mediaeval,  616. 
Chronicles,  books  of,  8. 
Chronology,    limitations    and    uncer- 
tainty of  NT,  69-71,  137. 
Colossians,    ejnstle     to  :     date,     131  ; 

authenticity  and  contents,  214-217  ; 

textual  condition  of,  633,  634. 
Compilation  in  NT  literature,  615  f. 
Corinth,    Paul's   relations   with,    174- 

178,  672,  also  700-704. 
Corinthian  epistles,   126  f.  ;    criticism 

of,  174-178  ;  interpolation  in,  627  f. 

Damascus,  Paul  at,  629  f. 

Daniel,  460,  464,  638. 

Deuteronomy,  623,  675. 

Diotrephes,  536  f. 

Documents,  filiation  of,  xv,  xvi. 

Doketism,  32,  496  f.,  535. 

Domitian,    reign   and   persecution    of, 

343  f.,  460  f.,  535,  578,  678  f. 
Dragon-myths,  684  f.,  686. 

Ecclesiastes,  690. 

Egypt,  349,  591,  598. 

Emperors,  worship  of,  461  f.,  687. 


712 


INDICES 


Enoch,  book  of,  590,  620,  686. 

Ephesians,  epistle  to :  date,  author- 
ship, and  contents,  225-230,  419  ; 
text  of,  633,  634. 

Ephesus,  Paul's  note  to,  209-213. 

Epiktetus,  274,  553,  614. 

Episcopate,  rise  of,  536  f.,  560  f., 
700  f. 

Epistles,  the,  and  the  gospels,  25,  39  f., 
64  f.,  258  f. ;  of  commendation,  63  f., 
210  f. 

Eschatology,  267,  597  f.,  626  f.,  685  : 
of  Jesu-s,  640. 

Esdras,  3rd,  615. 

4th,  XX,  463,  605. 

Esther,  686. 

Eusebius,  114,  690. 

Ezekiel,  63. 

"Florilegia,"  617. 

Fourth  gospel :  origin  of,  26,  35  ; 
environment,  35,  36,  269  ;  date,  con- 
tents, and  function,  491-497  ;  sub- 
.sequent  to  synoptic  gospels,  491, 
492 ;  historicity,  623 ;  prologue, 
492,  493  ;  appendix,  694-696  ; 
analytic  criticism  of,  696-700. 

Galatians,  destination  and  date  of, 

124-129  ;  interpolations  in,  627. 
Gamaliel,  R.,  243. 
Gentile  Christianity,  349,  418,  576. 
Gnosticism   in    NT   literature,    215  f., 

496,  535  f.,  556  f.,  589  f.,  598. 
Gospels,     the  :     their    distance    from 

Jesus,  13-16,  65  f.  ;  devotional  and 
didactic,  21  f.,  25  f.,  30  f.,  258  f., 
491  f;  environment,  44  f.  ;  genesis, 
64  f.,  260  f.,  645  ;  finally  edited,  496, 

497,  551  f.,  649  f. 

Hadrian,  679  f. 

Hebrews,  epistle  to  :   date,  origin,  and 

contents,  344-351  ;    no  translation, 

607  ;  structure  of,  650,  651. 

gospel  of,  269,  291,  552. 

Hellenism,  60,  497,  579  f. 

Herakleon,  495. 

Hernias,  579  f.,  610,  704  f. 

Herod,  dynasty  of,  95-97. 

Historical  allusions,  46  f.,  346,  535. 

criticism,  its  rights  in  NT  study, 

xvii,  xviii,  71-73  ;  its  method,  625, 

677. 
Historv,   conditions   for   writing,   13- 

16,  658. 
Homer,  643. 
Homilies,  early  Christian,  463 f.,  618, 

650,  705  f. 


Ignathts,  36. 

Interpolations,  in  NT  literature,  608  f., 

628,  633  f.,  649  f.,  705  f. 
Isaiah,  60. 

James,  epistle  of:  date,  contents,  and 
character,  576-582  ;  no  translation, 
607  ;  structure  of,  618,  704-706. 

Jeremiah,  63,  583,  655. 

epistle  of,  64. 

Jerome,  53,  116,  598. 

Jerusalem,  fall  of,  267  f.,  348  f.,  494, 
613,  630,  639  f.,  685  f. ;  the  heavenly, 
683  f. 

Jesus,  our  knowledge  of,  9-11  ;  person- 
ality of,  260  f. ;  and  the  Law,  645  f. ; 
and  the  church,  646  f.  ;  universal- 
ism  of,  266,  647  f.  ;  birth -narratives 
of,  266,651  f. ;  apostles  of,  250  f.,  418. 

Jews,  projiaganda  of  and  against,  344  f., 
418  f.,  494  f. 

John,  the  apostle,  463,  495,  679,  685, 
694  f.,  697  f.  ;  see  Fourth  gospel. 

epistles  of,  534-538,  621,  694  f. 

(Mark),  678  f. 

the  baptizer,  35,  636,  673  f. 

the   presbyter,  463,   495  f.,   536, 

697  f. 

Josephus,  271f.,  412,  497,  596,  605,  615, 
639,  664. 

Jubilees,  book  of,  60,  605. 

Judas,  epistle  of:  date  and  object, 
589  f.  ;  relation  to  Didaohe,  590, 
591  ;  to  2nd  Peter,  706-708. 

Iskariot,  legends  of,  419. 

Judges,  book  of,  8. 

Lamb,  the  (in  Apocalypse),  684,  687. 
Logia,   the  Matthaean,  265,  606,  641- 

645. 
Logos,  the,  355,  492  f.,  686. 
Luke,   gospel   of:    tendencies   of,   23, 

24;  author,  32,272,  658  f.;  relation 

to  Matthew,  266  f.  ;   origin,  271  f.  ; 

sources,  617,  651-653  ;  interpolations 

in,  651  f. 

Maccabees,  1st,  615,  688. 

2nd,  558,  615,  710. 

3rd,  143,  608,  650. 

1  4th,  581. 

Magus,  Simon,  669. 
j  Marcioii,  108,  229,  558,  703. 
i  Mark,  gospel  of:  its  origin,  26  f., 
269;  its  function,  28  f.,  696;  prior 
to  Matthew  and  Luke,  262-266  ; 
opening  of,  635-637  ;  conclusion  of, 
553  ;  sources,  606  f.  ;  structure  of, 
637  f. 


INDICES 


713 


Matthew,   sfospel  of:     its   tendencies, 

23,  38,  268  f.,  710;    its  origin,  27, 

268-270  ;   no  translation,  606,  607  ; 

Keim's  theory  of,  612,  613  ;  Soltau 

on,  641. 
Miraculous  element,  the,  in  synoptists, 

18  f.,    270,    419;    in   fourth   gospel, 

690,  691. 
Montanism,  580,  611. 
MSS,  rlisarrangement  of  leaves  in,  690  f. 

[_JTS,  1900,  num.  v] 
Muretonian     fragment,     54,    55,    108, 

211,  589,  630. 
Mysticism,  Greek,  581,  582. 
Mythical  hyi^othesis,  the,  16  f. 
Mythology,  Babylonian,  682  f.,  686  f. 

jSTero,  145,  678  f.,  687;  his  persecution, 
242  f.,  346,  415,  459  f.,  619,  626,  709. 

"New  Testament,"  and  its  age,  xiii, 
xiv  ;  coherence  of,  xiv,  xv  ;  name, 
4,  5  ;  sources  of  literature,  104-106. 

Nikolaitans,  464  f.,  589  f. 

Oral  teaching  and  tradition,  43,  57, 

259,  537,  710. 
Oxyrhynchite  Logia,  491,  704. 

Palestinian  Christianity,  641,  652  f. 

Papias,  43,  264  f.,  461,  550,  606,  619, 
638,  690,  691,  709. 

Parseeism,  686,  689. 

Pastoral  epistles :  order,  date,  and  con- 
tents, 556-563  ;  relation  to  Judas, 
590  ;  analysis  of,  700-704. 

Paul,  and  the  historical  Jesus,  32, 
41  f.,  66,  653,  709;  personality,  418  ; 
style,  613  f.;  his  epistles,  57  f.,  137  ; 
usedinActs(?),416f.;interpolated(?), 
613,  614,  703;  chronology,  121f., 
133  f.,  671,708  ;  his  death,  415,  559, 
638,  702  ;  Paul  and  Judaism,  626  ; 
and  the  primitive  apostles,  648  f., 
673  ;  and  Stephen,  669  f.,  687. 

Paulinisni,  its  historical  place  and  de- 
velopment, 58-60,  246,  250,  535, 
557,  581,  589,  621. 

Pella,  flight  of  Christians  to,  270,  640. 
686. 

Peter,  epistle  of,  242-257,  623,  624, 
705  ;  Peter  at  Rome,  133,  243,  559, 
709  ;  in  Mark's  gospel,  40  ;  in 
Matthew's  gospel,  646  f. ;  in  fourth 
gospel,  694  f.;  and  Paul,  243  f.,  246. 

2nd,  date  and  aim,  596-598,  624. 

apocalypse   of,    598,  70S  ;  gospel 

of,  32,  417,  551  f.,  647,  691,  710; 
preaching  of,  550. 

Philemon,  epistle  to,  132,  213,  214,  634. 


Philip,  the  deacon,  348,  675. 
Philippians,  epistle  to  :  date,  129-132  ; 

no  compilation,  634  f. 
Polykarp,  634  f.,  703. 
Priscilla  and  Aquila,  349,  672  f. 
Prophecy:  (apocalyptic),  463  f.,  684  f., 

689;  bias  of,  23  f.,  262,  268  f. 
Psalt.,  Solomon,  582,  605,  652. 
Pseudonymous   authorship,    145,    226, 

246,  562  f.,  590,  597  f.,  619-624. 

Resurrection  narratives,  551f.,  647  f., 
655  f.,  675,  694  f. 

Roman  Empire  and  early  Christianity, 
143,  412  f.,  459  f. 

Romans,  epistle  to;  date,  126  f.,  ana- 
lytic criticism  of,  211,  630  f. 

Rome,  Paul  at,  124,  131,  132f.,  630, 
701f. ;  and  early  Christian  literature, 
561,  582. 

Ruth,  book  of,  657. 

Secretaries,  in  NT   literature,  226, 

248,  598,  614,  621. 
Shorthand,  614. 
Sibylline  oracles,  580,  609,  688. 
Source-criticism,  6,  677. 
Source,    double-,    theory    of    synoptic 

gospels,  264  f. 
Speeches(in  Acts),llf.,  413f.,  657,  658. 
Supper,  the  Lord's,  36,  653  f. 
Symeon,  death  of,  579. 
Synoptic  gospels,  date  and  composition 

of,  258-274  ;  see  also  Gospels. 

Tacitus,  37,  65,  374. 

Tatian,  609,  646. 

Temple,  overthrow  of  Jewish,  347  f ,  685. 

Tendency-criticism,  10,  37  f.,  61,  412  f., 

655-657,  709. 
Test.  XII.  Patriarchs,  609,  619. 
Theobutis,  536. 
Thessalonian  epistles,  date  and   order 

of,  125.   126  ;  ii.,  date  and  authen- 

ticitv,    142-146 ;   analytic   criticism 

of,  625-627. 
Tiberius,  626. 
Timotheus,    346,     666 ;    see     Pastoral 

epistles. 
Titus,  174  f.,  666  ;  sec  Pastoral  epistles. 
Tobit,  book  of,  348,  686. 
Tradition,  69  f.,  657. 
Trajan,  145,  460  f.,  649. 
Translations,    are    any   NT   writings  ? 

605-608,  681  f. 

Ur-Maecus,  265,  635  f. 
Vespasian,  145,  461,  680  f. 


714 


INDICES 


"AVays,  The  Two,"  616. 
AVe-Journal,  in  Acts,  664-668,  710. 
Wisdom  -  literature,      xx,     351,     582, 
704  f. 


Writing,  use  of,  in  early  Christianity, 
43,  259,  537,  710. 

Zealots,  626,  685. 


{b)  REFERENCES  AND  AUTHORITIES 


Abbey,  C.  J.,  616. 

Abbott,  Dr.  E.  A.,  12,  262,  273 f.,  461, 

491,  535,  550,  598,  652,  694,  710. 

T.  K.,  216,  225,  607. 

Aberle,  412. 

Abrahams,  581. 

Academy,  688. 

Achelis,  560. 

Acton,  Lord,  14. 

Adamnan,  495. 

Addis,  557. 

Adeney,  W.  F.,  125, 130,  146,  177,  211, 

216,  225,  244,   271,  348,   461,   496, 

536  f.,  577,  582,  591,  597,  705,  707. 
Alexandrinus,  Codex,  112. 
Alford,  577. 
Alfric,  117. 
Allard,  245,  346,  461. 
Allen,  W.  C,  263,  606. 
Amherst  pajnjri,  709. 
Amphilochius,  114. 
Anastasius  Sinaita,  115. 
AnJokides,  122. 
Aiiz,  683. 

Apost.  Constit.,  556. 
Aristotle,  26,  68,  610,  656. 
Armenian  version,  110. 
Arnold,  F.  C,  461. 
— -Matthew,  24,  259,  494  f.,  534  f., 

605,  608,  625,  648,  695  f.,  707,  708. 
Arrian,  274,  553,  614. 
Askwith,  125. 
Athanasius,  54,  115. 
Augustine,  11,  30,  116. 
Ayles,  348. 

Bacon,  xvi,  465,  579. 

B.W.,  133,  551,690,  692,  705,  708. 

IWlham,  F.  P.,  613. 

Bahnsen,  145,  697. 

Baldensperger,  23,  35,  462,  491  t'.,  536. 
638  f.,  674,  682,  695. 

Baljon,  628,  710. 

Ball,  C.  J.,  18. 

Barde,  414. 

Bartlet,  J.  Vernon,  125,  126,  130,  136, 
216,  225,  244,  348,  412  f.,  461,  534  f., 
577,  591  f.,  613,  654,  677,  695,  701  f. 

Barton,  Dr.,  682. 

Bassett,  577. 


Batillbl,  64,  133. 

Baur,  79,  125,  127,  144,  215,  557,  578, 

621,  630  f.,  645,  677. 
Bebb,  LI.  M.  J.,  271,  273,  612. 
I'.eck,  459. 
Becker,  625,  690. 
Beer.  Dr.  G.,  683. 
Beet,  J.  Agar,  133. 
Belser,  136,  175,  264,  271. 
Bengel,  120,  412,  413,  591. 
Bennett,  W.  H.,  615. 
Bentley,  620. 
Berger,  S.,  54. 
Bernard,  St.,  122. 

J.  H.,  130,  132. 

Bertholdt,  707. 

Bertling,  690,  691. 

Beyschlag,    176,    215,    245,   348,   459, 

551,  557  f.,  564,  577  f.,   597  f.,  649, 

697,  700,  706. 
Bickell,  690. 
Birt,  613,  655,  682,  690. 
Black,  J.  S.,  127. 
Blair,  J.  F.,  263,  553,  637,  646,   649, 

654,  655. 
Blass,  XX,  32,  65,   133,  134,  216,  258, 

263,  413  f.,  492  f.,  580,  606  f.,  609  f., 

614,  628,  652,  653  f.,  655  f.,  658,  671, 

674,  676,  690,  691,  693,  695. 
Blanc-]\Iilsand,  577. 
Week,  127, 244,  348,  414,  560.  597,  669. 
Blom,  A.  H.,  578. 
Bonaventura,  46. 
Bornemann,  142,  143,  683. 
Bosan(juet,  Dr.  Bernard,  QS. 
lioston,  Tliomas,  175. 
Bourquin.  557  f. 
Bousset,  50,  143,  144,  247,  271,  347, 

461  f.,   579,  609,   612,   626  f.,    680- 

689,  697. 
Bovon,  21,  54,  127,  130,  244,  348,  597, 

607,  682. 
Brandt,  24,  263,  653. 
Briggs,  Prof.,  xx,  263,  640,  681. 

F.  J.,  245. 

Brown,  W.  A.,  640. 

Bruce,  Prof.  A.  B.,  xxiii,  xxiv,  16,  17, 

23,  32,  38,  65,  126,  127,  262  f.,  348, 

491  f.,  636,  640,   644,  646,  648,  651, 

654,  656. 


INDICES 


715 


Bruckner,  W.,  35,  128,  145.  177,  215, 
225,  266,  345  f.,  536,  550  f.,  556  f., 
578  f.,  590,  625,  634,  635,  648,  650. 

Bruston,  681. 

Buisson,  dii,  263. 

Burgon,  550. 

Burke,  631. 

Burton,  Prof.  E.  D.,  126,  127,  131, 
135,  268,  577. 

Bury,  Prof.  J.  B.,  6. 

Butcher,  Prof.  S.  H.,  259. 

Caird,  Dr.  E.,  14,  41. 

Calvin,  597. 

Candlish,  Prof.  J.  S.,  622. 

Carlyle,  120,  126. 

Carpenter,    Prof.  J.   E.,    18,    23,    262, 

267  f.,  273,  617,  637,  639,  646,  654. 
Carr,  577,  606. 
Carthage,  Council  of,  116. 
Gary,    Dr.  G.  L.,   18,   263,   266,    270, 

640,  645,  646,  654, 
Cassiodorus,  116. 
Chajes,  Dr.  H.  P.,  606. 
Charles,   Prof.   E,.   H.,  617,   620,    639, 

689,  709. 
Chase,    F.  H.,    135,    177,    242  f.,   553, 

577,   589  f.,   596  f.,   610  f.,  623,   652, 

655,  708. 
Chastand,  689,  694,  695. 
Cheyne,  Prof.  T.   K.,  IS,    623,   639  f., 

682,  686. 
Chrysostom,  114,  120,  229. 
Church    Quarterly  Review,   242,    460, 

461. 
Cicero,  69,  598,  614. 
Claroraontanus,  Codex,  112. 
Classical  Review,  177,  610,  628. 
Clem.  Alex.,  589,  607. 
Clemen,  C,   129,   132,  137,  144,   146, 

177,   209,  216,  258,  271,  413  f.,  561, 

590,  624,   627  f.,   630,   632  f.,  650  f., 

655  f.,  659  f.,   661  f.,  664,   667,668, 

671  f.,  674  f.,  682,  700,  702. 
Colani.  639. 
Coleridge,  63,  614. 
Cone,  Dr.  Orello,  17,   24,  35,   38,  122, 

144,  177,  211,   215,  247,  263,    269, 

347,  495,  590,  639,  645,  661. 
Contemporary  Review,  51,  262,  460. 
Conybeare,  F.  C,  18,  242,  550,   606, 

609,  654,  692. 
Corpus  Inscriptionum,  211. 
Corssen,  108,  612. 
Cramer,  627. 
Cromwell,  124. 
Cross,  J.  A.,  416,  710. 
Crozier,  Dr.  J.  B.,  41,  122,  348,  577. 
Cyril,  114,  693. 


7,  259,  598,  621, 


Dalman,  605,  606,  648,  652. 

Dante,  54,  462,  617,  640. 

Davidson,  Prof.  A.  B.,  2,  17,   347  f., 

462,  622. 
Dr.     S.,     127,    145,    156,     177, 

273,  348,  415,    462,   561,  578,  590, 

597,  628. 
Deissmann,  56,  64,  17] 

627,  634,  650,  705. 
Delff,  H.,  689-699. 
Delitzsch,  345. 
Denney,    Prof.    James,    60,    143,   175, 

492,  628,  630  f.,  632  f.,  646,647,  649. 
Derenbourg,  243. 
Destinon,  617. 
Didon,  29. 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  463. 

•  of  Corinth,  609. 

Dioskorides,  272. 

Dods,  Prof.  Marcus,  127,  624,  696. 

Driiseke,  689. 

Dreschler,  177. 

Driver,  Dr.  S.  R.,  71,  622,  638. 

Drumniond,  Dr.  James,  127,  136,  146 

175,  176,  178,  210,  626,  627  f.,  646. 
Dryden,  124,  259. 
Diisterdieck,  681  f. 

Eberhaedt,  694. 

Ecce  Homo,  636,  691. 

Eck,  496,  550. 

Eckermann,  697. 

Edersheim,  645,  693. 

Eliot,  George,  49. 

Emerson,  xxiii,  261. 

Epiphanius,  108,  115. 

Erasmus,  60,  693. 

Erbes,  C,  133,  215,  462,  678-690. 

Erdniann,  577. 

Euripides,  672. 

Eusebius  (of  Emesa),  127. 

Ewald,    H.,  125,    209,  215,   248,   628 

657,  692,  702. 
p.^  244,  266,  577  f.,  629,  636. 

Faikbairn,  Dr.  A.  M.,  2,  214,  243. 
Falconer,  Prof.  R.  A.,  493,  671. 
Farquhar,  J.  N.,  693. 
Farrar,  127,   131.   135,  211,  244,   348, 

459,  576,  590,  598. 
Feine,   60,    272,    577,  656,    658,    661, 

668,  705. 
Felten,  417. 
Field,  Dr.  F.,  142. 
Findlay,  Prof.  G.  G.,  127,   134,    146, 

174,  176,  225,  348,  627  f.,  693,  710. 
Fortnightly  Review,  271. 
Foucart,  346. 
Francis  of  Assisi,  46,  582. 


716 


INDICES 


Franke,  A.  H.,  493,  628. 
Freeman,  16. 

Friedlander,  216,  217,  349. 
Friedrich,  413. 
Fries,  700. 

Gakdxku,  Dr.  Percy,  17,  21,  35,  41, 
260,  274,  581  f.,  652,  653,  658. 

Gelasius,  decree  of,  116. 

Gercke,  129,  627,  667. 

Gess,  707. 

Gfrorer,  415. 

Gibb,  Prof.  J.,  130. 

Gieseler,  675. 

Gifford,  Dr.  E.  H.,  630  f. 

Gilbert,  Prof.  G.  H.  136,  264. 

Gla,  606. 

Gloatz,  66. 

Gloel,  129,  146,  271. 

Godet,  127,  130,  131,  146,  215,  225, 
264,  495,  628  f.,  630,  640,  694. 

Goethe,  v,  262. 

Goltz,  von  der,  36. 

Gore,  71,  228,  623,  651  f. 

Gottschick,  580. 

Graetz,  626. 

Grafe,  631. 

Grafe,  F.,  610,  653,  655. 

Green,  T.  H.,  491. 

Gregory,  Dr.  G.  R.,  54. 

Grimm,  145,  248. 

Grotius,  125,  143,  264,  614,  628,  707. 

Gunkel,  50,  143,  419,  463,  608,  682  ff., 
709. 

Halcombe,  274,  492. 

Hal(ivy,  263. 

Hall,  E.  H.,  216,  225,  492,  494. 

Handmann,  269. 

Hardy,  689. 

E.  G.,  242. 

Thomas,  6 

Hiiring,  347  f.,  535,  538. 

Hairnan,  243. 

Hariiack,  2,  19,  21,  51,  60,  65,  70,  83, 
89,  98,  102,  1.33,  134,  137,  216, 
227  f.,  247  f.,  262,  269,  273,  347  f., 
41 6f.,  461.  492f.,  536  f.,  550  f.,  556  f., 
579f.,590,  596f.,  606,  609f.,  612, 
616,  617  f.,  635  f.,  6-38,  646,  648,  650, 
652,  673,  694,  702  f.,  705,  707. 

Harris,  J.  Rendel,  142,  262,  419,  460, 
611,  614,  619,  621,  686,  691. 

Hartmann,  127. 

Hase,  702. 

Hatch,  6, 78, 130, 225,  245,  347,463,617. 

Hani>t,  126,  1.32,  145,  211,216,  226 f., 
246,  .350,  534,  561,  634,  640,  653, 
697,  705. 


Hausrath,  32,  125,  143,  177,  209  f., 
225,  250,  348,  415,  459,  578,  .590, 
597,  621,  626,  628,  634,  639,  657, 
691,  695,  702. 

Havet,  2-3,  35,  122,  127,  145,  262,  461, 
492,  647. 

Hawkins,  Sir  J.  C.,  23,  263,  414,  637, 
642,  666. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  36. 

Headlam,  A,  C,  60,  271,  414;  sec 
Sanday. 

Heinrici,  C.  F.  G.,  xx,  6,  44,  100,  349, 
579,  613  f.,  627  f. 

Heitmiiller,  656. 

Herodotus,  259,  674. 

Herrmann,  "\V.,  21. 

Hesse,  700  f. 

Hilgenfeld,  127,  132,  145,  177,  225, 
264,  267,  270,  273,  348,  414,  494, 
536,  557  f.,  578,  581,  590,  597,  627  f., 
645,  647,  655  f.,  661  ff.,  667,  668  f., 
671  f.,  675  f.,  689,  691,  694,  700  f. 

Hillmann,  651. 

Hippokrates,  272. 

Hirscht,  682. 

Hitzig,  215,  626,  691,  701. 

Hofmann,  244,  577,  634. 

Holsten,  30,  126,  127,  209,  244,  258, 
267,  273,  627  f.,  630,  648,  657. 

Holtzmann,  H.  J.,  18,  21,  24,  35,  38, 
127,  130,  144,  145,  175,  211,  215- 
217,  225  f.,  242  f.,  260  f.,  271,  300, 
344f.,412f.,461,  491f.,  5.34f,556f., 
578  f.,  590  f.,  596  f.,  606,  618,  630  f., 
633f.,  636  f.,  639f.,644,  645,  648, 
649,  651,  654,  656,  657  f.,  666,  668, 
672-677,  682,  689,  690  f.,  693  f., 
696  f.,  700  f.,  703. 

Oscar,    95,    132,  133,   135,    211, 

462,  492  f.,  534f.,  6-39,  666  f.,  672, 
675,  680,  690,  692,  696,  700. 

Hommel,  687. 

Honig,  225. 

Hort,  72,  127,  131,  132,  215,  225  f., 
231,  242  f.,  350,  459,  5.54,  576,  611, 
631  f.,  649,  653  f.,  689,  691,  696,  703. 

Hugo  de  8.  Vict.,  117. 

Huther,  244. 

"  Imitatioxe  Christi,  dk,"  346. 

Immer,  702. 

Innocent,  rescript  of,  116. 

Iselin,  639. 

Isidorus  (of  Spain),  117. 

Iverach,  Prof.,  697. 

Jacobsen,  262,   266,   417,    666,    691, 

694. 
Jacobus,  M.  W.,  227. 


INDICES 


717 


Jacoby, 245, 350, 576, 581, 589, 645,  70 

James,  M.  R.,  684. 

Jensen,  686. 

Joannes  Clericiis,  611. 

Daraaseenus,  114. 

Johannes,  125. 

John  of  Salisbury,  115. 

Jolley,  263. 

Jowett,  26,  142,  146,  147,  613. 

Jiilicher,  38,  54,  102,  116,  127,  134, 
137,  144,  146,  175,  178,  209,  216, 
247,  258,  262  f.,  265,  273,  347,  414  f., 
461,  495,  534  f.,  539,  579,  5S9  f.,  593, 
609,  615,  621,  628,  630,  654,  656, 
667,  680,  682,  685,  691,  694,  701. 

Jiingst,  271  f.,  661,  665,  667,  668  f., 
671  f.,  673  f.,  676. 

Junilius,  110. 

Justin  Martyr,  416,  461,  495,  563. 

Justus  ot  Tiberias,  412. 

Juvenal,  64,  274,  610. 

Kabisch,  638,  640. 

Kahler,  22. 

Karkaphensian  Peshitto,  110. 

Karl,  538. 

Kautzsch,  621. 

Keane,  A.  H.,  683. 

Keim,  14,  22,  95,  267,  273,  415,  459, 

535,  612,  637,  639,  646  f,  648,  654, 

691,  692,  694. 
Kellner,  133. 
Kennedy,  Dr.  H.  A.  A.,  130,  492. 

J.  H.,  176,  177,  178. 

Klopper,  130,  143,  146,  216,  226,  246, 

578  f.,  629,  645,  695,  696. 
Klosterniann,  349. 
Knoke,  700. 
Knowling,  R.  J.,  129,  214,  414,  416  f., 

612,  656,  668,  677. 
Knox,  John,  121,  251. 
Konig,  177. 
Koster,  215. 
Kostlin,  645. 
Kranichfeld,  669. 
Krenkel,  177,  271,  629,  666,  701  f. 
Kruger,  F.  H.,  577. 
Gustav,  102,   216,  247,  536,  597, 

677,  680,  700. 
Kiibel,  348,  707. 
Kuenen,  493,  621,  655. 
Kiihl,  244,  591,  597,  708. 
Kiihn,  129. 

Lagarde,  272,  686. 
Lange,  707. 

Laodicea,  Council  of,  114. 
Laurent,  54,  125,  132,  137,  209  f.,  614, 
669,  673. 


Layamon,  616. 

Lechler,  577. 

Lecky,  W.  E.  H.,  89,  242. 

Lee,  Sidney,  612. 

Lemme,  700-702. 

Leontius,   115. 

Lewis,  F.  W.,  247. 

W.  M.,  348. 

Liddon,  36. 

Lightfoot,  127,  131,   134,  137,  214  t\, 

229,  416,  495,  610,  627,  631  f.,  694. 
Link,  249. 

Lipsius,  127,  130,  137,  177,  209,  237, 
243,  347,  590,  630  f.,  650. 

Lisco,  178,  625,  710. 

Lock,  Dr.  Walter,  xiii,  51,  131,  227, 
228. 

Loning,  415. 

Loofs,  491,  493,  551,  694. 

Lucan,  496. 

Lucht,  632. 

Lucian,  29,  672. 

Luoilius,  64. 

Liicke,  459,  560  f. 

Liiken,  45. 

Lumby,  577,  597. 

Luthardt,  694. 

Luther,  55,  60,117,  650,  693. 

Mackintosh,  Prof.  R.,  21,  127,  348. 

Dr.  W.,  16,  41. 

Macpherson,  J.,  132,  225. 

Manen,  van,  657  ff.,  664,  676. 

Mangold,  145,  209,  225,  265  f.,  347, 
414,  561,  577,  590  f.,  597,  630  f.,  639. 

Margoliouth,  67. 

Marquardt,  464. 

Marshall,  J.  T.,  605  f. 

Martial,  274,  610. 

Martineau,  v.,  33,  66,  268,  415,  534  f., 
654,  661,  680,  695. 

Massebieau,  262,  582,  704. 

Masson,  Prof.,  462. 

Masudi,  112. 

Matheson,  Dr.  George,  32. 

Mayerhofi;  215,  244. 

Mayor,  Prof.,  576,  607,  705. 

McGiffert,  Prof.  A.  C,  125,  130,  133, 
134,  137,  146,  177,  179,  209,  215, 
216,  225,  247,347,  351,  412  f.,  461, 
495,  561,  568,  578,  590,  597,  628, 
634,  648,  653,  656,  667,  670,  671  f., 
673  f.,  676,  685,  700  f.,  705,  707. 

Memphitic  vei'sion,  110. 

Menander,  497. 

Menegoz,  126,  128,  348,  351,  680,  689, 
700. 

Menzies,  Prof.  Allan,  659. 

Meritan,  228. 


718                                                INDICES 

Meyer,  132,  244.                                          i  Pluni])tie,  244,  591. 

Dr.  A.,  9,  249  f.,  581,  606,  682, 

Polybius,  667. 

692,  697. 

Pompey,  143,  678. 

Meyrick,  577. 

Pott,  710. 

Milligan,  G.,  348. 

Prescott,  7. 

Prof.  W.,  461,  680-690. 

Preuschen,  6,  50,  78. 

Milton,  24,  462. 

Procopius,  122. 

Monnet,  146. 

Mommsen,  4,  79,  124,  242,  259,  459  f., 

QuiNCEY,  de,  78. 

462,  626. 

Canon  of,  112. 

Rainy,  Principal,  69. 

Montefiore,  581. 

Ramsay,    Prof.    W.  M.,    16,   125-127 

Morison,  Cotter,  89. 

130,    133,    134,     137,     245  f.,    271 

Moulton,  J.  H.,  686. 

272,    348,   412  f.,    461,    464,    597  f. 

Miiller,  D.  H.,  xx. 

610  f.,     656,     666,     668  f.,     671  f. 

Nazianzen,  Gregory,  114. 

Neander,  560  f. 

Nestle,    Dr.    Eberhard,    xx,    54,   112, 

270,  606  f.,  632,  636,  654,  676,  680, 

691,  709. 
Neteler,  134. 
Neumann,  460,  461. 
Newman,  J.  H.,  175,  623. 
Nicephorus,  115. 
Nicolai,  620. 
Niebulir,  52. 

Norden,  xx,  45,  272,  614. 
Nosgen,  271. 

Olteamare,  216,  226  f.,  631. 
Origen,  67,  614,  683. 
Overbeck,  244,  267,  621,  629,  650,  656, 
661,  664,  666,  667,  674  f.,  680. 

Page.  610. 

Palmer,  682. 

Panek,  607. 

Paradise  Lost,  462. 

Pascal,  viii. 

Paschoud,  260. 

Patrick,  Principal,  245. 

Paul,  L.,  272. 

Pesliitto,  110,  654. 

Pfleiderer,  23,  125,  145,  176,  177,  209, 
215,  225,  246,  258  f.,  272  f.,  275, 
347  f.,  412f.,  495,  534f.,  557  f.,  571, 
578  f.,  590,  628,  634,  637,  639,  645, 
673,  679-689,  691,  694,  702. 

Philo,  122,  215. 

Picavct,  P.,  41. 

"Piers  the  Plowman,"  611. 

rihfrim.s  Progress,  346. 

Plato,  35,  43. 

PJinv  Secundus,  57,  132,  242,  464, 
465. 

Plummer,  273,  496,  534,  591,  654, 
694. 

C,  616. 


673  ff.,  676. 
Rapp,  251. 
Rauch,  C,  145,  678. 
Reitli,  Dr.  George,  496. 
Pvcligio  Medici,  344,  553,  611. 
Renan,  22,  83,  95,  126,  127,  130,  131, 

135,  145,  209  f.,  215,  226  f.,  242  f., 

252,    262,    348,   412  f.,   494,    534  f., 

576,  591,  597,  613,  619,  628,  631  f.. 

638  f.,   666,  669,  673.  675,  688,  694, 

700. 
Rendall,  125,  128,  137,  414. 
Resell,  249,  262,  265,  270,  272,   493, 

551,    606,    617,     644,    646,    647  f,, 

651  f.,  653,  691,  694. 

Reuss,  127,  130,  132,  145,  215,  225, 
244,  247  f.,  262,  347,  414,  459,  579, 
597,  608,  622,  650,  682,  694,  701, 
702. 

R^ville,  A.,  15,  16,  28,  34,  264  f.,  459, 
495,  553,  638,  642  f.,  645,  646,  649, 

652  f.,  699. 

J.,  247,  347,  415,  536,  578,  646, 

700. 
Reynolds,  H.  R.,  461. 
Riehm,  493. 
Riggenbach,  632  f. 
Riggs,  J.  S.,  349. 
Ritschl,  209,  244,  262,  274,  557  f. 
Roberts,  Prof.,  348,  576,  606. 
Robertson,  Dr.  A.,  129, 178,  227 f.,  628. 

Prof.  James,  19. 

Robinson,  Canon  J.  A.,  51,  618,  648. 

Roehricb,  262,  266,  643,  644,  648. 

Rohrbach,  496  f.,  550  f.,  647,  695. 

Romanes,  G.  J.,  70. 

Roos,  F.,  32. 

Rose,  656. 

Rovers,  137,  225,  273,  347,  415,   561, 

624,  628  f.,  682. 
Ruegg,  655. 

Paifinus  of  Aquileia,  116. 
Rushforth,  460. 
Ruskin,  260,  464. 


INDICES 


719 


Sabatier,  83,  127,  130,  132,  133,  135, 
138,  143,  145,  177,  192,  216,  223, 
225,  243,  417,  493  f.,  628,  632,  681, 
685,  687,  700. 

Salmon,  127,  137,  146,  215,  225,  244, 
262,  348,  461,  553,  560  f.,  577,  591, 
597,  610,  613,  622,  671,  694. 

Salmond,  Principal,  263,  273,  534,  548, 
606. 

Sanday,  Dr.  W.,  18,  21,  65,  127,  146, 
175,  216,  242,  244,  262,  272  f.,  414, 
495,  550,  552,  577,  598,  611,  617, 
622,  630  f.,  638,  640,  648,  654,  697. 

Sayce,  617. 

SchJiler,  127,  130,  146,  216,  244,  414, 
461,  576,  591. 

Schanz,  271,  606,  636,  637,  691,  694. 

Schtirfe,  658. 

Schechter,  S.,  16,  29. 

Schenkel,  145,  215,  347,  591. 

Sehiller-Szinessy,  607. 

Schlager,  266. 

Schleiermacher,  135,  226,  265,  415, 
561. 

Schmidt,  C,  70. 

K.,  417,  656,  666,  670. 

N.,  640,  651. 

P.,  626,  681  f.,  685. 

Schmiedel,  P.  W.,  126,  129,  134,  145, 
174,  177,  215,  225  f.,  244  C,  271, 
415,  417,  534,  561,  608,  612,  624, 
625,  626  f.,  654,  655,  666,  668  f., 
672,  674 f.,  677,  681,  683. 

Schmoller,  32. 

Schnapp,  609. 

Schneckenbiirger,  664. 

Scholten,  247,  266,  459,  495,  696. 

Schon,  680  f.,  685,  687. 

Schultze,  L.,  216,  225,  245,  414,  461. 

v.,  460. 

Schulz,  209. 

Sclmlze,  417. 

Schiirer,  42,  133,  143,  209,  216,  271, 
349,  350,  464,  496,  621,  629,  644, 
653,  675,  680,  688. 

Schwalb,  647. 

Schwally,  683. 

Schwanbeck,  661,  665. 

Schwartzkopff,  551,  639. 

Schwegler,  225,  578,  704. 

Scrivener,  610. 

Seeberg,  580. 

Seesemann,  464. 

Selwyn,  710. 

Semler,  177,  211,  590,  614. 

Seufert,  242,  248,  413,  666. 

Sieffert,  127,  129,  137,  244,  627. 

Siegfried,  351. 

Simcox,  G.  A.,  651,  704. 


Simcox,  W.  H.,  345,  459,  556,  562  f., 
596  f.,  680-688. 

Simons,  E.,  266,  639. 

Sinaiticus  Codex,  112. 

Singer,  W.,  60. 

Smetham,  James,  345. 

Smith,  Prof.  G.  A.,  633. 

Goldvvin,  51,  121. 

R.  R.,  131. 

W.  Robertson,  347,,352,  604,  615. 

Soden,  von,  22,  130,  135,  137,  145, 
211,  215,  216,  218,  225  f.,  247  f., 
266  f.,  345  f.,  556  f.,  578  f.,  583,  591, 
597,  599,  624,  633  f.,  650  f.,  661, 
667,  702,  705. 

Soltau,  263,  267,  637,  641,  645,  646. 

Sorof,  657  f.,  661,  665  f.,  667,  668  f.. 
671  f. 

Spectator,  537. 

Spinoza,  55. 

Spitta,  131,  132,  142,  145,  248,  414, 
462,  560,  577-591,  597,  626,  630  f., 
639,  654,  660  f.,  666  f.,  669  f.,  671  f., 
673  f.,  678-689,  690  f.,  692  f.,  701  f., 
704  f. 

Stade,  79. 

Stalker,  Dr.  James,  124. 

Stanton,  V.  H.,  16,  263,  273,  666. 

Staerk,  682. 

Stave,  686,  689. 

Steck,  Rudolf,  122,  129,  132,  417,  578, 
621. 

Steude,  16. 

Stevens,  Prof.  G.  B.,  67,  244,  348, 
577,  640,  646,  647. 

Stockmeyer,  K.,  653. 

Straatman,  628. 

Strauss,  17,  645,  647,  691. 

Strong,  T.  B.,  459. 

Studia  Biblica,  54,  607. 

Suidas,  687. 

Susemihl,  620. 

Swete,  H.  B.,  245,  550,  606,  636. 

Taine,  H.  a.,  53. 
Taylor,  Dr.  C,  551,  578. 
Teichniann,  648. 
Theodoret,  127. 

Thoma,  35,  492  f.,  691,  694,  69.5. 
Thomas,  Jas.,  652. 
Tischendorf,  550,  696. 
Titius,  265. 
Tolstoi,  534. 
Toy,  Prof.  C.  H.,  24. 
Trenkle,  131,  227,  348,  576. 
Trent,  Council  of,  117. 
Turner,  C.  H.,  128,  133,  134,  419,  671. 
Tylor,  E.  B.,  709. 
i  Tyndale,  55,  580. 


720 


INDICES 


Ulpian,  690. 

Usener,  18,  273. 

Usteri,  244  f.,  345,  560,  578  f.,  707. 

Vaticanur,  Codex,  112. 

Vinet,  261. 

Vischer,  639,  680-689. 

Vitringa,  689. 

Vogel,  652. 

Volkmar,  126,  262,  267,  578,  590,  632, 

689,  691. 
Vollert,  127,  130. 
Vollmer,  617. 
Volter,  177,  590,  628,  631,   635,  677, 

679-689. 
Votaw,  133. 

Wabnitz,  688. 

Wandel,  591,  629. 

AVarfield,  B.  B.,  127,  143,  551,  651, 
691. 

Watkins,  696. 

Weiffenbach,  635,  636,  639. 

Weinel,  270. 

Weiss,  B.,  21,  127,  130,  132,  136,  143, 
145,  178,  209  f.,  214  f.,  225,  244,  262, 
265  f.,  271  f.,  348,  459,  496,  534  f., 
577  f.,  591,  597,  606,  611,  624,  626, 
631,  637,  644  f.,  647,  648,  658,  666, 
668  f.,  682,  684,  689,  693  f.,  696. 

Weiss,  J.,  XX,  129,  145,  177,  209, 
217,  264,  412  f.,  420,  614,  626,  628, 
638  f.,  646,  651,  653  f.,  657,  661,  667, 
668,  669,  670  f.,  675  f.,  680,  709. 

Weisse,  625,  627,  633,  702. 

Weizsacker,  23,  32,  34,  35,  38,  125, 
132,  145,  176,  184,  209,  212,  215, 
225  f.,  258  f.,  347  f.,  412  f.,  461,  496, 
498,  536,  576  f.,  590,  628  f.,  632  f., 
639,  644,  645,  648,  650,  656,  658, 
666  f.,  668,  672  f.,  675,  681  f.,  684, 
688,  689,  695  f. 

Wellhausen,  270,  350,  605  f.,  617,  683, 
685,  687. 


Wendland,  xx,  38. 

Weiidt,  35,  66,  13.3,  136,  262f.,  271, 
347,  413  f.,  491  f.,  534  f.,  611,  629, 
637f.,  643f.,  645  f.,  648  f.,  653f.,  656, 
667,  668  f. ,  670  f. ,  673-676,  689-698. 

Wernle,  23,  35,  38,  24-3,  263 f.,  491, 
553,   607,  639,   642,  645,  646,  648, 

651,  709. 

Westcott,  35,  54,  262,  267,  348,  496, 
535,  607,  633,  691,  693  f.;  sec  Hort. 

Westphal,  v. 

Wette  de,  244. 

Wetzel,  621,  696. 

Weyland,  677-689. 

Whitelaw,  628. 

Wiesinger,  538. 

Wilke,  XX,  614. 

Wilkinson,  J.  H.,  266,  492,  495,  578, 
644. 

Willrich,  710. 

Wittichen,  266,  691. 

Woods,  F.  H. ,  262. 

Wordsworth,  607,  706. 

Workman,  AV.  P.,  316,  560. 

Wrede,  35,  50,  56,  98,  102,  122,  247, 
578,  624,  661,  682,  705. 

Wright,  A.,  65,  273. 

Wiittig,  492. 

Zahn,  a.,  538. 

Theodor,  15,  26,  28,  29,  38,  43, 

54,  110,  126,  128,  129,  130,  133, 
135,  137,  142,  145,  174,  178,  209, 
210,  214f.,  226  f.,  244f.,  260,264, 
271  f.,  347,  414  f.,  460  f.,  491f.,  536f.. 
550  f.,  560,  577  f.,  589f.,  597f.,  606f., 
610,  614,  627  f.,  630  f.,  634,  636  f., 
646,  648,  651,  653  f.,  666,  687,  690  f., 
694  ff.,  702,705,  709. 

Zeller,   41,   68,   271,   412  f.,  578,620, 

652,  655,  668,  670,  672,  675;  see 
Overbeck. 

Zininier,  F.,  25,  578. 
Zockler,  656. 


INDICES 


721 


(c)  PASSAGES  CITED  FROM  OT  AND  NT' 


Dent  2",  15. 

I31-5-,    28  ;  132J''-,  269  ; , 

817-18,   263;    8^5,    637; 

1   Sam   21-w     6.52  ;    14^^ 

13^1,    23  ;  1353,    644  ; 

838,  28,  263. 

676. 

1355,  591. 

91,    28  ;     922'J-24,     263  ; 

Ezra  7-^-83^  9^-'^  666. 

151,  349. 

938-41,  249,  637  ;  9", 

Nehem  11-73 122'-«  13^-3', 

161'- 18,        269,         645, 

28,  637. 

666. 

646  f. 

104,  267  ;  1029-  30,  637  ; 

Job  28,  652. 

1724-27,  48. 

103"  f-,    28  ;  1035,   24, 

Ps  69(68)-3f-,   630;  811"^ 

182-7,    28;   1810-23,    28; 

263  ;  1039,  699. 

706  ;  88-^  143  ;  89^1, 

1815-18,    269,     645  f.; 

1112-14,    19  .    1120-25^    19  ; 

415. 

182",  647. 

1125-26,    637. 

Isaiah     491,     463;     498, 

191,  644. 

13,    637-641,    passim; 

413  ;  53,  244. 

201-16,     28  ;    20--",    24  ; 

132,  685  ;  139-11,  243  ; 

Jerem  7",  634  ;  8^\  633, 

2023,  699. 

1314,    28;  1320,    268; 

634;    291- 25- 31,    64; 

212-5,     48,     613;    21', 

1324,  268. 

31^"-,   344. 

613;  2123-27,  28;  21^1, 

145,     637 ;     1458,    28  ; 

Dan    1-6,    605;    S^^   6"^ 

606. 

1456-59,   637. 

244  ;    7-8,    683  ;     7, 

2-21-6,     28;     22S     268; 

1521,  267. 

686;  72,   638  ;  7"^-, 

226a.  7b^    613  ;    228-1-1, 

168,     553^     649  ;    169-20 

648;  7-5  1136- »7,  143; 

28  ;  221-14,  613. 

(text,  555),  106,  550- 

121,  638_ 

23,  28  ;  232-  3,  645  ;  233, 

554,    608,    612,  617, 

Hosea  li-s,  686. 

266,  644  ;   2332,  625  ; 

636,  647,  649. 

Amos  3^  460. 

233\     580 ;      233-'-38, 

Luke  :  text,  368-411  (also 

Jonah  Ifi,  227;  22-10,  552. 

644. 

641-645,  2MSSim). 

Zech  121°,  638. 

2412,    23;    2411-12,    28; 

11,    105  ;    11-4,   26,    41, 

2420,      644  ;      2426-28, 

251,    346,    655;    12, 

Matthew  :  text,   302-343 

28  ;  2429-39,  144  ;  2429, 

271  ;  14,  551  ;  1^2-33. 

(also    641-645,    pas- 

268  ;       243",        606  ; 

67  f.  7G-79.  80     651  -    147 

si  7n). 

2437-51,  28  ;  2448,  268. 

560;  149-55,  651,' 652! 

11,      636;     11-1',     644; 

25,  28,   613,   638  ;  2.^5, 

1-2,  226,  651-653. 

r-,    268;    l=^    415; 

268. 

222.  37.  49^    651. 

1-2,  652. 

26,     644;     26l^     6]:;: 

44",  669. 

22-12,      48,     270,     613; 

2651-53,  48. 

6',  691  ;  622,  271. 

26-18,  gl3_ 

27"-,    419,    613;    278, 

721,  669  ;  727,  636 ;  7^5, 

314-15,  613. 

15;  2719,613;  2751-53, 

704;  7^6-5",  413. 

53-727,   28  ;  5i"-2o,  266, 

48,  250,  613  ;  2762-68, 

82,  551. 

645. 

48,  613. 

911,  669  ;  951-1814,  653. 

67- 16,  606. 

289-20,  553;  289-10,647; 

1149-51,   625,   637,   638, 

722,    23;     728- <=*<=•,    28, 

2815,  15^  269  ;  28ii-i5, 

704. 

644,  709  ;  7^1-^',  270. 

48  ;       2816-20,      269, 

122-8,  245  ;    12",  271  ; 

811- 12,  613  ;  822-26   270  ; 

645  f.,  647  f.,  649. 

1249. 50^  654. 

828-33,  48. 

Mark :  text,  277-299. 

136-9,  19, 

937-  38,  28. 

11-3,    635,    637  ;    12-  3, 

1617,  646. 

105,    645^    648  .    105-16, 

617  ;    11^     29  ;    II6, 

1711-19,  413  ;  17^  638. 

28;  105-6,  266;  1023, 

267. 

187-  8^  271.    ' 

266,  645,   648  ;  103", 

227,  28. 

I91",      413;      1943.  44, 

676  ;  1033-^2^  28. 

35,  263  ;  319,  267  ;  321, 

270. 

Ui,     644;     113,     669; 

263;    329,    263;    S^", 

209,    271;     2026-27,    691. 

111",   636  .  11)2^   15  . 

39. 

21,     637-641,  passim; 

1119-26-30,  704;  117-19^ 

513,  637. 

216,  685;  2112-15,  638; 

28  ;  1121-3",  28  ;  112^, 

63,  591  ;  6^4,   669  ;  637, 

2112,  271  ;  2123,  625  ; 

644  ;  1129,  580,  638. 

637  ;  65ib-52,  263. 

2118,     676  ;     2121-24, 

1224.  25^  28  ;  1228-30,  28  ; 

73-  4,  614  ;  719,  39  ;  721- 

270  ;  2124,  271  ;  2138, 

123'-39,  28  ;  12"",  48. 

826,  636. 

691. 

1  To  facilitate  reference,  these  passages  are  printed  here  in  the  same  order  as  that 
in  which  the  respective  books  and  chapters  occiu-  in  the  ordinary  English  Bible. 

46 


722 


INDICES 


22-24,  655  ;  22i»-  -^ 
612,  653,  654;  22'*"--", 
654  ;  22^5",  24. 

23-24,  413  f.  ;  23""--, 
412  ;  23»^%  654  ; 
248-^-,  553  ;  241-, 
647,  655 ;  24^3-23^  551  ; 
242-*,  655  ;  24«-*'», 
649;245-*-53,  413,  655. 
John  :  text,  500-533  (also 
697-700,  passim). 

l'-i8,  261;l9f-,  35,496; 
1",  621. 

3,  36  ;  33,  578  ;  3^,  269  ; 
3«,  578  ;  3"-  ^-,  623  ; 
3i«-2i,578;  3"f-,  35. 

4,  35  ;  48,  689  ;  4--'', 
269  ;  43**,  492,  496. 

5-9,  35  ;  5^  654,  689  f. ; 

5-^  578;  5'28--^«,  689; 

5«  144,  495  ;  5^-', 

578  ;  5-'',  590  f. 
6,  36  ;  689. 
T^^-"\   690,  691  ;  7^^-^\ 

691  ;  7^^  691  ;  7-^'=-^-, 

690  ;  753-8",   551, 

608,  612,  691  f. 
8'^--\  496  ;  8^1  f-,  578  ; 

8^-»,  464. 
9^  623. 
10^2^  496  ;  1016,  492, 

496  ;  10'''"-3",  35. 
112,  267;  ll-is,  495. 
12'«,  13  ;  12",  36  ;  12^^ 

496  ;  12*',  494,  496  ; 

12^-s",  692. 
13-16,  692,  693  ;  U--^, 

491  ;  l3-"J-2i.  30.31. 35. 

36,  692  f. 
I4I6,  269,  496  ;  1426,  13, 

496  ;  143",  692,  693. 
151  f-,  692  ;  15^-6,  492, 

496  ;  1527,  636. 
16^2.  w    496  .  iQi3^  13  . 

16i»-i9,     415  ;     1625, 

496  ;  16^",  692. 
17,  227.  693  ;  17^  537  ; 

17'«,  496  ;  172»,   492, 

496. 
18^3-28^  693  f. 
1926-27,  491;    1934^  535. 

1935,  26,  491,  696. 
202-5,  491  .  201-is,  551  ; 

20"-i«,   647  ;    20i-"-, 

269  ;      2021-23,     549  . 

2022-  23,     648  ;     2029, 

492,     694  ;     203"-  ^i, 

26  ;  2031,  494. 
21,  106,  551,  552,  617, 


I  t)94f.;2l2-',43;2l2J-25, 

I  695,  696. 

Acts  :  text,  422-458  (also 
;  660-667,  passim). 

1      1-5,  12,  269,  413,  G^S, 
\  659. 

1      11,  636;  11-2  f-,  26,  417  ; 

1«,    413  ;  19-11,    551  ; 

11-12,414  ;  116  f-,  419  . 

118.  19^    48  .    123^    ri5l    . 
125,   415_ 

2,  413  ;  25-11,  48,  413  ; 
222,    262  ;    223,    g25  ; 
2J3-«   668. 
3"  f-,  625. 

42,    675  ;  4^    668  ;  412, 
269  ;  432,  418  ;  432-35, 
668. 
[      51-11,    48  ;    512-16,    668  ; 
t  53",  625  ;  536  f-,  271. 

I      6if-,  607,  669;65.  464  ; 
1  6\  668  ;  6«-i5,  669. 

[      75*^-83,  669,  670. 

7,  685. 

8,  669  ;  8^  670  ;  85-i3, 
413  ;  826,  655  ;  83^, 
413. 

92,  64;  915,  413;  923-25, 

!  628  ;  926 1-,  123  ;  92^, 

607  ;  928  f-,  630  ;  93% 

670  ;  931,  655. 
1028-  -■',  413  ;  1036,  413^ 

636  ;  103',  655  ;  103«, 
265. 

1119  f-,      413;      ll2-"-2(ia.^ 

670;  1126,  48;  1127  ■••, 

134-136,  612  ;    1128, 

625,  670. 
1225,  i34_i36. 
131  '•,  670  ;  1312,   412  ; 

1322,     415  ;      13«-52, 

671  ;      IS-"^-*',     413, 
418. 

142-3,    671,    676;    148, 

655;     1415-17,      413, 

580  ;  1422,   26,    242  ; 

1427,  413. 
15,  64,  247,  413,  649, 

671,675;  159-ii,  250 ; 

1521,     344  ;     1522-  23, 

249,  671  ;  153o,  125  ; 

1532,  248. 
16%    64,    675  ;    16-*- 5, 

671  ;      161-6,      125  ; 

16'25-3-»,  672. 
175,     626;    1719,     349; 

1723'-,  413,  580. 
182,   625  f.  ;    183,    649  ; 

185  f-,      413  .       181% 


412 ;  1818-22,  673  ; 
1818-  26_  210  ;  1823, 
125,      126  ;      1825  r.^ 

673  ;  1827,  63. 
19'-i",    35,    674  ;  192-7, 

48  ;    196.    674  ;    199, 
418  ;  1911-2%  48,  674  ; 
192%  460. 
203-  %  127,  229  ;  2018-3% 
417,  419  ;  20'2-%  415  ; 

2025.  38^  702  ;   2026-  27, 

674  ;  202%  461  ;  2029, 
210;  2029-3%  538, 
590  ;  2035-  38,  415  ; 
2033-3%  674. 

21%  656  ;  21%  675  ; 
211%  670  ;  2118-29, 
576  ;  211%  243  ; 
2i--!0b-2G^  675  ;  2125, 
673  ;  212%  349  .  2130.^ 

675  ;  213%  129. 

22%    64  ;   2215-  2%   413  ; 

2239-23",  675  f. 
231%  413. 

241%  349  ;  242%  580. 
253",  676. 

26%  676  ;  26i'-  1%  413. 
27%    136;    2721-26-33-35^ 

676. 
282%  64  ;   2825  '-,  413  ; 

•2827  f-,  494  f.;  2839-3% 

124,  242,  414. 
Romans:    text,   193-208 

(cp.  also  631,  632). 
15- 13,  630  ;  1^- 15,  632  ; 

1",  230. 
2%  597  ;  21''- 1%  614. 
329,  628  ;  325,  413. 
41,    350  ;    413- 1%    349  ; 

415,  628. 
529,  129. 
7%  129,  628. 
89,  637  ;  839,  g25. 
9-11,  463  ;  91-%  631. 
11,    626  ;     111-%     631  ; 

119-1%  105,  612,626, 

630  ;  112%  630  ;  ipi, 

214. 
12-13,  244. 
123,  630. 
131-%  143. 
14,  216,  349,  631  ;  142-% 

155,  "630  ;  15%  652  ; 
151%  494  ;  1519-2% 
630  ;  152-%  126  ; 
1539'-,  673. 

15-16,  630-633. 

16, 123,209-213,  630f.; 


INDICES 


723 


16',  226  ;  161',  589  ;  [ 
1621,  127  ;  16-1---,  1 
614;  16-3,608;  16-^--\  \ 
631f. 

1  Corinthians  :  text,  157-  ' 

173.  11-2,  229;  li-, 

61i;  li«-i',  674. 
2^,  174  ;  2«,  229  ;  2«-«,  , 

625  ;  28,  706  ;  2% 

617.  ' 

3i»-=«,  628;  3",  563; 

3-^  637. 
419-21,  174. 
59,  129. 
9I-IO--,  628  ;  95,  226, 

243  ;  9-^-2^  627. 
lp-13,  628;  1123-4,41; 

ll2-*f-,  653;  11"S174.  i 

12,  647,  648  ;  122»,  1 
226.  i 

13,  463.  i 
14^   464  ;   14-3''--='«,  ! 

627'-.  I 

15i-«,  269,  .552 ;  15«, 

41  ;  15",  243  ;  151^, 

247,  628  ;  IS^e,  628. 
161,  127  ;  16',  174 ; 

16^  126,  210;  16l^ 

210  ;  16",  628. 

2  Corinthians  :  1-9  (text), 

185-lKl.   1',  249; 

1»,  21U  ;  V\    176; 

l"-«,  174. 
21,  174,  175  ;  2^-^  174, 

175;  2^'-i",  175. 
31,  63  ;  3«,  628  ;  3I", 

174  ;  31'- 1«,  648. 
41^-,  463;4i«-5i",  465. 
.5«-ii,  176  ;  5I',  645. 
6"-7i,  176,  612,  614, 

628  f..  708  ;6i«,  -350; 
6",  629. 

73^-,  126,  177;  7i"i^ 

174,  175. 
31,  127  ;  8i'-2^  175  ; 

818,  667. 
9^  127  ;  91%  176. 
10-131"  (text),  180-183. 

129,  174-178,  708. 

10',  637;  101",  174^ 

175. 
112  f-,  628;  112",  174. 

1123,    210  ;    1125,  412  ; 

1128,   2.30;    1132-121, 

629  f. 

122,  127,  129;  12iii'-i2, 
629  ;  12l^  174,  175  ; 
1218,  175.  1221^  174^ 
628. 


131,  175;  132- 1",  174; 

I311-I".   129,   176  ; 

I31-,  648. 
Galatians .-   text.  151- 

155.   1'',  125,  127  ; 

P,  210  ;  ]'-\  403; 

V''--\   494,  630  ;  li8, 

123  ;  r-'-vii,  123. 
21  f-,  123,  127,  246, 

670r.  ;   21-1",   136, 

243,  671  ;  2\    246  ; 

2»,  54;  211-21,  123, 

597  ;  212,  577  ;  21-1-21, 

645  ;  218,  627  ;  2i», 

129. 
31,  216  ;  32«,  349. 
4-\  652  ;  42",  129. 
53,  210  ;  5^-  '■•,  216. 
611,  627  ;  61',  129. 
Ephesians :  text,  232- 

236.   11,  229  ;  V\ 

248,  345  ;  1^  345  ; 

li'^-i',  634  ;  1",  226  ; 

li8-2»-  20-22^  248,  345. 
21-1,  345  ;  22",  225,  226, 

464,  563  ;  2i8-2^,  248. 
31- -^  225,  226;  32, 

229;  3^  464;  3'- 1", 

248  ;  32",  226. 
41-11,  225;  48f-,  248; 

42"-  ->,  32  ;  42'.  229. 
51-'- 1^  226,  227  ;  b-'^, 

345. 
6i"f-,  463  ;  611- 12,  686  ; 

621,  704. 
Philippians:  text,  238- 

241  (also  634,  635). 
11,   034,   635,   704; 

I12-",  131,  242  ;  l'^ 

124,  132,  242  ;  12-2^ 

130. 
2i«-2^,  634,  635  ;  22-  2-1, 

130  ;  225,  131. 
31,  105,  210;  32«-,  463, 

634  f.;   312,   121 

312-",  627. 
418, 131;4i'*-23, 124,  132. 
Colossians:  text,  219- 

222. 
11,  704  ;     1-  ^- «,     634 

1-4.  8.  16       214  •       118-20 

633,  647  ;  12^,  217.  ' 
21.  4. 18. 19  214  •  21-  2. 
217  ;  '  2-"-,  '  590: 
214H.  18.  i3^  633. 
4'f-,  245;  ■i\  216 
4'",  210;  4",  271 
4i'-i',  249  ;  4i«,  105, 
229.  260. 


1    Thessalonians :    text, 

139-141. 
l-'-8,  42. 
2",  248  ;  2^  142  ;  2ii-i8, 

025  1. ;  2i«,  142. 
3'',  626  ;  311,  684. 
413''-,  463,  640;  41^,  143, 

619,  683  ;  41",  125. 
51-11,  142  597  .  52  142 


144; 


625;   52' 


260,  626. 
2  Thessalonians :  text, 
148,  149. 
21-12,  105,  463,  626  f., 
639  ;  21,  125 ;  22, 
25,142,633;  2^,144; 
2^  143;  2^-\   143- 
145,  683  ;  2»-i2,  144  ; 
21-',  597  ;  215,  125^ 
142  ;  2i«- 1',  684. 
3",  146  ;  3^  142  ;  3". 
25  ;  3I',  105,  142. 

1  Timotheus  :  text,  572- 

575  (also  700-704, 

passim). 
1^,  636  ;  11-  2^',  560  ; 

112-16,  561,  700. 
22,  701 ;  2^-15,  561,  563  ; 

2\  560. 
3,  561  ;  31-13,  702  ;  s", 

702  ;  3i«,  491. 
41,  560,  590  ;  4i-3,  561 ; 

412,  702  ;  413,  57  ;  4", 

561. 
51-22%  702;  .511-23,  561; 

5i'-2",  702. 
63-1"' 2".  21^  561;  621,  562; 

6i'^-2i,  730. 

2  Timotheus  :  text,  565- 

567  (also  700-704, 

passim). 
1«,  561  ;  1",  560  ;  li3-", 

708;  115,  700  f.;  115-18, 

105,  123,  561,  578, 
'    700  f.,  703. 

21-13,  700  f.  ;  21-2,  560, 

578  ;  23-»,  561,  578  ; 

215,  563  .  2",  497 ; 

2i«,  563;  22",  537; 
I    2i'-2",  560  ;  223,  560  ; 

2*2^,  578  ;  22«-3«,  561. 
31-1",  560,  563;  31-2, 

590  ;  3l^  43 ;  2"-3", 

708. 
43,  563,  590  ;  43-%  708  ; 

43-22%  703^  704,  708  ; 

45-8,  501,  578;  48-12, 

105  ;  413,  702  ;  4i3-i5, 
1    105,   123 ;   413-I', 


724 


INDICES 


700  f.;  4i«-'»,  10'), 
123,  561  ;  4-",  701  ; 
4-1---'%      105,      123, 

701  f.,  704  ;  4--,  562, 
701  f. 

Titus :      text,     509  -  570 

(also    700-704,    ji/as- 

slm).  , 

li-«,    700  f.;     15,    578; 

I'^-s,    702;    P,    563; 

li»'-,  561. 
212,  5e3_ 
31-7,  702  ;  3-',  578  ;  3% 

561  ;    3",    560,    561  ; 

3i--^-i»,  105,  123,702; 

3ii-",129,561,700f.; 

315,  562. 
Philemon  :  text,  224. 
5-6.  634. 

19  ■\  614;  19.  627. 
23.  210. 
Hebrews :  text,  353-366. 
11,   607;    1^   345;    1^ 

607. 
21-3,  345  ;  2'-\  650  ;  2", 

346,  348,  636. 
3-4,  650  f. 
31,  345  ;  3",  346  ;  3i'-i", 

591 
51,  349;   5«,   607;  5"- 

6-',  345  ;  5"-62»,  650  ; 

511,    348;    51-,    346; 

5",  607. 
61  f-,  350;  6-»,  345. 
78-  -",  350  ;  718,  345. 
31,  345  ;  8»-^  350  ;  8^ 

607  ;  8l^  347. 
9«-«,   350  ;    911-  !■-,   345  ; 

91^  350. 
lO'- 1",  607  ;  101",  345  ; 

lO"-'-^",     345;     lO--', 

347,349,647;  W'-^\ 

243,  346  ;  10'",  607. 
121-5,    345^    647,     706; 

12'-,  345;  123- ■»,  344; 

12%      348  ;      1211-1% 

346  ;        12-1,       go7  . 

1222  1-,      647.      2  2'-% 

345. 
13%    350  ;    13'-<'"'i,    25, 

346,  349  ;  13"-i%  350  ; 

1318-2%    650  f.;    131% 

346  ;  132%  344,  345  ; 

1.32''S  346,  349. 
James :  text,  584-588. 
1%582,  704f.;l%705f.; 

p.  3.8.1%  5  80;  112. 18. 2% 

578;  11%  704;  1'" 
579;  118-21- 22  f.^  578; 


1-%     580,    581  ;    12% 

579,  704,  706. 
2%  591,  704  f.;  2%  579  ; 

2%    706;    2«-%    705; 

2%  704  ;  2%581  ;  2'-!% 

589;  21- 5- 13-17. -2%  578. 
3',   579,  580  ;  3%  581  ; 

36-%    580;    3%    704; 

3««-,  580;   3'%   578; 

3i''-i%  380  ;  31%  580. 
41-%  578,  580  ;  4%  580  ; 

41-1%  706;  41%  210; 

41%  578. 
51-%  706  ;  5%  625  ;  5% 

582  ;  5'-i%  580,  705  ; 

55. ...  13-14^    578;    51% 

579  ;       51%       579  f. ; 

5i»-  2%  579  ;  52%  578  ; 

52%  579. 

1  Peter  :  text,  253-257. 
1%  243,  247,  250,  582  ; 

11-%    247  ;    18,    243; 

l3-5.io-i2_248;li%250; 

11^-21,  706  ;  11%  247. 
2%   247  ;  2^-%  248  ;  2% 

247  ;  21-1%  647  ;  2i% 

243  ;  21%  249  ;  2i"-  2% 

247  ;  22-  2%  248. 
3"-2%    242  ;    31%    245  ; 

31%  243  :  3'8  *•  2%  248, 

250,  582. 
4%  249  ;  4^^ '-,  242,  249  ; 

41%   249  ;  412-1%  242, 

245  ;    41%    247  ;    4", 

249  ;  41%  243. 
51,   247,   250,   596  ;  5% 

250;    58'-,    242;    5% 

243  ;  511-1%  247,  248  ; 

51%  248  f. 

2  Peter  :  text,  600-602. 

1%   707  ;  I'l- 12-1%    596  ; 

11%    708  ;    1",    694  ; 

li5f-,591;l'«-i%596; 

11%    707  ;    12%    596  ; 

l2»-3%  707. 
2,     596  ;    21-3%     708  ; 

21-3%  707  ;  2%  707  ; 

211,  707  ;  211-  1%  592  ; 

21%  592,  707  ;  2i8  '•  2% 

707. 
31,  248,  596  ;  3%  596  ; 

3%    597  ;  38-1%    708  ; 

31%    596,    707;    31% 

43,  596,  597. 
1  John  :  text,  540-545. 
11-%  621  ;  li-%  537. 
21%  580  ;  218-  22-  2%  535  ; 

21%  538  ;  22%  580. 
3-'- 1%  535  ;  .3%  621  ;  3% 


537  ;  31%  580  ;  Si**- 1% 

464,  535. 
42-  %  32,  535,  537  ;  4% 

538;    4%     535,    537, 

5.38  ;  41%  621. 
5%  580  ;  5«-%  535,  612  ; 

5i(j   537_ 

2  John':  text,  547. 

7.  32,  537  ;  10.  537  ; 
12.  25,  537. 

3  John  :  text,    549  ;    cp. 

25,  64. 
9.  106. 
Judas :  text,  594-595. 
1.  591,  707. 

3.  25,  64  ;  -3-4.  589. 

4.  590. 
i      6.  707. 

I      8.  589,  590. 

9-10.  592,  707. 

12.  589,  592  ;  16.  591  ; 
12-13.  707. 
'      16-17.  589. 

17.  590. 

19.  580,  .589. 

22.  590. 

23.  589. 
24f.  632. 
25.  560. 

Kevelation :    text,    468- 

490     (also    677-684, 

'passim). 
1%  43,  57  ;  1%  638  ;  1% 

460,  461,  463. 
2-3,      25,      47,      210, 

226,    247,   419,    460, 

464,   537,   563,    647, 

680f.;29-'%578;2«-i% 

589  ;  22%  638. 
3%  144;  31%   460;  32% 

578. 
51%  687. 
6%  144  ;  64-8- 12-1%  638  ; 

61%    245  ;    61%    684  ; 

61%  638. 
71,    638;    71-8,     684  1% 

7%  582. 
812,  638. 
91%  637,  638. 
11-12,  105,  143,  461  ; 

111,  459  ;  111-1%  685  . 

111%  637. 

12,  686  f.;  12«-i%  459. 

13,  143,  461,  537,  626, 
680  f.,  687;  13%  461  : 
13%  687  ;  131%  460 
131%  640. 

14%  582;  14%  578,  687: 
14%    638  ;  14%    460  ; 


INDICES 


725 


141",     687  ;      14i*-2«, 

687  f. 
153,  687. 
168,    464  ;    16'^     688 ; 

16l^  638. 
17,  105,   143,  461,  537, 

688-689;  17**-",  626; 


179,  640  ;  I71",  459  ; 

I7I'.  638. 
18,     461  ;     181^     689  ; 

18-",       464  ;        18-^ 

689. 
1913,  689. 
20-*,  460. 


21,  689  ;  211,  633  .  2i_ 

22,  647,  689. 
22^     464,     688  ;     22«, 

463,      464  ;     22i2-  20, 

688  ;      22i«- 1»,       55, 

464. 


{,d)  JEWISH,  EARLY  CHRISTIAN,  AND  CLASSICAL  CITATIONS 


083  ; 
637  ; 
638. 
710  : 


Assumptio  Mosis,  8-10 
143;  10^^  638. 

Baruch,  Apoc.  10"'', 
27-30,  638  ;  49--, 
63  f.,    683;     70«. 

Barucli,  Bk.  of,  l^^, 
li"-3«,  615  ;  3''-4^  580, 
605. 

Ecclus.  35'--i-'  51-'«-  •": 
706. 

Enoch,  911',  g38  .  lOQi-  - 
683  ;  1003,  (588. 

Esdras,  2nd,  14---15- 
710. 

4th,    41,   144 ;    42' 

245  ;  55-  »,  637  ;  6i" 
640  ;  62^-  -■',  637,  638 
731,  638;  93,  638;83-'-3« 
9'f-,  579;  9^-8,  638 
9^S  686;  11--,  582 
13^1,  638  ;  14-1-*,  44^ 

Esther,  Addit.  ll^-n. 

Josephus,  Aiitiq.  iii 
6-12,  350  ;  xvi.  10 
4,  142  ;  xviii.  3.  4 
626;  XX.  8.  5,  639 
Contra  Apion.  i.  9 
497. 

1  Mace 
617. 

2  Mace.  11-  i»,  64. 
4     Maec.     17-18 

186b-w   687_ 

Psalt.  Sol.  171---" 
Philo,    Quis    rer. 

hered.  i.  511,  350  ;  De 

Monarch,  11.  222,  359. 
SibyU.  iii.  319  f.,  663  f., 

683  ;  iv.  119,  137.  460. 
Tobit,  1^  3«,  666. 
Wisd.    Sol.    21--20,     582  ; 

19^^  706. 


Ambrose,    Epp.    11.    753, 
627. 


--,  696  ;  14-16, 


690 


143. 
divin. 


Apostolic      Can.     Ixxxv. 

(Ixxxvi.),  108. 
Apostolic  Constit.  ii.   57: 

55,  108. 
Ascensio      Isaiae,      709 ; 

2I-31-,  619  ;  3i»-5'.  105, 

249,  619;  61-111,  li-'*-*", 

106,  619  ;  7-1,  683. 
Athanasius,  Festal.  Epp. 

xxxix,  54. 
Augustine,    Epp.    Faust. 

xxxii.-xxxiii,  30. 
Barnabas,   2»f-,    640  ;  4", 

580,  640  ;  4i^  346. 
Cassiodorus,     De    Instit. 

Div.  Lit.  xiv,  116. 
Clem.   Alex.   Strom,    iii. 

2.  6-10,   589  ;  vii.   17, 
556,  557. 

Clem.   Rom.   i.-iii.    464  ; 

ii.  1.  415  ;  v.    630  ;  v. 

4.  7.  415  ;  v.-vi.   347  ; 

xii.  1.  578  ;  xiii.  1.  28, 

578  ;     xiii. -XV.      537  ; 

xviii.   1.    414  ;   xxi.   5. 

578  ;     XXX.     3.      578  ; 

xxxviii.    2.     578  ;     xl. 

xli.  250,  350  ;  xlvi.  3. 

346;  xlvi.  5.  578;xlvii. 

43  ;  Ixi.  269  ;  Ixiii.  64. 
Didache,  i.   28  ;  ii.   4.    5, 

iv.  3,  vi.  14.  580  ;  ii.  7. 

590 ;    iv.    1.    590;   ix. 

496  ;  ix.   2.    692  ;   xvi. 

143,  346. 
Diognet.  Ep.  5.  5,  243  ; 

3,  350. 

Epiphan.   Haer.    xlii.    9, 

108. 
Eusebius,  HE,  i.  7.  653  ; 

iii.    3.   248  ;  iii.    5.    2. 

640  ;   iii.   19-20.    591  ; 

iii.  24.  27  ;  iii.  30.   1. 

675  ;    iii.  31.   36,    697  : 

iii.    37.    649  ;    iii.    38. 

345,   709  ;  iii.    39.    26, 


270,    606  ;    iii.    39.    4. 

550  ;  iv.  5.  3.  590  ;  iv. 

22.  536  ;    iv.    23.   609  ;. 

iv.  23.  11.  248  ;  v.  8.  2. 

270  ;  V.    8.   3.   268  ;  v. 

8.  6.   460  ;  v.   20.  259  ; 

V.  24.  36,  697  ;  vi.   14. 

26,  27,  607  :  vi.  23.  2. 

614  ;  vii.  25.  15.  463. 
Hippolytus,     Philosoph.  : 

vii.  22,  495. 
Hugo    de    S.    Vict.,    Uc 

Script.  6,  55. 
Ignat.,  ad  Earn.  x.  1,  249. 

ad  Ephcs.  13,  346;   15, 

iQl.adPhilad.  6,  351; 

4,  61. 
Irenaeus,    i.   23.   5.   497  ; 

III.  2.  2.  16;  III.  11.  1. 
464  ;  III.  12.  2.  16  ; 
V.  30.  3.  460  ;  v.  33. 
2.  638. 

Jerome,   De  Vir.   Illustr. 

2,  622  ;  3,  536.    Contra 

Pelay.  11.  15,  550. 
Justin  Martyr,    Apol. 

12,  581  ;  i.  45,  551  ;  i. 

61,  648  ;  i.  67,  21. 
Origen,  in  Matth.  Comm. 

IV.  329,  683. 
Folykarp,    ad   Phil.    iii. 


634; 

iii 

2, 

64 

;    vii. 

537  ; 

xi. 

635 

xiii.    1- 

2,  64. 

TertuIIian, 

adi 

Marc. 

iv.  2, 

54 

;  iv. 

5, 

598; 

V.  108.     Dc    Bapt.    5, 
689. 


Aristotle,  Nik.  Eth.  i.  2. 

5.  26  ;  II.  2.  26  ;  vi.  5. 

26  ;  VII.  225. 
Cicero,    de    Amic.    i.     4, 

620.    dc  Xat.  Deormn, 

ii.  46,  598. 


726 


WDlCES 


Dio  Cassius,  Epit.,  Ixvii. 

14,  460. 
Dio  Chrysostom,Ora<.  21. 

10.  460. 
Euripides,  Bacchae,  436- 

441  :   602-608. 
Homer,  Iliad,  ii.  306  f., 

686  ;  ii.  484-877,  551  ; 

ix.  432-619,  612  ;  xxiii. 

257-897,  612. 


Lucian,  Hist.  Conscr.  39, 

29  ;  58,  658. 
Plato,  Epp.   vii.    341    C, 

43  ;  Phacdrus,  275   D, 

276  A,  259. 
Pliny,  Epp.  ii.  3.  537  ;  x. 

98.  460,  465. 
Plutarch,  Cat.    Min.    23, 

614.    Num.  22,  710. 
Suetonius,  Nero,  57,  460. 


Tacitus,  Annates,  i.  p 
37  ;  II.  42,  43,  71,  85 
p.  626;  XV.  44,  pp.  244 
245,  460.  Hist.  i.  2, 
pp.  460,  639  ;  v.  9,  p, 
143.  Agricola,  xlv.  p. 
621  ;  xlvi.  p.  494. 

Thucydides,  i.  22,  658 
viii.  416. 


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